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King_Duncan

Second Lieutenant
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Mar 17, 2008
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I'd be interested to hear whether the developers plan to attempt to model the (often rival) theoretical powers of the Holy Roman Emperor and the Pope into the mechanics of gameplay.

Historically both the Empire and Papacy claimed - with varying degrees of aggressiveness - universal authority within Christendom. I'll summarise these theories of authority in the next couple of paragraphs; if they're already familiar to you, feel free to skip them.

The Imperial ideology (encapsulated in polemical tracts by Guibert of Ravenna during the struggle with Gregory VII, and later in Dante's Monarchia, Marsilius of Padua's Defensor Pacis, and Antonio de Roselli's Pseudo Monarchia) held that supreme temporal authority lay with the Emperor, potentially including the granting of landed and monetary benefices to clergy, with spiritual matters being left in the hands of the Pope and his ecclesiastical hierarchy. The Emperor was held to be the ultimate source of jurisdiction for all Christians, and as such was the supreme arbiter in high level disputes. During the Great Schism, for example, Emperor Sigismund took it upon himself to push for the Council of Constance (1414-18) and force the election of a new pope acceptable to the majority of European monarchs.

The ideology of papal supremacy (later know as Papalism) originated in the Ecclesiatical Reform Movement of the eleventh century. As well as lobbying for higher spiritual and behavioural standards amongst monks and clergymen, it demanded that clerical land and offices be freed from the control of laypeople, ostensibly to prevent the moral corruption of the world from affecting the ministers of the church, thus the Reformist rallying cry of libertas ecclesiae! The sin of simony (selling clerical offices - and their accompanying fiefs - for cash) was rife throughout the middle ages, but it was fiercely combated at certain junctures, particularly in the late eleventh/early twelfth centuries. Gregory VII's extreme view of the authority of the church and its need to overcome encroaching lay involvement (particularly in contest with Emperor Henry IV) led him - and his canon lawyers - to formulate a conception of the papal office as possessing supreme spiritual and temporal plenitudo potestatis. Relying upon the forged Donation of Constantine, the story of the pope placing the imperial crown upon Charlemagne's head, and a barrage of polemical legal arguments, Gregory effectively asserted the universal authority of the Church - concentrated in the Papal office - over all other rulers in Christendom. These claims were countered in the Concordat of Worms (1122), but a fresh contest with another powerful laymen - Philip the Fair of France - led Boniface VIII to reaffirm papal supremacy with renewed vigour in the bull Unam Sanctam (1302). Even after the Schism, polemicists like Juan de Torquemada continued to argue for the universal authority of the papacy.

Of course, these claims were often little more than wars of words, to which other rulers - lay and ecclesiastical - paid lip service, or ignored entirely. The expansion of law as an academic subject throughout the Christian west led to kings and even archbishops and towns formulating their own claims to semi-autonomous or even fully independent sovereignty. In the fourteenth century the Italian legists Bartolus of Sassoferrato and Baldus of Ubaldis invented legal theories which could justify the pursuit of local jurisdictional self-determination.

Nonetheless, at times of conflict - e.g. between a disaffected vassal and his liege - either one of the 'universal' authorities might be invited to intervene. If I may simplify the picture somewhat, it's fair to say that roughly from the mid-eleventh to the late fourteenth century the princes of the Holy Roman Empire were constantly chopping and changing between 'Papal' and 'Imperial' allegiances according to their immediate needs. Throughout northern Italy and even within particular towns, the Papal/Imperial or Guelph/Ghibelline division was a means of crystallising loyalties.

It would therefore be wonderful if, as well as allowing the growth of autonomous kingdoms, principalities, city-states and the like across Europe, the Crusader Kings II engine allowed for some kind of recourse to a supreme arbiter, either the Pope or the Emperor. It would be even more amazing if these two could engage in occasional jurisdictional disputes. For that matter, the Pope could engage in 'investiture controversies' with any lay lord who was influencing ecclesiastical appointments (to bishoprics, or - exicitingly! - in the new 'settlements' in provinces), giving his enemies an excuse to declare war on him with the blessing of the Church.

CK gave the occasional nod to the papal/imperial disputes and the investiture controversies in a couple of events, but they weren't really represented in the structure of the game mechanics. A system that could consistently encompass the kind of development mentioned in the previous paragraph without making Papal or Imperial claims more powerful than they were historically would be a dream come true, and add a whole extra layer of immersion to the simulation of medieval politics.

