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Chapter XXII: Wallachia and the White City New
Chapter XXII: Wallachia and the White City

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Belgrade, the White City of the Serbs, grew from the ancient Celtic and Roman city of Singidunum

While the emperor and his son were away touring the Balkans, empress Katarina led the new government through its first foreign affair. Prince Radu IV of Wallachia, the one who had sheltered the Notaras boys, had died in 1508. He was replaced by his cousin, Mihnea, the son of Vlad the Impaler and his first wife. The new prince proved as cruel as his father had been, but targeted the nobility, as impaling Turks had become impractical. Unsurprisingly, he was overthrown with Roman support in early 1509, and replaced by his son Mircea III. Mihnea remained in the country however, and might have even acted as his son's councillor, but was assassinated in March 1510 outside a church in Sibiu, Transylvania.

Mircea then led a hunt to catch the assassins, but having lost the support of his nobles, fled to Hungary, and Katarina sent an army in support of the new prince, Vlad V, who swore loyalty to Constantinople and proved it by defeating Mircea and his Hungarian backed army in 1511. Then he betrayed the Romans by recognising Vladislaus II of Hungary as his suzerain, trying to play both sides.

The empress was furious at this treachery, and dispatched an army to overthrow the line of Dracula. Again, the nobility turned on their lord and the Romans installed Neagoe Basarab as the new prince. Wallachia would henceforth be a Roman vassal. The new prince proved a good ruler, and gave the Vlachs some much-needed stability. Neagoe Basarab was eventually recognised as a saint, but the prosperity his rule provided did not outlast him, and Constantinople would continue to meddle in the country's affairs, eroding its indecency with each passing decade.

Katarina’s meddling in Wallachia infuriated the Hungarians. Vladislaus II was a weak king, known in Hungary as “Dobzse László” (King Very Well) as he always approved the decisions of the Royal Council in Hungary, critically weakening royal power in favour of the nobility. The expulsion of the Turks had made the Magyars complacent, as misguided confidence replaced existential fear.


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Vladislaus II, King of Hungary

Tensions between the two Balkan powers eventually led to war over Bosnia. The great king Matthias Corvinus had defeated the Ottomans in several engagements, and secured some territory north of the former kingdom following its fall to Mehmed II in 1463. This territory had expanded after the Turks had been expelled by the emperor Manuel, but the Romans managed to seize large portions of the former Ottoman provinces. This insulted the Hungarians, as Corvinus had been made king of Bosnia by the remaining catholic nobility. Though this claim was not recognised by the last remnant of the old Bosnian state, the so-called duchy of Saint Sava, ruled by Orthodox princes, who instead bowed to Constantinople.

In the spring of 1512, Hungarian and Croat border lords gathered an army with royal backing, and advanced into the Roman province of Pannonia, as the territory of the former Bosnian kingdom was now called. The Magyars estimated that the Romans could gather an army of 30 000 to resist them, but that they would move slowly in the rugged terrain of the Balkans, giving the Hungarian-Croat army enough time to capture key fortifications. They were mistaken.

The emperor Isaakios immediately summoned an army, appointing his son Theodoros to command it. The co-emperor gathered 15 000 professional soldiers and 30 000 levied troops at Skopia. This included the new arquebusiers, and nearly 300 cannons. By comparison, the entire Hungarian army had only 85 artillery guns.

Both armies were well-equipped with smaller firearms. Due to the legacy of Matthias Corvinus’ Black Army, Hungary was one of the premier exporters of firearms in Europe, and ironically many of them were bought by Romania. Though the Black Army had been disbanded, its legacy lived on. Guns of this period were cumbersome, and as a result, were only really effective in defensive positions, which is why the Hungarians wished to capture Roman fortifications as quickly as possible, and force the Romans to be the attacking side.

Theodoros would not indulge them. He ignored Bosnia and marched straight towards Belgrade (Nándorfehérvár). This strategically positioned fortress city at the confluence of the Danube and Sava river protected the entire Hungarian kingdom. It had withstood sultan Mehmed II in 1456, and was one of the greatest fortresses in the Balkans. But after the expulsion of the Turks from Europe, the city’s defences were allowed to decline.

When the Roman army arrived before the walls of Belgrade, the city had only 800 soldiers, and no guns.

Still, with the help of its citizens, Belgrade resisted the Romans for 64 days, in the end, the walls were breached and the city fell. Less than 100 of its defenders survived. Theodoros was impressed by their efforts, and allowed them to leave with their weapons, banners, and other possessions.

