The Catastrophe – 1270-1279
In 1270 the first recorded instances of the Black Death were observed in Kirkuk, on the eastern fringe of the Assyrian realm. Within months it was rife throughout the Kingdom – turning Middle Eastern society on its headed. Far more deadly than any epidemic seen in the known world for centuries, the plague would wipe away at least a third of the region’s population in the course of just a few years, inflicting an unimaginable degree of suffering and social dislocations. Cities were emptied, fields abandoned, infrastructure sent into disrepair, families wiped out and communities destroyed. To the shaken people of the Middle East, a punishment had arrived from God the like of which they had never before been able to contemplate.
The royal household was not spared from the horrors of the plague. Nehor II’s military expedition in Armenia was decimated as the army was riven by disease and forced to fall back. Worse, at home in Nineveh Prince Saad, for whose claim the Armenian campaign had been fought, was was claimed by disease alongside his mother, Queen Maria, and much of the royal family. After returning to his capital, broken by the loss of his family and failure of his political ambitions, the King himself perished from the same sickness in early 1271.
Assyria was not alone in facing dynastic difficulty as a result of the plague. To the west, the Crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem had fallen on hard times from the middle of the century, gradually disintegrating as the French King, Holy Roman Emperor and local Latin magnates established control over large parts of Palestine at the realm’s expense. By the onset of the plague, Jerusalem had been reduced to an enclave around Acre. After a number of deaths in the royal household, the crown fell into the hands of Queen Cecilia. The daughter of the Crusader King, she had married one of the sons of King Avina of Assyria – Nerseh – and spent much of her life as a courtier in Nineveh, where she had openly practised Nestorianism. Even after returning to Acre and openly declaring her loyalty to His Holiness, her commitment to Catholicism remained somewhere ambiguous, much to the anger of her nobility. Most worryingly, her son, Prince Niv, was both her own successor and stood high in the ranks of Assyria’s succession too – promoting the possibility of a union with the heretical Kingdom to the east.
Back in Assyria, the deaths of Nehor II, his primary heir and much of the Qatwa dynasty in the face of the plague’s onslaught pushed the fallen King’s cousin Moqli to unexpectedly assume power. Only slightly younger than his cousin, who died at the age of sixty five, the new King swore to lead Assyria through these trying times. Having spent most of his adult life in Baghdad, where he had ruled as one of Assyria’s most powerful Maliks, Moqli isolated himself in a fortress near the city for the first two years of his reign as he saw out the worst of the epidemic, communicating with his court through written messages and couriers.
When the new King emerged from this isolation he was faced with a changed, fearful and unhappy world. In the context of social breakdown, untold personal tragedy and hardship, economic disaster and rampant banditry and criminality, the populace were violent, angry and prone to millenarian fervour that would effect Muslim and Christian alike. For the state, the most immediate concern was a movement of his fellow Nestorian Christians in the Assyrian heartland – the Messalians.
As Nestorian Christianity had expanded its reach to become the primary religion in northern Mesopotamia, the central control of the Church of the East over dogma and practice had been somewhat weakened as holymen working outside the direct authority of the church, and often preaching at odds to its official teachings, spread far and wide. The Messalians had their origins among these lay preachers, as well as longstanding mystery cults within eastern Christianity that taught of intense and individualistic spirituality and suspicion of authority.
The Messalians promoted an egalitarian ethos, questioning the power and wealth of the elite and the necessity of the Church and priests to intercede the individual and God. Prior to the plague they had been growing in strength in northern Mesopotamia, developing deep roots among the Christian peasantry along the fertile banks of the Euphrates and Tigris. The experience of the Black Death radicalised the Messalians and pushed them towards an extreme anti-Semitism – blaming the Jews for hoarding riches, practising Satanic rituals and human sacrifice and bringing God’s wrath upon the people of Beth Nahrain. In order to achieve salvation, the Messalians taught that the Jews would have to be cast out of Assyria.