Thoughts? Opinions? I understand that only so much can be done within the game's engine, so I guess both the view of the community and the time and resources of the developers need to be considered here.
 
I'm rather optimistic and believe that we'll see more detailed and more intense power struggle simulation between the Holy Roman Emperor and the Pope in CK2 (ambition-system will help to model their complex relations, I hope, and haven't we already been hinted about an existence of antipopes). In general, religion - and especially Christianity - deserves more attention as it played such a crucial role in defining the era. I'd like to see the shadow of a Christ everywhere, so to speak, and feel the anticipation of redemption.
 
In Italy there should be factions like Guelphs and Ghibellines. It could be put in the game with something similar as the loyalist / rebellious traits in the first CK.
 
I think this is an indisputable point. The Investiture Controversy was so important in the game's timeframe that it has to be addressed somehow. This is also because of gameplay reasons: Episcopal succession has been an aspect of CK1 that never really worked. You just got random courtiers as bishops, but that was not even a bad thing, as it did not matter. In CK2, we should have some form of fight over the question of investiture authority, and it should also be a good thing when you win and manage to appoint your favorite candidates, perhaps even from your own dynasty.
 
Very interesting reading from the OP. I think that the problems of CK were often that things were hard-coded into the game that shouldn't have been.

The difference between EU2 and Eu3 was the events. Eu2 events, soo restrictive, far too historical!! EU3 really made the world your own.

In CK, the Byzantine Emperor's higher demesne limit and the forced nature of the Papacy were really soul-crushing to an EU3 player. In a period where religion was so interesting, all it amounted to in the original CK was decreasing infamy by increasing piety by creating the odd bishopric. Oh, and converting muslim lands by giving the monks more power in those provinces. The cursory nod to the relationship between the Emperor (and other 5-kingdom-title-holders) and the Pope was not sufficient.
 
the game also need a Patriarch or 2.in the last game very litte of the Patriarch
So true. I think occasionally if you were an Orthodox nation he would ask you grant a place for a bishop if you had no diocese bishop appointed, and that was pretty much it.

Maybe a system of religious as well as political hierarchy is required. Individual kingdoms, duchies, bishoprics, archbishoprics should be able to recognise another religious tier as their superior outside of the trappings of feudal vassalage. So an archbishop might recognise, for example, the Holy Father as king-tier religious authority. Or, the Emperor might appoint his own, using up a lot of prestige in the process, recognising a bishop or archbishop or even theologically educated courtier as an anti-pope, which bishops and archbishops throughout the world could put their backing behind. And the orthodox bishops would do the same with the Patriarch, etc.
 
They could model it like the HRE reforms in EU 3.

The Pope has the Papal Authority, and it increases when new Bishropics are founded, the Pope chooses a new Bishop, heresies are crushed, the pope having no papal controller, a King bows down to the Pope and so on. The reforms could be something like the creation of new monastic orders or the inquisition.
 
They could model it like the HRE reforms in EU 3.

The Pope has the Papal Authority, and it increases when new Bishropics are founded, the Pope chooses a new Bishop, heresies are crushed, the pope having no papal controller, a King bows down to the Pope and so on. The reforms could be something like the creation of new monastic orders or the inquisition.

This is a great idea. If a Pope has a great deal of authority as a result of actions like founding orders, mounting high-profile crusades, and combating heresy (think Innocent III), it would be impossible for political enemies to set up an Antipope. By contrast, a weak Pope would leave open the path to Schism, especially if his political enemies opposed his provisions policy.

You could even get a new line of Popes being founded from a strong Antipope opposing a low-authority Pope. There isn't much historical precedent for this, but one example does come to mind from the late end of CKII's timeframe.

In the 1400s, with most European rulers getting increasingly fed up with the Popes in both Rome and Avignon costing them a lot of money in ecclesiastical taxes and stubbornly refusing to find a solution, a new Pope proclaimed at Pisa in 1409 by renegade cardinals from both papal courts received majority support in Europe. The broad-based combination of cardinals from both obediences made the new Pisan Pope, Alexander V, more acceptable than his factional rivals Benedict XIII (at Avignon) and Gregory XII (in Rome). It also helped that he was a Greek, and so far removed from Anglo-French, Imperial, and Italian rivalries; his theological skill and learned tendencies also marked him out from the career clerics and mafia figureheads who had become the norm in the Schism years.

