1945-1947 – Nothing Lasts Forever
In 1945, much of the world from the Atlantic to the Pacific, encompassing Europe, Africa and Asia had endured incredible levels of destruction over the course of the preceding decade. Infrastructure that had taken decades to construct had been wiped away, tens of millions of lives lost and societies completely upended in the pursuit of total war. For all parties, the focus turned to reconstruction. In Russia, there was a significant demobilisation of men, yet the armed forces remained vastly larger than they had been before the war. Huge resources were invested in rebuilding lost factories, railway lines, housing, and more. The state would take a leading role in redirecting the energies of Russian society to these ends – granting immense power to party bosses in charge of the reconstruction effort, with extensive networks of patronage developing around them. Nonetheless, taking advantage of a campaign of asset stripping in the old lands of the VSVR as well as the labour of around 2,000,000 European and Indian prisoners of war kept in the Republic to work on the reconstruction effort and access to a much larger market than its autarkic prewar economy had, the Russian economy rebounded from the horrors of war with unexpected speed and energy.
Although parties in both the east and the west were focussed on reconstruction in these immediate postwar years, tensions and the threat of war was never far away. One of the first serious flare ups that threatened an unthinkable descent into a Third World War occurred in Iceland in 1946. In the summer of that year a large popular revolt by the native Icelanders saw the island’s small Russian garrison overwhelmed and in July an independent Icelandic Republic proclaimed. The Icelanders attracted sympathy from their Norse brethren in Skotland and, naturally, the anti-Russians in New Cordoba – allowing them to quickly arm themselves with modern weaponry. However, the Russians did not sit idly by. In August an expedition was sent out to reconquer the island, with four heavily armed crack divisions. Heavy fighting around Reykjavik lasted for two weeks while the Icelandic nationalists in the interior fought on for several more months. Although the Allies had rattled their sabres in the name of Icelandic freedom, they ultimately stopped short of going to war for the small island nation.
Within the borders of the Russian Republic itself, even before the war had ended in Asia in 1945, a new wave of political terror was gripping the nation unlike anything seen since the early 1930s. This second round of purges was led by the rage of the Vozhd against those he had believed had undermined him and the war effort during the struggle against the International. Makarov was obsessed by the idea that there was a great conspiracy of traitors that had almost led Russia to destruction, and many elements within the regime took advantage of the opportunity to curry favour and personal advancement by playing into this paranoia by identifying ever more targets for retribution. There were three primary targets of these postwar purges. Firstly, the Radical Republican Party itself. Many within the regime had doubted Makarov and even organised against him during the dark days of 1941-1942, and the Vozhd personally ensured that those who did not stand alongside him during those testing times met their comeuppance. Collaborators and suspected sympathisers with the socialist invaders were also addressed. This brought suspicion across entire ethnic groups among the Republic’s western Christian periphery – with Krakowians, Lithuanians, Prussians and Carpathian Greeks believed to have been particularly guilty of collaboration. In Central Asia, the Hindu Mongols, Persians and Indians were seen in a similar light for their links, both real and imagined, to Delhi during the war. As such these areas suffered from heavy repression with community leaders arrested and executed, the military instituting a harsh occupation and tens of thousands disappearing without explanation of trace. The third prong to the purges was anti-Americanism, with those with connections or sympathies with Russia’s new enemy seen as strategic threat. This in turn led to the latest in a long series of Radical assaults on the Tatar community, with millions having family living in the United States. As ever, the Tatars faced the most brutal and intensive attacks on their community from the Russian government, terrorising the community as they had done repeatedly since the Radical seizure of power three decades before.
European colonialism had escaped the Second World War much diminished and barely intact. The Papacy had lost the better part of its once endless Asian appendages, while the Skots too were weakened. In South East Asia, in the aftermath of the collapse of the Japanese war effort in 1945 large depots of arms had been left behind by the withdrawing troops returning to the Home Islands. Much of this materiel had ended up in the hands of indigenous nationalist groups, many of whom had been formed to resist the Japanese occupation but were equally reluctant to see colonial rule re-imposed. The most effective of these groups across South East Asia shared a broadly similar ideology inspired by the far right populist nationalism of China and, to a lesser extent, Russia. The sought national revolution through independence, expulsion of the whites and dispossession of ethnic minorities in their respective countries who often occupied privileged positions of economic influence.
