1840-45
Coming into the election with high hopes, de Bordeaux expected an outright majority. After all, he had presided over an economic boom in France, and he had solidified Unionist sentiment in France. Arthur de Caen's Liberals had failed to put up a proper opposition to his policies and the English Nationalists had been sidelined. Yet, the Anglo-French people came to the polling station and, apparently, shrugged. The Conservative alliance overall gained a single seat, whilst the Liberals gained 17. Whilst de Bordeaux's misfortunes did not match York's (who lost out to the Liberals in marginal seats), there was a feeling of disappointment among his followers. Once again he was forced to the negotiating table with the Parti Nationaliste - themselves also having lost out to the Legitimistes - who pressed for further concessions to the French. And, once again, he was forced to confront the fact that he was clinging onto power by his fingernails. Despite de Caen's apparent loss, the Liberal leader plotted an ousting at the first sign of weakness.
The Greek War of Independence
The European Concert continued regardless, however. The Macedonian revolt in the Balkans had enflamed regional nationalism - on June 18th, the Council of Athens, organised by prominent Greek intellectuals and legitimised by Greek war hero Zimisceces, demanded home rule for Greece to their Venetians wardens. Venice officially rejected these demands on the 27th, and the legality of the council, leading to mass mutiny of Greek Venetian forces and a brief War of Independence. Though the political intrigues of Athens were not of obvious concern, retrospective historians would mark this as the official beginning of the "Age of Liberalism". Liberal volunteers from all over Europe cut their teeth in the fields of Peloponnesia - of particular note was the English romantic Lord Tyne, who pledged himself to the Greek patriots and returned to Livreport in 1843 with substantial experience in revolutionary warfare. And soon, England would have reason to feel revolutionary.
In October 1840, food markets in East Anglia would notice that traditional staple crops were significantly reduced. English farmers had complained that this year's harvest was substantially worse, blaming in particular a potato blight and poor weather. Concerns that famine was on the horizon were, however, largely ignored in Paris - after all, a rise in food prices would not be the end of the world, and certainly this was another case of English pessimism. Whilst even the Royalist Party, de Bordeaux's English supporters, pleaded the government for relief before disaster struck, the Paris government was largely aloof. Inadequate preparation for the winter months lead to food prices creeping up to as much as ten times last year's prices by December, and by January the damage had already been done. As much as fifteen percent of East Anglia's population starved to death in the winter of 1840, and a large portion of East Anglia's population would flee to Ireland, the new colony of Australie, and Arcadia. What was so significant was that, in contrast to England "proper", East Anglia had a large contingent of Anglois. Rather than being perceived as backwards peasants, these were a bulwark of Unionist support in England. The effect was devastating to English politics - while before the English Nationalists were willing to settle on Home Rule with the Dual Monarchy, believing that the Plantagenet regime was flawed yet essentially positive for England, they become openly insurrectionist. The Liberal Party, similarly horrified by the mishandling of the English Famine, drifted further along the spectrum of nationalism and away from de Caen's bloc. Even the Royalist Party, though theoretically still Unionist, demanded change.
Starvation and Woe in rural Essex.
Anglo-French politics would continue to drift away from Liberal-Conservative debate and into the absurdism of nationalism in the following years. One of the stranger debates came about in 1841 - the Acadamie Francais, the academic regulatory body for the French language, became the center of linguistic debate over the presence of English as a language of Government and academia, some arguing that it was a mere dialect. Whilst clearly a theoretical debate, academics in Oxford and Cambridge were enraged that the language of Shakespeare and Milton was being viewed as a second class language by the French. The issue was picked up by nationalist students who, in London and in Livreport, organised protests asserting the validity of English culture and the English nation. Never one to miss an opportunity, York used the issue to grandstand in the Estates-General, addressing fellow deputies in English and demanding that the de Bordeaux government issue a re-assurance that English could remain a language of state. This was, realistically, a ridiculous demand - there was no official policy by any party, French or not, to demote English to a dialect, and neither could de Bordeaux feasibly demand the Acadamie Francais stop all debate around linguistics. Governmental silence on the issue, rather than a policy of neutrality, was read as implicit support for the suppression of the English language.
Things had yet to truly reach their worst. Outside of the Dual Monarchy, the Age of Liberalism's pains could already be felt. In October 1841, a clique of Scandinavian generals overthrew the democratic government in an overnight coup - establishing an absolutist state around the existing Monarchy, relabeling it as the "Empire of Scandinavia". Nationalistic war in the Balkans similarly began to spiral out of control - Serbia was split between Hungary and Illyria, with both Kingdoms later going to war over control of the Serbian nation. The Ottoman Empire - the control of which was now rotating between Army strongmen, Republican Turkish nationalists, and Ottoman loyalists - had effectively lost control of the Balkans. De Bordeaux, to his credit, believed that all-out slaughter in the remaining European Ottoman territories was something to be avoided. The Bulgarian crisis of 1842 - triggered by a declaration of independence by local Bulgarian landowners - was resolved with Anglo-French support. The Treaty of Sofia - effectively forcing the Turks to withdraw from Bulgaria without a single shot fired - laid out the framework for the Bulgarian nation under the Dual Monarchy's protection and hopefully would contribute to long term stability. The precarious balance of peace was initially threatened by early border wars with Macedonia and Wallachia, however the Dual Monarchy did not turn their back on their Balkan ally and allowed them to annex lands of Bulgarian ethnic plurality. The Dual-Monarchy would also recognise the ascension of Zimisceces to the throne of Greece - the first major power to do so - in 1844.
The Kingdom of Bulgaria, which would become one of the staunchest allies of the Dual Monarchy.
Political pressure at home continued despite international overtures. Faced with massive protests, de Bordeaux threw out sacrificial lambs to the growing opposition. He would, in 1843, back the abolition of slavery in Anglo-French territories. Though this only had a real effect on the few remaining West Indies colonies under the control of the Dual Monarchy, it had become an issue which broke partisan lines and was supported by a significant majority in the Estates-General. A more difficult reform was Secret balloting, which faced significant backlash in his own party's traditionalist wing, however late-night politicking and mudraking blackmail allowed the Lord Chancellor to push through the needed reforms. These concessions were necessary to stall revolution, and de Bordeaux feared the fate of Scandinavia which, after the coup, had erupted into civil war. Even worse, anti-Absolutist rebels in Scandinavian-ruled Scotland had become a haven for nationalist exiles from England and Ireland which, combined with the already existing scandals, pushed England further towards the brink of war.
Outright insurrection was now commonplace. In Bristol, once a unionist stronghold, became host to anti-French rioting. In 1845, months before the election, York secretly asked English policemen to begin arming themselves in case Paris "attempt to Scandinavia us". In Ireland, though normally aloof to the matter of the mainland, a splinter of Irish members of the English Nationalists formed a similar Irish Nationalist faction for the upcoming elections. Both Lord Chancellor de Bordeaux and Liberal Opposition Leader de Caen, recognising the threat to the country, made a final plea for unity as polling day approached. Whether it would succeed would be decided by the Anglo-French electorate.