Tsar Darius V (1075 AD – 1140 AD)
Tsar Darius had much to be grateful to his mother for. She had chosen a good match as husband and Mikica proved to be a good father and regent for Darius in his youth. He would enjoy the best tutors and develop a comprehensive education in all matters of statecraft while Mikica oversaw the matters of empire ably and justly.
Beyond the personal history of Darius, it seems pertinent to discuss the continually changing nature of the empire. We’ve seen it evolve from an Eastern-style model of kingship with a robust and capable bureaucracy in antiquity to a hybridized entity in the early medieval world where systems gave way to the autocratic power to the reestablished but completely feudalised state we see in the 11th century. The empire has shown an amazing ability to integrate new ideas and concepts to rejuvenate it – swapping religions out as newer ones gained traction among its people, the restructuring of its military to face new challenges, the evolution of its diplomacy from a position of superiority to a role of first among equals. Despite these changes, certain things seem immutable. The empire as an idea simply could not exist without an Achaemenid in charge as we’ve seen with the collapse in the time of the Argeads and again during the Muslim conquests. It took Otaspes the Great to bring order the first time and then the line of Attalus to restore it the second time. The other factor is the gravitational pull Achaemeniyya plays in keeping the empire together. Without it, the empire rolls in the waves like a ship without a rudder – a testament to the foresight Smerdomenes had more than 1,200 years ago in moving his capital there.
The growing religious fervour of Christianity in both East and West had ignited a passion for crusading and a desire to reconquer lands lost to Muslims long past. In the Achaemenid Empire, a growing hostility developed between them and the Franks and Latins of the West that threatened to expand into a permanent division. Lilyana’s cult of personality would grow into almost religious-like reverence, many seeing in her Mary, Mother of God. Icons of saints and religious figures were already popular within the Empire, adapted from older Zoroastrian practices. Venerated in churches, public places, and private homes, they were often believed to have protective properties. The most revered of all icons were those classified as
acheiropoietos, that is, not made by human hands but made by a miracle. These icons were often believed to have protective powers (
palladia) not only over individuals but also over entire cities during times of war. The most revered of these was the Theotokos, with the Virgin Mary carrying the infant Jesus. It had been lost during the Fall of Achaemeniyya in 762 AD. However, in 1080 AD, it was apparently discovered, buried under the foundations of an old church and even more miraculously, the icon bore a striking resemblance to Lilyana. Many saw this as God’s favour to the Khodan Christians and that the Mother of the Empire was indeed blessed and that meant Darius, deservedly served as God’s Regent on Earth and the faithful Son of the Empire.
This aside will add context to the developments the empire will experience over the next century. Darius’s childhood was mostly peaceful with expansion with peaceful expansion into Dacia as lords willingly accepted the rule of Achaemeniyya in return for peace and the might of the Achaemenids to keep the peace. They had seen that Rome was too weak to defend them and Achaemeniyya was the strongest bulwark against Muslim expansion. Darius himself would expand the realm into new territories – he set off with a great fleet to Carthage to restore the Hiramids, descendants of old House Daevas to their seat of power. The Daevas had lost their empire when the Shias surged throughout North Africa and had returned to the bosom of the empire and accepted Christ during the time of Hormazd. They had served loyally as stewards and when the male line died out, the Hiramids from the female line continued to serve the empire. They still had their claims to the lands of Tunis and Darius armies soon outclassed the local Berbers who held the territories.
A Snapshot of the Mediterranean in 1094 AD
The Achaemenid Empire in 1097 AD had become defined by its core territories in the Balkans and the Bulgar-Greek identity that reflected the make-up of its people. It’s historic claims in Asia and the Middle East were often ignored by most. Beyond the Balkans, it had an eclectic mix of holdings in Africa, Italy, and Anatolia and had been expanding northwards into Eastern Europe, much of it due to the efforts of the Rev Mehran family who dominated the lands of the Danubia and claimed the Kingship of Dacia.
In Italy, the Roman empire still persisted but had lost Sicily to Norman invaders who arrived in the 1050s and had seen spectacular success in carving out a new realm. Rome still controlled Northern Italy and had been expanding westward and controlled the entrance into the Mediterranean from their base in Hispania and North Africa. The Urcebas family had solidified their hold on the title, holding it since 953 AD.
Dominating Hispania was the Kingdom of Carthaginensis, a Muslim state that had been formed by a Mihran exile, Makartatos who established a new dynasty in these lands in the far west. Contesting them in the north was Aquitaine, the Catholic Gaulic-Roman state established after the fall of the Western Empire.
In North Africa, the Ismaili family of Chelbesid flew the banner for Shia Islam after the loss of Jerusalem to the Catholic Crusaders. Despite the loss of Tunisia, their thoughts are on eliminating the Sunni tribes of the desert rather than revenge against the Achaemenids.