To the north, victory in the Second World War had radicalised China’s nationalist revolution. Since 1945 virtually the entire foreign born population had been forced out the country and their assets seized. The Papal State in particular protested these actions, as thousands of Christian missionaries and an extensive network of churches and monasteries were seized by the state without compensation, and many agents of the Church were killed in mob violence. Ethnic and religious minorities came under heavy handed censure by the state, and frequent attack from grassroots revolutionaries – with the government embarking on a programme to Sinicise these groups into Han culture. The Chinese would needle the scornful West with their support for anti-colonial movements elsewhere in Asia, yet there was one issue that animated the revolutionary Chinese masses more than anything else – Beijing. For two centuries Beijing had been the capital of the Ming Empire, the last Chinese state to successfully project itself as a unified global power. Yet, for decades now this great city had been subjected to foreign Mongol-Russian rule. For Chinese nationalists, their revolution could not be complete until the city was reclaimed and the Han people united once more. Up and down the country, mass demonstrations demanded the return of this most precious soil to its rightful masters.
The tensions between Russia and China attracted American interests to the Far East, a region long neglected by their diplomats. Any engagement with the Chinese radicals, with their extreme distrust of outsiders, was difficult, yet New Cordoba nonetheless attempted to offer a hand of friendship by support a referendum on the sovereignty of Beijing, and putting pressure on their European allies to offer their colonial subjects a path towards independence. A more welcoming partner was found in the Far East’s third great nation – Korea. While China and Japan had trade blows for the best part of a decade, Korea remained solidly neutral despite pressure from both sides. Korea was something of an unusual feature in the region as Asia’s only truly democratic nation – functioning as a liberal constitutional monarchy with a small colonial empire of its own in Taiwan and the Transamur region. With the Russians to the north and an aggressive Chinese state to the west, the Koreans were open to closer ties with America as a means of guaranteeing their independence while they, like the Chinese themselves, coveted territories under Russian domination – including areas of southern Manchuria with substantial Korean populations and the Kamchatka peninsula that was once a Korean colony and was still home to a Korean elite.
Far away from the world of day to day politics, a team of scientists led by the enigmatic Professor Moshe Leinitz, an Ashkenazi with a strained relationship with the Russian authorities, had been working on a new experimental weapon of war since the early 1940s. On January 11th 1947 they were finally able to conduct a live test of their new weapon in the dusty deserts of Central Asia. All observers were stunned. Their new atomic bomb was vastly more powerful and destructive than anything ever before seen in human history, having the potential to destroy an entire city with a single ordinance. Leinitz himself was terrified of the implications of what he had created, fearing what the Republican regime might do with such power. Within days of the test, as news reached Kiev of what had occurred, all the scientist involved in the project were placed under effective house arrest – all their movements tightly monitored and control, separated even from their own families as the Russian government sought to prevent any knowledge or information about their new secret weapon reaching the wider world.
While the development of the atom bomb was a tightly kept secret, on March 8th 1947 news arrived that would shake the world. One week before Boris Makarov, now an increasingly aged 74 year old, had travelled to the land of his birth in Pomerania from the capital after growing unwell. Whilst there he had taken a fishing trip just off the shore of the Baltic Sea, as he often had as a boy. While at sea he had suffered a massive heart attack and fallen into the water. It took more than an hour for his bodyguards to successfully recover his by then bloated and bluing body from the water. Boris Makarov was dead. For thirty two years he had appeared invincible, the master of all he had surveyed. An entire generation had no memory of life before his tyrannical dictatorship began and could not imagine a Russia without him. For the Radical ideal, he was simply irreplaceable.