The fall of the White City sent shockwaves across the domains of king Vladislaus. The fortress of Sabac fell at around the same time, and chronic lack of funds meant that there were now no defences between the Romans and the Hungarian capital of Buda.

The Bosnian campaign was abandoned at once and the army was summoned to defend the kingdom itself, but Theodoros then turned around, and marched to secure Pannonia before the end of the campaign season.

During the winter, the Hungarians restocked and repaired their new main defensive point at Petrovaradin in Syrmia, but in the spring of 1513, as the Hungarians marched on Belgrade, the Romans outflanked them and took the fortress after a three-week siege. Afraid of being caught between the army of Notaras and the garrison of Belgrade, the Hungarians retreated once more.

Theodoros then decided to do something unexpected. Instead of invading Hungary, he marched on Croatia with the Slavic and Turkish cavalry accompanying his professional Roman soldiers.

Croatia was ruled by the king of Hungary in personal union, but the weakness of Vladislaus II had led to the Croats looking towards Vienna as their new patron. For now, no support would come from either direction. Some of their best horsemen had been sent to accompany the main army in Hungary, and so the defence of the country was entrusted to a number of forts and small groups of light cavalry. Petar Berislavic, ban of Croatia, decided to face the enemy on an open field contrary to the advice of his officers. He hoped an element of surprise would allow his force of 14 000 to defeat Theodoros’ army of 20 000, but the Romans stood their ground, inflicting over 7 000 casualties on the Croats with their overwhelming firepower.

Following this victory, the Croatian capital of Knin was sacked alongside other settlements in the area, before the Romans withdrew with considerable spoils.

Spring of 1514 saw the Hungarian attempt to reclaim Petrovaradin. They managed to drive off the local Roman forces, consisting mostly of levied peasants, but were unable to breach the fortress before Theodoros arrived with his main force. Soon, panic began to set in among the besiegers, as the fortress was on the south side of the Danube, with only two bridges connecting it to Hungary proper in the north. Large numbers of men were still on the wrong side when the Roman cavalry smashed into their ranks, followed soon by Turks and Slavs.

The siege cost the Hungarians some 10 000 men. The army was no longer in any condition to fight and withdrew to the capital, leaving the countryside practically undefended. Theodoros now crossed into Hungary and raided as far as Temesvár and Szeged. As winter set in, the two sides agreed to a truce. A final peace treaty could not be signed, as Isaakios and Katarina refused to recognise the king’s claims on Bosnia, but large-scale military campaigns ended, for now.

This was the beginning of the so-called “little war”. Every summer, the inhabitants of the Balkans would face raids conducted primarily by light cavalry of both sides. King Vladislaus II died in 1516, leaving behind a 10-year-old son to succeed him, a squabbling nobility that dominated the country, no active fortresses on the Roman border, and a royal debt of over 400 000 florins. All this bode ill for the crown of Saint Stephen.
 
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Hungary sounds to be a in very poor position, but what is the Empire facing on its other borders? Trouble there could well make it hard to capitalise on Hungarian weakness.
 
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Hungary is defeated but not broken. There's always the chance of a comeback when Roman focus is elsewhere. Or is it time for Rome to march north like Trajan and claim lands north of the Danube!
 
Hungary sounds to be a in very poor position, but what is the Empire facing on its other borders? Trouble there could well make it hard to capitalise on Hungarian weakness.
The land borders were quite secure in this period. Venice was embroiled in yet another round of the Italian Wars, the Ottomans were still dealing with the fallout of the loss of their European lands, and with Wallachia firmly in the Roman camp, it leaves the empire in a rather good situation.
Hungary is defeated but not broken. There's always the chance of a comeback when Roman focus is elsewhere. Or is it time for Rome to march north like Trajan and claim lands north of the Danube!
Indeed. Hungary after the death of Matthias Corvinus was medieval France on steroids. Vladislaus II essentially gave the country to the nobility in the worst possible moment. They will attempt to claw their way back into a status of major power, but we will see how that will end.
 
Chapter XXIII: The Sixth Council, and Albania New
Chapter XXIII: The Sixth Council, and Albania

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Second Council of Nicaea (787 AD), the last Ecumenical council to be recognized by both East and West
Theodoros returned from Hungary to the newly renovated Constantinople and was given a triumph by his parents. Spoils from the campaign were displayed to the cheering crowds, including 16 Hungarian barons captured at Petrovaradin.

