1950-1951 – The End of the Beginning
In Asia, the Russian counterattack that began in the final months of 1950, accompanied by the meting out of fiery destruction on urban China with the Republic’s new missile arsenal, was a great success. Although fast progress in a territory so inhospitable and endless in size was not realistic, from the end of 1950 the Chinese were putting into a long retreat away from the industrial centres of Western Siberia, back towards the pre-war frontier. By the summer of 1951 the Russians had pushed back into the Mongol and Uighur lands. Importantly, a large number of China’s most experienced divisions, most skilled in Arctic combat, were cut off from the front north of Lake Baikal. Living off the land in these territories was already impossible in the summer, but when the weather turned later in the year the Chinese caught in the tundra quickly began to die in scores, with the Russians delaying their acceptance of their surrender for several weeks to allow the elements to reduce their enemies numbers.
Back in Europe, while the Northern Front had gained a great deal of attention from Allied and Eurasian strategists alike during the first year of the war when the Allies had threatened to push all the way to Muscovy, since the Russians had regained the upper hand in the second half of 1949 it had retreated from prominence. The battles tended to be smaller scale, less frequent and less bloody than other theatres of battle while the frontline remained relatively steady in the Lapland area, although the Russians made steady progress over the course of the next two years – pushing back into Scandinavia proper in 1951.
On the home front, the winter of 1950 to 1951 was extremely harsh in Russia. Civilian living conditions were seemingly in free fall with rations of food and fuel drastically reduced while the state made ever greater demands of the workforce for higher production in the name of total war. Worse, from the end of 1950 the Judaeo-Russian heartland of the empire witnessed the arrival of violence on its own doorstep for the first time since the invaders of the Internationale had been swept out of Russia during the previous war. Allied victories around the southern shores of the Black Sea had provided bases for bombing raids into Ukraine – reaching as far as Kiev itself – while a growing aerial advantage for the Allies limited Russia’s ability to keep the skies over its heartlands safe from bombing.
In Western Europe, after a year of static trench warfare across a front stretching from the North to the Ligurian Seas that had seen neither side land a decisive blow or make anything more that marginal territorial gains, the Russians in particular limited by the diversion of the Republic’s nuclear arsenal to Asia, the Eurasian League won a great victory. On July 1st 1951 the Dutch capital of Amsterdam finally fell after more than a year under siege and the entire Dutch army surrendered to the League. Just a week later thirty thousand Americans were captured following a failed landing behind Russian lines at Wilhelemshaven. These victories were believed to be of incredible significance to the outcome of the war – removing another European belligerent from the fight, freeing up large numbers of Russian troops that had been involved in the siege for attacks elsewhere on the front and striking a dispiriting psychological blow to the Allies. Golikov confidently celebrated the victory across the Russian airwaves, swearing that the enemy was near defeat, and that with one last push the Russian flag would be flying over Paris by Hanukah.
Kiev’s desperation for success in the West was growing as the situation its southern flank deteriorated. Following a number of gruesome battles in 1950, the Allies had captured most of the South Caucuses, however the Russians still held a strong line across the highest peaks of the mountain range. Troublingly, the Allies were able to overwhelm these positions too in early 1951, and with far fewer causalities than they had suffered the previous year, finally pushing beyond the difficult mountain terrain that the Russian defence had depended upon as they reached towards the open country of the Steppe. Despite pouring greater resources into the Front, the Russians now had few natural defensive lines to hold the Allies in check. Worse, as their enemies progressed into Tatar-populated provinces they found a friendly local population that was eager to aid them in every way possible and found new possibilities for cooperation with nationalist partisans behind enemy lines.
The resurgence in minority nationalist militancy within Russia would play its part in one of the most spectacular, and consequential, dramas of the war. Since first deploying them in 1949, Russia’s use of nuclear weapons had been successful in greatly altering the balance of power in the war. Having kept its secrets tightly under wraps, it enjoyed a monopoly on these weapons, despite the best efforts of Allied researchers to develop a bomb of their own. In the summer of 1951 American intelligence agencies made a crucial discovery – identifying the location of Russia’s only operational nuclear production facility, high in the Ural Mountains. Unable to reach this location themselves, the Americans turned to friendly partisans within Russia.