Although they were rooted among the poor, the growing Messalian movement had many powerful allies among the elite – at court, in the nobility and even the Church. As these groups pushed for an expulsion of the Jews in 1273, some fearing that it was the only alternative to uncontrolled violence, pressured built upon King Moqli to act. Yet, at the time still cocooned in his isolation, the King remained silent on the issue. This changed when Patriarch of the East Yahballaha boldly defended the Jews – claimaing they had played not part in the epidemic and had a rightful place within Assyrian society, rights that had been given to them by the Kingdom’s sacred founder Saint Ta’mhas the Great. Going further, he denounced the Messalians as dangerous heretics and called for the excommunication of any clergy that followed their doctrines. With his spiritual leader having made the first move, Moqli broke his silence – finally returning to court in Nineveh and announcing his support for the Patriarch’s position. The Messalians were denounced, the state would take no actions against the Jews.
Despite the proclamations of King and Patriarch, ethnic tensions descended into intense violence over 1273 and 1274. While containing a significant anti-Semitic basis, with Jewish quarters and villages destroyed throughout northern Mesopotamia and thousands forced to flee to the relative safety of the largest cities, the Messalian-led insurrections had a strong social component. Indeed, the rebels sought to seize control over empty lands, attack landlords and their property and redistribute wealth to the needy. As the Kingdom’s heartland fell into anarchy, and with his regular forces far too weakened by the plague to restore order, Moqli turned to the Cumans to brutally put down the rebels and garrison the major cities, further strengthening the Cumans’ growing influence over the Assyrian state.
Having relied upon the Cuman Khan to subdue the rebellions in the Assyrian heartland, and inviting their warriors into Nineveh and the other great cities of the region, King Moqli found himself under the hock of his Turkic soldiery. As the epidemic receded across the region, the Cumans used their newfound influence to spearhead a series of campaigns into the region around Lake Urmia between 1275 and 1277 which culminated in the capture of the rich city of Tabriz. The spoils of these victories further enriched the Cumans within Assyria, while attracting further migrants to join them in settling the newly acquired territories in the Zagros.
The suppression in 1273 and 1274 did not destroy the Messalian movement nor weaken its appeal. Indeed, anger among the lower orders continued to mount through the rest of the decade as class conflict simmered over a variety of issues stemming from the newfound labour shortages across all areas of the economy that the plague had produced. Efforts to enforce old noble rights, suppress wages, maintain high prices all strengthened the claims of the Messalians that the elite, in hock to the Jews, were their enemies. This erupted into a second peasants rebellion in 1278, this time under the centralised leadership of the radical preacher Yeshua Dinkha. This time, the rebels met with immediate and spectacular military success. Moqli’s army was badly beaten not far from the capital a few months into the conflict. As the King withdrew his forces back to the city, the Cumans abandoned its defence – seeing no need to die for the Assyrian King, and withdrawing towards their new stronghold at Tabriz.
As the rebels approached, the capital was hopelessly poorly defended and the Messalians were able to breach its defences after a defector within the walls opened one of the city’s gates. As the poured into Nineveh, they would unleash a torrent of bloodshed and destruction. Almost the entire Jewish population of the city, numbering close to ten thousand, while many Kurds, Arabs and the city’s elites suffered gruesome treatment. For the despised King Moqli, Dinkha reserved an especially tortious punishment as the King, deemed a tyranical allies of Assyria’s enemies, was crowned with an iron crown that had been fired to be iron hot – burning through his skin and killing him in agony. The Assyrians had taken the shocking step of killing their own King. As the Messalians began to redistribute the spoils of their conquests, they seized custody of Moqli’s daughter and only surviving child, Tabitha, and named her as Queen of Assyria, while Dinkha maintained tight control over the direction of his burgeoning state on the Plains of Nineveh.
With the horrors in Nineveh, the Kingdom was falling into complete chaos. In the east, the Cumans were consolidating themselves around Tabriz having absconded from the defence of the capital and to the south a large scale Islamic revolt had broken out in Babylonia. At this moment, the fourteen year old Prince Niv, son of Cecilia of Jerusalem, crossed over from Acre with a band of retainers to push for his claim to the Assyrian crown. Quickly winning support in the western provinces, he was crowned King in Damascus before the year was out as he set out into the ensuing battle for Assyria.