The Romans had now secured their Balkans frontier, and Theodoros was eager to turn east in order to avenge the death of the late emperor Manuel. He argued to his parents that now was the best time. The Ottomans had just checked the rapid expansion of the Safavid state at the battle of Chaldiran. Western Armenia and northern Iraq had come under Turkish rule, but their rule was not yet secure. In response to these developments, the Mamluks of Egypt were now seeking an alliance with the Romans. They had no love for the Shiites of Persia, but the expansion of Turkish power beyond Anatolia worried Cairo greatly.

But three key events disrupted Roman preparations. First, the co-emperor Theodoros passed away after a short illness on 3 September 1515. Isaakios and Katarina were devastated, but had little time to mourn, as they were busy preparing for a church council that would determine the fate of the union of Florence. When that business was concluded, war against Venice broke out in Albania. Most importantly, Roman attention turned west just as a young and energetic sultan took charge of the Ottoman state, but we are getting ahead of ourselves.

The Sixth Council of Constantinople began in May 1516. The ecumenical patriarch Theoleptus presided over a gathering of more than 300 bishops and abbots. Curiously, pope Leo X was at the same time hosting the Fifth Council of the Lateran in Rome, originally called by his predecessor, the militant Julius II. This was the first and only time in history that two church councils were being held at the same time.

But whereas the Latin council took five years to achieve very little, the eastern churches took three months to decide that the Council of Basel-Ferrara-Florence would be repudiated, and would no longer be recognized as an ecumenical council by the eastern churches. (Indeed, many had never recognized it as such.)

Perhaps surprisingly, this wasn’t the end of the attempts to reconcile with the western church. Papal representatives were invited to negotiate a new union, but this never happened. Pope Leo was busy with his own council, and the wars in Italy. The Fifth Lateran proved a letdown for many. It aimed to answer the calls of reform within the church, but failed to produce meaningful results. Just seven months after it ended in 1517, a certain German priest published his Ninety-five Theses, opening a can of worms that would become the Protestant Reformation.

By contrast, Sixth Constantinople was widely considered a success, at least in the east. Further discussions saw the Russian church return to full communion with Constantinople, and its leader recognized as an exarch. Full autocephalous status would be recognized some sixty years later, placing the patriarch of Moscow fifth in precedence, behind the four eastern patriarchs. (Or sixth if one counts Rome)

The conclusion of the council, five months after it began, saw the ritual purification and reconsecration of the Hagia Sophia, after which the divine liturgy was celebrated in the presence of the whole council and the imperial family.

Just as the council was wrapping up, terrible news arrived from Albania.


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View of Skodra (Shkodër) in the distance, Rozafa castle on top of a rocky mountain
Some local Albanian clans, who owed allegiance to the Romans, had raided the Venetian held Adriatic coast. The Italian governor requested help from an ally, the lord of Zeta (Montenegro), who invaded Roman territory in search of the bandits. The local Albanian lords requested assistance from the Roman governor at Skopia, whose forces marched out and defeated the Serbs, chasing them to their capital of Podgorica. Unable to capture this strong mountain fortress, the Roman-Albanian force looted the surrounding countryside before marching back to friendly territory.

The Venetians were understandably outraged by this, and demanded compensation. Constantinople was willing to send a neutral party to investigate the matter, but then some Venetian aligned Albanians crossed the border and fought with their Roman–aligned countrymen. The Venetian side prevailed, and proceeded to sack the town of Apollonia, which was inhabited mostly by Romans.

Emperor Isaakios favoured a peaceful solution, but his family convinced him that war was the only option.

The Most Serene Republic was in the middle of the Italian wars, and was not looking for further conflict, but would understandably fight to defend her colonial territories.

The Venetian fleet was cautiously challenged by admiral Stephanos Rhadinos. The few encounters proved indecisive, but in one small skirmish the Venetians successfully boarded and burned the oar-powered galleon Kallipolis, the largest ship in the Roman navy. This victory was used to boost morale in Venice, but Kallipolis had been an old Turkish vessel, captured nearly 20 years ago, its loss wasn’t even noted by Roman historians.

In the end, Venetian naval supremacy held firm for now. On land, the situation was different. The Balkan army of general Demetrios Romanos was surprisingly defeated by veteran Italian mercenaries in November 1518, but the arrival of professional imperial troops under the brilliant Serbian general Radivoj Branivojevic, secured victory for the Romans at the battle of Cattaro in January 1519, clearing the Balkans of all major Venetian forces. Romanos then proceeded to capture the city of Skodra and then Dyrrachium, completing the conquest of Venetian Albania.