Cappadocian Anatolia had earned its independence from the Achaemenids with Khodadad Tyan as their nominal king. The Emirs were still divided and only recognised a single king for matters of defence and deterrence against outside threats.
The heartlands of Sunni Islam were Arabia and Durine with the Caliph Apollodoros Mihran ruling in Medina backed up by the massive state of the Bukharids that controlled most of Persia and Central Asia.
The Khodan Crusade for Jerusalem
Darius would do little to reduce the ill-feeling between East and West, supporting the Khodan Patriarch in the goal of reclaiming Jerusalem, and viewing it as part of the Achaemenid and Orthodox inheritance. The war would last three years as Jerusalem, cut off from Catholic support by Achaemenid ships and the civil war of Rome, struggled to keep armies in the field. The war eventually became a series of sieges as the Catholics refused to offer a fight and hid behind their walls. When Alexandria and Jerusalem fell in 1097, the King of Jerusalem escaped into the night and found a ship to Sicily.
Darius installed his brother, Viseslav, as King of Jerusalem but gave him the freedom to act independently from Achaemeniyya, letting Viseslav form his own royal household in the ancient palace of Otaspes the Great.
Domestic Issues Turn to Domestic Bliss
Back at home, Darius was initially troubled by a scandal. Growing up, he had developed a close relationship with the daughter of the court seneschal and they had become more than friends as they both entered adulthood. The relationship was exposed when she became pregnant with his child and many thought no more of it beyond the need to maintain another royal bastard. But Darius truly loved the girl, Lilyana and broke with custom and his father’s wishes to marry her.
The marriage would be a happy one and he would legitimise their firstborn who had been born out of wedlock. Zakariyah was now Darius’ heir and would oversee the expanding empire his father was building. The fact that the girl had the same name as Darius' mother was not lost on most either.
The Rise of the Nizari Shia
The story of the Nizaris begins in Shia Jerusalem, prior to the Catholic Crusade. From early in his reign, the Hashimid Caliph-Imam Al-Mustansir Billah had publicly named his elder son Nizar as his heir to be the next Hashimid Caliph-Imam. Hassan-i Sabbah, who had studied and accepted Ismailism in Hashimid Egypt, had been made aware of this fact personally by al-Mustansir. After Al-Mustansir died in 1034, Al-Afdal, the all-powerful Jerusaleman Vizier and Commander of the Armies, wanted to assert, like his father before him, dictatorial rule over the Hashimid State. Al-Afdal engineered a palace coup, placing his brother-in-law, the much younger and dependent Al-Musta'li, on the Hashimid throne. Al-Afdal claimed that Al-Mustansir had made a deathbed decree in favour of Musta'li and thus got the Ismaili leaders of the Hashimid Court and Hashimid Dawa in Jerusalem, the capital city of the Hashimids, to endorse Musta'li, which they did, realizing that the army was behind the palace coup. In early 1035, Nizar fled to Alexandria, where he received the people's support and where he was accepted as the next Hashimid Caliph-Imam after Al-Mustansir, with gold dinars being minted in Alexandria in Nizar's name. In late 1035, Al-Afdal defeated Nizar's Alexandrian army and took Nizar prisoner to Jerusalem where he had Nizar executed. After Nizar's execution, the Nizari Ismailis and the Musta'li Ismailis parted ways in a bitterly irreconcilable manner. The schism finally broke the remnants of the Hashimid Empire and made it easy prey to the Catholic Crusade in the 1050s.
Hassan-I Sabbah would spirit the young son of Nizar, Al-Hadi to the north, in the lands of the Crimea to escape any further Ismaili attacks. There Al-Hadi would carve out a new life, adopting Armenian ways and having a torrid affair with the daughter of the Vishparid lord of Tmuratakan. Hassan-I would leave him to further his own plans in Syria and the Zagros, building up an order utterly devoted to the line of Nizari and trained in the arts of murder to help restore Al-Hadi and his line to Caliph. However, the loss of Jerusalem destroyed that focus and the Hashashins as this order became known as changed its focus to destabilise Christian rule in the region. In the Crimea, the Vishparid daughter died young and her father had no other heirs other than Al-Hadi’s bastard child, Kaveh. Forced to legitimatise the boy on his deathbed, Kaveh was now the Sheikh of Tmuratakan and the heir to the Nizari legacy. His father had died the past winter, unused to the harsh weather of the Black Sea and the Bastard as he came to be known sought to reclaim leadership of the now splintered Shias.
Hassan, now an old man, placed the services of the Hashashin at Kaveh’s convenience and he would use them to strike opportunistically to disrupt the regional politics. The King of Pataroue, liege lord of Tmuratakan fell to poison and Kaveh took acted as regent for the young King Biderafsh.