Unfortunately Alexander V died within a year, and his 1410 replacement, the former soldier Baldassare Cossa (John XXIII), was of a more down-to-earth, even thuggish, persuasion. Nonetheless, Emperor Sigismund decided to throw in his lot with the majority-supported Pisan line, not least because John XXIII had the support of most cardinals. Despite political failures in Italy against Ladislas of Naples, John behaved like the restored Roman pope, and he convened the Council of Constance (1414 to 1418) on the understanding that the Avignonese and Roman renegades would be forced to step down and acknowledge the 'Pisan' line as the true papacy. This is effectively what happened, although John himself was forced to abdicate as a result of complicated political machinations that I won't attempt to summarise here. When, after Gregory XII had been bribed into submission and Benedict XIII declared a heretic, the Council took upon itself the authority to order the election of a single new Pope, Martin V, he was officially declared the successor of the Pisan line which sprang up in 1409.

In a quirk of history, however, the Vatican has retconned the Pisan line into Schismatics, making Alexander V and John XXIII 'Antipopes' along with Benedict XIII, and turning the massively corrupt line of Roman popes that ended with Gregory XII into the new 'official' lineage for the Schism period. Why did they do this? Because Angelo Giuseppe Roncalli apparently didn't know his Church history very well when in 1958 he chose the name 'John XXIII', forcing Catholic historians to make a hasty switch between the Pisan line and the Roman line in the official papal lineage.

So there you have it - we could plausibly have Antipopes springing up in other Italian (or even non-Italian, as Avignon showed) territories who, if sufficiently influential and enjoying strong support from lay lords and cardinals, could be accepted as the new 'official' Pope.
 
Where did the Emperor get his legitimacy for the secular rulership of christians? There had been popes for hundreds of years before the Empire.
 
The Holy Roman Empire was seen (or at least saw itself) as the (true) continuation of the Roman Empire. This was also the German interpretation of the Translatio Imperii.
 
awesome posts here

just wondering if i am right in believing that the holy roman empire and the kingdom of germany (kingdom of east francia) where 2 distinct things until the end of the middle ages where they had basicly merged? Or was it always such that you could not be the rightful king of germany without being the emperor?
 
The office "Roman Emperor" / "Emperor of the Romans" had become vacant when the Carolingian heirs who ruled in western Francia stopped being crowned in Rome. Otto, king of eastern Francia, later conquered northern Italy and was crowned emperor by the pope.

The notion "east Francia = Germany" wasn't established at that time yet. However at the same time when Otto's descendants claimed the Imperial crown for their line, people also switched to the term "Regnum Teutonicum" when they referred to the realm of which Otto and his heirs were kings.

In CK1 they had this system where you would get an imperial crown if you were emperor of Germany, Italy and Burgundy or of five other kingdoms. That wasn't too bad as a model although there wasn't much to being Emperor, aside from having a nice little crown symbol on your character sheet.
 
awesome posts here

just wondering if i am right in believing that the holy roman empire and the kingdom of germany (kingdom of east francia) where 2 distinct things until the end of the middle ages where they had basicly merged? Or was it always such that you could not be the rightful king of germany without being the emperor?

It was possible to be elected king of the Romans and German king, but not manage to get the imperial coronation. Just look at the list of German monarchs on wiki. For instance the first Habsburg king of the Romans Rudolph never became Holy Roman Emperor, the first Habsburg emperor was Frederick III.
One reason why many king of the Romans wanted to become Holy Roman Emperor was that a new king of the Romans could be elected during the reign of the now Holy Roman Emperor; it allowed the monarch to secure the succession of his heir, but this also could be one of the reasons why a pope hesitated (or refused) to crown a new emperor.
 
I agree with the previous posts. I think HRE and Kingdom of Germany should be two different States, or that all catholic countries should have to struggle against papacy. After all, Philip IV, in France, struggled against papal influence and somewhat controled the pope. And Crusades in themselves shows the pope's power.

There is also the Byzantine Empire, that we should be aware of. They were also heir of the Roman Empire, and struggled against the Germans influence. They were also at a new height in their power during Alexis Comnenus reign. The difference in this Empire was that the Empereror completely subjected his Patriarch, until the fall of 1204, at least.