The war dragged on for three more years before the republic understood that it would not be able to direct land forces away from Italy in order to recover their lost territory. The peace, signed at Dyrrachium, saw all of Venetian Albania and the castle of Parga in Epirus fall under Roman rule, but the Ionian islands, as well as the Dalmatian city of Cattaro, remained in Venetian hands.


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The peace of 1522 secured once and for all the Via Egnatia, the Roman road that ran from Dyrrachium to Constantinople, and increased Roman control over the Straits of Otranto

Perhaps most importantly for the future of the region, the lord of Zeta lost his domains to the duke of Saint Sava. Stjepan (or Stephen) Tvrtko was a loyal man, who was content in enjoying the protection (and money) of Constantinople, but Djuradj (George), his 21-year-old son and successor, was eager for further territorial expansion. His dream was to become a second Dusan the Mighty and restore the Serbian empire.

The young prince had served in the Albanian war, and witnessed how the Serbs were often mistreated and overlooked by the Romans who favoured Bulgarians, who were deemed more reliable. They often led the Slavic contingents, and according to Djuradj, most Bulgarians in the army spoke Greek, even among themselves. The prince wished to save his kinsmen from the same fate, and began to make plans for an uprising. At the same time, the new Ottoman sultan was about to make his grand entrance onto the world stage, and Ioannes Notaras, younger son of the imperial couple, received sorrowful news from the capital.
 
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At the same time, the new Ottoman sultan was about to make his grand entrance onto the world stage, and Ioannes Notaras, younger son of the imperial couple, received sorrowful news from the capital.
A succession, perhaps? Dead basileus?
 
Some trouble coming for the Romans it seems. Luckily the west is distracted.

What mod is this for EU4 by the way?
 
Chapter XXIV: The Anabasis of Ioannes part I: the Young Tatar New
Chapter XXIV: the Anabasis of Ioannes
part I: The Young Tatar


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Dome of the Hagia Triada, or Holy Trinity


On the 12th day of March 1520, came the end of emperor Isaakios III. Suffering from intestinal cancer, the great visionary drew his last breath surrounded by family and friends.

Isaakios was 70 years old, and had ruled Romania for fifteen monumental years. He left an astonishing legacy that compares well with that of his friend and master, Manuel III. Together, these two emperors remade the Roman state, and allowed it not only to survive, but to prosper and grow strong once more. Some saw him as the "New Justinian", and it is certainly true that the old City centre of Constantinople is largely his work. Isaakios could also be called the "New Prokopios", because his history books tell the full story of the wars of emperor Manuel III. He was the most productive emperor when it comes to writing, leaving behind no less than 130 books and pamphlets, covering a wide variety of topics. It is Isaakios, who is responsible for introducing regnal numbers to Roman emperors. His list goes all the way back to Augustus, though it makes a peculiar remark that Pompey was really the first Roman to rule the east, followed by Julius Caesar and Mark Anthony.

Outside the palace, the late emperor had organized the administration of the Balkans in a way that caused very little friction between the Romans and the various peoples they now ruled, with no revolts recorded during Isaakios' reign, or those of his immediate successors. His foreign policy was cautious and largely peaceful. Wars in the Balkans had been forced on him, and largely commanded by his sons. Isaakios had maintained peace with the Ottomans, which had actually given birth to a lucrative trade relationship between the two, but the emperor was now gone, and his successors began to look east once more.
There is no doubt that Isaakios III was one of the greats. He was buried with great pomp to the new Notaras family mausoleum at the new cathedral of Hagia Triada (Holy Trinity). This church is considered by many to be the late emperor's crowning achievement, and rivals Justinian's Hagia Sophia in size and beauty. (Though, out of respect for the imperial cathedral, Hagia Triada's dome was made slightly smaller)

Supreme power in Romania now fell on the hands of Katarina Laskarina, who at once elevated her grandson Konstantinos, the 19-year-old son of the late Theodoros, as co-emperor. Katarina’s grandson represented a new generation of Romans. Born in 1501 while his father was exiled to Wallachia, Konstantinos had never known the existential threat of the Ottomans. To him, Manuel III was a figure of the past and the Turks a distant menace. He was proud, noble, and confident, but would stay in the shadows for as long as his beloved grandmother remained alive and well, but he would have to share the "co-emperorship" with his uncle, who was not just any normal princeling.
Katarina's younger son had an eventful life to say the least. Its first chapters were covered by his own father Isaakios III, in the ancient style of Xenophon.