The Brotherhood of the Wolf, the famous Turanist rebel group, had been almost completely destroyed under the jackboot of Radical Party repression over the preceding decades. However, the wavering of Russian state authority under the weight of the present war had given it an opportunity for explosive resurgence. Working closely with American intelligence services, many of whom where of Tatar extraction themselves, the Brotherhood’s finest hour would come in September 1951. Gathering its hundreds of its best fighters to a single location, the Brotherhood launched an audacious raid on the secret nuclear facility – damaging it so badly with mortal fire and bombs to put it out of operation for months.
Just as importantly, the Turanists were able to capture three nuclear scientists alive, and within hours of their arrival, disappeared back into the mountains. In their dramatic adventure to smuggling these men out of Russia, two of the three scientists were killed as Russian security forces tracked down the bands of Brotherhood fighters one by one. However, one man, a Latvian named Valarian Broka, was brought to the shores of the Caspian, from where American agents were able to arrange a flight over the sea to Baku and, from there, the safety of North America. Broka would go on to supercharge the American nuclear programme, putting them on track to produce a bomb of their own. In a single raid, the Brotherhood of the Wolf had done more to damage the Russian state than in their decades of rebellions, insurgency, assassination and propaganda.
The Wolves’ remarkable raid came at the tail end of a summer during which the United States had seized the initiative in Europe to turn the balance of the war firmly against Russia. In truth, the United States, reluctant to fully abandon the liberties of normal life, had been more skittish than any other power in truly embracing total war. With a much lower rate of conscription than all other major belligerents both in the wars of the 1940s, much of its war making potential remained untapped. Only the nuclear bombings in Germany in 1949 had convinced New Cordoba of the need to embrace total warfare and rally every available man to the fight. The United States already had millions on men in the field in 1949, but within two years these numbers would almost double as America approached the levels of mobolisation seen across Europe. These resources would provide the Americans with the strategic freedom to change the shape of the war.
In early July 1951 the Americans embarked on a series of large-scale landings around the sun bleached beaches of Greece. Caught off guard, Crusader Anatolia quickly folded as its coastal defences proved completely inadequate. The surrender of the Greeks allowed fast moving American units to drive deep into the barely protected Balkans – reaching the Danube before the end of the month. Worse was to come, as the Russians moved troops out of Thrace to counter the Americans, Allied troops stationed in Asia Minor were able to force the Bosporus and capture the Queen of Cities itself, Constantinople.
With the Allies opening up a new front in the Balkans, and knocking out a key player in the Eurasian League out the war, another American naval invasion in Europe upturned the balance of power on the Western Front. With the Russians still beaming from their victory over the Dutch in Amsterdam, in August around a quarter of a million American troops flooded into the flat lands of Holland, capturing tens of thousands of Eurasian troops and sending the rest of their force in the region into flight back towards Germany. This naval invasion was accompanied by a surge in American commitment across the Western Front in the summer of 1951 to steady the line and prepare to roll back the Russian threat.
At home, unwelcome news from the front contributed to the growing dissident mood across the Republic. In late August shipyard workers in Gdansk began a major wildcat strike, protesting against a government push to extend their working day to nearly 14 hours. To the consternation of the regime, the strikers adopted an unthinkably political tone – chanting for peace and freedom. The Radicals responded in typical fashion, deploying armed police to break up the strike and punish the ring leaders. However, from here, events escalated with a violent industrial dispute transforming into an outright insurrection, with armed groups of workers from across the ethnically diverse city joining together in revolt against the regime – an act in itself something of a repudiation of Radicalism’s belief in the primacy of race and ethnicity above all else. For a period of three weeks through September 1951 the Free City of Danzig held sway over the important port city, with Allied aircraft flying in weapons and supplies to help the locals keep up the fight before order was restored. Increasingly, the enemy within was presenting itself as almost as great a threat as Russia’s myriad external foes.