My interpretation of the events is that temporal vs spiritual struggled played a great role, not only in Middle Age, but also in the history. I think that those fights were at the begining of what we call now "secularism" and "laicism", because, in the west european countries, the pope was able to have an high influence, and was willing to expand it at a point where he would have been the "Emperor", which was a normal situation until 330 and the decision of Emperor Constantine to have catholicism as official religion in Roman Empire.

On the contrary, Europeans kings fought to have power for themselves, which lead them to investitures controversies, breakdown of papacy (with the Great Schism in the end of XIVth century and beginning of XVth century, just before our Renaissance...), and ultimately to the reforms. The orthodoxes countries didn't have the same experiences, nor the muslims. The firsts had an experience where the Patriarch was always subjected to the Emperor, or the ruler of the land after the fall of Byzantine Empire, the seconds always had an history where they were under the autority of a spiritual and temporal autority (until Ataturk in Turkey).

You can share or not my opinion (I have no proof, I'm just thinking), but i think this is hightly probable and, if there is a system to simulate the fight between Pope and Emperor, I would be satisfied. But I would like it even more if they create a system that cover all of Europe, and take into account relations between religious leader and .
 
Thanks for replies guys!

I have been obsessed with the alternative history scenario where no german king is ever crowned emperor and the Kings of Italy are the only emperors in western europe.
I read in a work after james bryce, that although a mighty leader, Otto doomed both italy and germany by accepting the crown from the pope as both countries lagged far behind in becoming nation states compared to england and france. The emperors constantly being embroiled in italian affairs wasting much energy and time that could be used to pacify the german kingdom
 
Thanks for replies guys!

I have been obsessed with the alternative history scenario where no german king is ever crowned emperor and the Kings of Italy are the only emperors in western europe.
I read in a work after james bryce, that although a mighty leader, Otto doomed both italy and germany by accepting the crown from the pope as both countries lagged far behind in becoming nation states compared to england and france. The emperors constantly being embroiled in italian affairs wasting much energy and time that could be used to pacify the german kingdom

This is a very old narrative (favoured by nineteenth-century German historians to explain their delayed 'nation-statehood'). One element of it holds true - from Otto I to Frederick II, German kings devoted a huge amount of energy and resources to fruitless transalpine exertions. However, to say that this was a 'waste' is to misapprehend what the medieval mentality saw as important. Nowadays non-Catholics probably see the medieval penchant for fasting, praying, confessing, and obsessing over the consecrated Eucharist as a 'waste of energy' too, but for people at the time these things mattered enormously.

Furthermore, it's overly deterministic to view England and France as nascent nation states, as if the nineteenth-century conception of a European state was the 'correct' one, towards which medieval polities either 'succeeded' or 'failed' in developing. Clearly, political structures in the Empire differed from those in France, which differed from those in England (see Sir John Fortescue's De laudibus legum angliae for a late fifteenth-century perspective on the latter two). The universal claims of the Emperor of what came from Barbarossa's time onwards to be called the sacrum imperium Romanorum clearly provide one clue as to the different path taken by the German lands (and Italy), but it is hardly the entire explanation.
 
This is a very old narrative (favoured by nineteenth-century German historians to explain their delayed 'nation-statehood'). One element of it holds true - from Otto I to Frederick II, German kings devoted a huge amount of energy and resources to fruitless transalpine exertions. However, to say that this was a 'waste' is to misapprehend what the medieval mentality saw as important. Nowadays non-Catholics probably see the medieval penchant for fasting, praying, confessing, and obsessing over the consecrated Eucharist as a 'waste of energy' too, but for people at the time these things mattered enormously.

Furthermore, it's overly deterministic to view England and France as nascent nation states, as if the nineteenth-century conception of a European state was the 'correct' one, towards which medieval polities either 'succeeded' or 'failed' in developing. Clearly, political structures in the Empire differed from those in France, which differed from those in England (see Sir John Fortescue's De laudibus legum angliae for a late fifteenth-century perspective on the latter two). The universal claims of the Emperor of what came from Barbarossa's time onwards to be called the sacrum imperium Romanorum clearly provide one clue as to the different path taken by the German lands (and Italy), but it is hardly the entire explanation.

Thanks for quick answer, hit it spot on. So correct about me using old view, books i have been using are always at least 100 years old or more because then i can get them off google books for free :p