Ioannes Notaras was born in 1479 at Thessaloniki, where his father was serving as governor of Macedonia. He was a bright child, and Isaakios prepared for him a career in civil administration, as his elder brother was “raised for the army”

When he was ten, the family relocated to Constantinople, as Isaakios took command of the troops left behind to act as reinforcements for the emperor's Anatolian campaign. Ioannes witnessed the splendid departure of Manuel III and the army, and was likewise present when the emperor's body was carried to the church of the Holy Apostles.

This was a time of great change for the Notaras family. Ioannes’ parents moved to Adrianople, but he and his elder brother Theodoros stayed behind to study at the capital's finest schools. The boys grew accustomed to imperial life, living in the palace with their grandmother, the empress dowager Maria Bagrationi, who influenced the boys greatly.

When Basil III died in 1496, Ioannes was seventeen years old, studying at the university of Constantinople, and getting into trouble with the city watch, like his mother before him. Theodoros had ended his studies some years ago, and left to serve under their father at Adrianople. It is at this point that the first vague references about Ioannes' preference to men over women can be found, though he also apparently had a brief affair with an older heiress of an olive oil merchant.

Three years later, Ioannes was still at Constantinople, serving as a scribe in the office of the City's eparch, when the emperor Thomas gave the order to neutralise “the Notaras threat”. Sympathetic men and women inside the palace warned Ioannes and his uncle, the Megas Doux Nikolaos, and the young man managed to flee by ship to Selymbria, and from there to Adrianople. Nikolaos stayed behind, and was arrested for conspiring against the state.

Isaakios and Katarina did not wish to challenge Thomas at this point. The couple chose to submit to the emperor at the capital, knowing that he had no evidence to support his accusations.

Despite their innocence, the couple decided to send their sons to Wallachia on a “diplomatic mission”, in order to safeguard them against the emperor’s wrath.

At the court of prince Radu IV in Targoviste, the two brothers found little to do, so it is no wonder that when Tatars of the Great Horde invaded neighbouring Moldavia in 1502, the brothers left with some Vlachs to join prince Stephen III, under whom they received their first taste of battle. The invasion was defeated with the help of the Crimean Tatars under khan Mengli Giray, an enemy of the Great Horde, who wished to seize the mantle of great khan for himself.

Following the expulsion of the horde, Theodoros returned to Targoviste, where he would remain until his parents ascended the imperial throne in 1505. He would not see his little brother for many years.

The Crimean khan employed many western mercenaries, and so Ioannes decided to join the khan at his court in the Crimean Peninsula, called Taurica by the Romans. While there, he served as a translator and teacher, as he knew some Ligurian (language of the khan's Genoese mercenaries) and Ottoman Turkish in addition to his native Romaic Greek.

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Menli I Giray (centre) with the eldest son, future Mehmed I Giray (left) and Ottoman sultan Bayezid II (right)

Service to the khan gave the young man an opportunity to visit many exotic places, he saw the lands of the Tatars, the princes of Theodoro, and former Genoese colonies, now in Turkish hands. He also accompanied the khan on raids, experiencing the vast open grassland of the Pontic-Caspian steppe, going as far as Astrakhan and the Caspian Sea.

His time in this strange world would last two years. In 1504, Ioannes learned from some Pontic traders that his relative, the ruler of Cyprus and daughter of emperor Thomas I, Zoe Laskarina, had died, leaving Cyprus to her daughter, Maria de Lusignan.


Venice hoped to use Zoe’s death to gain control of the Island, but the new government had resolved to fight back with the aid of the Mamluk Sultanate, who regarded Cyprus as their vassal. The Ottomans were also eyeing the island in order to secure their southern front against the other Islamic power.

Ioannes decided to join this struggle for freedom, and parted with the khan on good terms, even receiving 30 Tatars as his personal guard. He was also joined by 16 men called “Goths” by Ioannes in his memoirs. These men were likely descendants of the former principality of Theodoro, an ancient remnant of Roman power in Taurica that fell during the Ottoman conquest of the Genoese colonies.

This motley crew departed Taurica for the Ottoman controlled Black Sea port city of Trebizond, disguised as Muslim pilgrims.
 
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Ioannes sounds like he'll have quite the adventure!

But adventuring is not the same as ruling.
 
Sounds like the stuff legends are made of.