In 1126, he would mark his return into mainstream Mediterranean politics by capturing the Kingdom of Trabzon. He would die of wounds sustained in the conquest and pass on shortly a few months later, but the Nizari would continue to grow in strength with his son, Tigran.
Tigran Vishparid (1126 AD – 1165 AD)
Kaveh had united the Armenian hillfolk and the Cuman tribes of Ciscaucasia and brought them into Trabzon, bordering the plateau of Anatolia. His rule is marked by cruelty to his enemies and the immense expansion of the Nizari state. Religion in the Anatolian region and the steppe was in flux throughout most of the last two centuries as different forces came to the fore and tried to impose their religious demands. We’ve seen that during the Achaemenid exile in the north. Within Anatolia, the Byzanstanis had switched between Khodan Christianity and Sunni Islam depending on whose favour they desired and where the winds of change were blowing. In the time of Darius V, many had accepted Achaemenid supremacy and much of the region had pledged allegiance to Achaemeniyya.
Darius V was by now an old man and sought to hand over his realm to his son, Zakariyah peacefully. He would accommodate this new Khan of the Steppe by arranging a royal marriage to an Achaemenid princess, hoping that blood ties would eventually usher in a peaceful relationship and hopefully integration of Trabzon into the empire. With the weight of the imperial alliance, Tigran would take his anger out on the Sunnis in the Jazira. A slew of assassinations would presage invasion and in just over a decade, Tigran had placed loyal Shi’ites in cities all the way down to Aleppo.
Tsar Zakariyah’s Vision of Church Union
With the passing of Darius V in 1140 AD, Zakariyah was the new Tsar. A peaceable man, Zakariyah once again resurrected the idea of church union with Rome. Unlike previous Achaemenids, he believed wholeheartedly in the universal religion of Christianity and he would offer far more compromises than any previous Shahanshah or Tsar had ever considered to the Pope to make his vision true – accepting the primacy of Rome, rejecting doctrine that accepted Muslims as people of the book and conceding the imperial right to call ecumenical councils.
This decision rocked the empire, long stabilised by the Khodan creed and tolerance of the Bulgarian Achaemenids. Many did not understand how the Tsar could make such a humiliating decision while others saw the benefits of trade and connections with the rapidly developing West that a shared religion could offer. The Tsar would spend the next decade fighting internal fires he had ignited and wars in the West as the promise of Church union failed to quell the hunger of kings and dukes to acquire more land.
Creating a New Nizari State
In this chaos, Tigran saw his opportunity to claim Achaemenid Anatolia. Despite his numerical inferiority, Tigran’s Armenian and Cuman soldiers were ideal for the mountain and steppe warfare that the conquest called for. The Achaemenids were distracted with most of their armies in Dacia putting down rebellion or defending their borders from Germanic Kings.
Still, it seemed a long shot for Tigran to win against the mighty Achaemenid Empire. Initial success soon turned into a quagmire of manoeuvring between mountains as each side sought the ideal ground to offer battle. That was the case until the Battle of Tanadris in 1151. A 60,000 Achaemenid host thought they caught Tigran’s main force of 30,000 in a mountain pass of the Taurus mountains. The battle turned into a trap for the Achaemenid forces as Tigran had created a large barrier between his forces and the enemy. Failing to scale the barriers, the Achaemenids were devastated by archer fire and found themselves cornered by reinforcements coming from the other side of the pass. All told, more than 30,000 Achaemenid soldiers lost their lives and it shattered morale in the army who told tales of the Nizaris who fought like demons.
Tigran would combine the attack with a simultaneous strike at the Tsar, assassinating the man who had weakened the empire enough to let Tigran exploit it. With a child on the throne, the Achaemenid response lost all coherence and Anatolia was lost once again.
Tigran would establish a new empire in Anatolia, the Sultanate of Rome, and declare himself Imam, the spiritual leader of all Shias. He had shown the supremacy of Islam against Christianity but his work was not yet done.
In the last years of his life, he would march for Jerusalem and Egypt. With the Achaemenids in abeyance, Khodan Jerusalem stood alone. The realm of Viseslav and his heirs stood little chance and the Caliph-Imam had completed the Nizari return to their rightful seat in Jerusalem.
Within Anatolia, many Muslims were reinvigorated by the fervour of the Nizari and pledged allegiance and faith with the Imam, and the region saw a rapid switch of religion. Tigran had allowed the cities their freedoms and Anatolian Rum would evolve along republican lines over the next century.
Wither the Achaemenids?
Despite the chastening lost of Anatolia and Jerusalem once again, the Achaemenid still had much strength to call upon but the death of Zakariyah created instability as a regency council stood in place of a Tsar’s command and fight between unionists against the patriarchate raged within the empire.