For the workers to realise their common class identity outweighs any racial divisions. A committed Marxist would also argue that racism is a response to inequality and disadvantage and that secure and comfortable people have no use for racism. They would see the Nazis (or to a lesser extent Trump) as a response to capitalism that was misdirected into racism instead of class struggle.
I am pretty sure he was against antisemitism, he was from a Jewish after all. Though I don't consider Jews a race, but some people do.
For the workers to realise their common class identity outweighs any racial divisions. A committed Marxist would also argue that racism is a response to inequality and disadvantage and that secure and comfortable people have no use for racism. They would see the Nazis (or to a lesser extent Trump) as a response to capitalism that was misdirected into racism instead of class struggle.
The Nazis and fascism in general isn't a reaction against capitalism but an *intensification* of it, they're reactions against socialism. And well off folks are plenty racist themselves. I've heard this argument a lot though. The concept of false consciousness was never used like this, not by Engels in the one letter that he used it, or by Lukacs who in the same passage admits that the dialectical method does not permit the existence of a false consciousness, or by Marcuse. False consciousness is just the ideology of the working class that keeps them shackled, basically. It includes racism of course, but also a lot of other things. And it's not caused by inequality but by all the parts of the superstructure that maintains the false consciousness of the proletariat. If that makes sense. I don't think I've explained this very coherently but there you goFor the workers to realise their common class identity outweighs any racial divisions. A committed Marxist would also argue that racism is a response to inequality and disadvantage and that secure and comfortable people have no use for racism. They would see the Nazis (or to a lesser extent Trump) as a response to capitalism that was misdirected into racism instead of class struggle.
ThisNot exactly.
Closer.
One of Marx's earliest articles was on anti-Semitism:
Text in English: https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1844/jewish-question/index.htm
TLDR: Civil rights movements, promoting toleration, repealing laws discriminating against Jews, re-writing constitutions to separate Church & State, secularism, etc. are all basically pointless. Anti-Semitism is pretty deeply rooted in society and there's nothing you can do politically/ideologically about it. Society (i.e. the underlying economy) has to change first.
But keep in mind that change also means no more Jews - as Judaism (like religion in general) becomes irrelevant and will shrivel & disappear. Race will be similarly become meaningless.
TLDR that: There is no solution to racism. Everything has to change first.
The Nazis and fascism in general isn't a reaction against capitalism but an *intensification* of it, they're reactions against socialism. And well off folks are plenty racist themselves. I've heard this argument a lot though. The concept of false consciousness was never used like this, not by Engels in the one letter that he used it, or by Lukacs who in the same passage admits that the dialectical method does not permit the existence of a false consciousness, or by Marcuse. False consciousness is just the ideology of the working class that keeps them shackled, basically. It includes racism of course, but also a lot of other things. And it's not caused by inequality but by all the parts of the superstructure that maintains the false consciousness of the proletariat. If that makes sense. I don't think I've explained this very coherently but there you go
Not a reaction against capitalism, intensification thereof. Vocally anti-capitalist, demands state control of all aspects of life, heavily regulates economy to point of near collapse. Oxymoron.
Socialism here taken to mean the penultimate state of human development according to Marx and Capitalism taken to mean the exploitative forces which prevent humanity from ascending to this stage. In other words, corporatism/state capitalism is taken to be an intensification of the oppression of the proletariat which occurs under the capitalist mode of production rather than of capitalism as an economic system per se -- which, as you point out, is total nonsense.
It would be more accurate from Futo's pov to say that fascism is the intensification of the oppressive forces of capitalism, a "tightening of the screws" as it were. It is in Marxian terms what the bourgeoisie turn to when their preferred form of government (ie. any which endorses market liberalism) is no longer feasible, but it is not the form of government that most capitalists would consider desirable. Hence why Marxian historians of fascism like to refer to fascism as being the "last gasp" of capitalism.
Futo was right, he didn't explain his position as well as he could have.
You can't really expect a vision of History that simply puts your economic ideal as the final and inevitable stage of mankind and then tries to interpret everything else that happened earlier in terms of that to be very scientific or accurate. Whether that ideal is communism, feudalism, some free market utopia, or anything else.Jeez. It's almost like Marxian approaches to history are fundamentally flawed or something.
Does a “Marxist approach to history” require a total embrace of Marxism as a political ideology?You can't really expect a vision of History that simply puts your economic ideal as the final and inevitable stage of mankind and then tries to interpret everything else that happened earlier in terms of that to be very scientific or accurate. I Whether that ideal is communism, feudalism, some free market utopia, or anything else.
Does a “Marxist approach to history” require a total embrace of Marxism as a political ideology?
Kinda? It's focused on studying how social class and economics drive history, generally from a deterministic perspective of "people moving forward towards a classless society vs. reactionaries trying to defend their privileges".Does a “Marxist approach to history” require a total embrace of Marxism as a political ideology?
I’ve met a fair number of historians who call themselves “Marxist historians” in the sense that they analyze history in a way that is strongly influenced by Marxist analysis, yet aren’t themselves political Marxists.Kinda? It's focused on studying how social class and economics drive history, generally from a deterministic perspective of "people moving forward towards a classless society vs. reactionaries trying to defend their privileges".
While I guess it doesn't necessarily have to be deterministic and could focus on studying of the effects of social classes and evolution of economics, I'd say people who describe their approach as marxist tend to be marxists themselves. Others would just go "well duh, of course I have to analyse the economic system and economic evolution of a period of time to properly understand it".
Define what you mean by "marxist analysis", and I may or may not disagree.I’ve met a fair number of historians who call themselves “Marxist historians” in the sense that they analyze history in a way that is strongly influenced by Marxist analysis, yet aren’t themselves political Marxists.