The Achaemeneh - the Saga of the Byzantine Kings (Achaemenid Megacampaign Part 2)

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Prologue - The Bulgarian Invasion and the Return of the Achaemenids

May, 939 AD

The wind howled like a banshee across the steppes, whipping at Nikola’s weathered face as he surveyed his Bulgar horde. For years, this people, the mighty Bulgars, had roamed the endless plains north of the Danube, a people known for their fierce horsemanship and unwavering loyalty. But whispers of opportunity danced on the wind, whispers that spoke of crumbling kingdoms to the south.

"Brothers!" Nikola roared, his voice a thunderclap against the howling wind. "You took my family in when we had nowhere to go. You offered us shelter and protection when our enemies were hunting us to the ends of the earth. Now, I shall return the gift. For generations, you have ridden the endless plains, but glory awaits us beyond the great river! The Muslims, once masters of these lands, are weak and divided. Now is the time to claim back my birthright, a land of fertile valleys and strong cities!"

A guttural roar rose from the Bulgar ranks, their battle axes flashing in the dying sunlight. The fire of conquest had been ignited. Under the steely gaze of a blood-red moon, the Bulgars crossed the Danube, a tide of horsemen surging southwards.

The initial Muslim response was feeble. Scattered detachments were brushed aside like chaff by the Bulgar storm. Panic rippled through the kingdom. Cities like Silistra, once bastions of an ancient power, fell with shocking ease. The Bulgars, fueled by victory, carved a bloody path deeper into the Balkans only just ravaged by a monstrous and bloody plague half a decade ago. After each battle, the Bulgars yelled “Victory for Khoda! Revenge for the Achaemenids!”

Nikola was no mere barbarian warlord, ravaging territory for plunders’ sake. He was of an ancient bloodline, who had been rulers of a vast empire that had been stolen from them. In his lineage, hallowed names like Cyrus, Darius, Orodes and Otaspes had their deeds inscribed into history. They had been forced to abandon their home nearly a century ago and their successors had considered them an ancient legend, lost to the annals of time. Now it was a time for the Achaemenids to come for those who had wronged them, reclaim the land stolen from their grasp and the enemies they were eager to enact vengeance on.

Nikola was a strategist, a wolf who knew when to strike and when to negotiate. He understood the value of a strong empire, not just plunder. When the Muslims finally offered a truce, he met with their emissary, a pompous noble named Hassan, in a makeshift tent. Hassan, his face pale with fear, looked down upon Nikola, seated on a bearskin throne. Behind him, the ancient banner of House Achaemenid, frayed and patched hung behind him. "Barbarian," he croaked, "we offer you a treaty. Leave our lands and we shall forget this transgression."

Nikola’s dark eyes narrowed. "Transgression? The land we stand on belonged to my ancestors before the Muslims even dreamt of an empire. Now, listen carefully, heathen. We will accept your surrender. You shall cede control of these lands – Moesia, Scythia Minor, Muntenia and Dobrudja. Pray we do not take more.”

Hassim sputtered, his pride bruised. Nikola’s demands were audacious, yet... he had little choice. The Muslim taifas of Byzanstan were divided and more interested to fight among themselves for territory after the collapse of the Caliphate. In the West, the Greek successor states of the old Achaemenid Empire would not aid their enemies against this new barbarian threat.

After days of tense negotiations, a treaty was signed. The Bulgars secured their newly conquered lands, laying the foundation for the Bulgarian Kingdom. Nikola, the man who led them from the steppes, had not just claimed land, he had reclaimed his family’s name in the histories. Though clashes with the Greeks and Byzantines would continue for centuries, the Bulgar presence in the Balkans was a permanent fixture. As for Nikola, he returned to his new capital, Tarnovgrad, his legacy etched in blood and soil – a testament to the unwavering will of the House of Cyrus and the people they had been adopted by.

 

[Killcrazy13]

Welcome dear readers to part 2 of this megacampaign (hopefully all the way to Vic3).

You can read about Part 1 here: The Last of the Achaemenids
This covers the rise of the Achaemenids from 304 BC to 476 AD after the destruction of the Persian Empire by Alexander to eventually creating an empire greater than their ancestors or Alexander. From there we follow the slow decline as the centuries slowly wear down the great edifice.

Over the next couple of posts, I'll detail out the world at 476 AD when the narrative begins and from there, we'll discover how the world evolved over four centuries leading to the Achaemenid's victorious return to their homelands.

 

[Killcrazy13]

A History of the Neo-Achaemenid Empire


The Neo-Achaemenid Empire traces it founding to the city of Heraclea Pontike on the Southern coast of the Black Sea. Amastris, a niece of the fallen Persian King Darius had inherited rule of the Greek city state and set it on a course to reclaim the legacy of the old Achaemenid Empire of Cyrus and Darius from the Diadochi fighting over Alexander’s empire. Over the following century, she and her heirs would slowly drive the Macedonians from Anatolia and eventually subjugate their homeland of Greece. Moving their capital to Byzantion at the nexus of Aegean and Black Seas, they would embellish the city with the spoils of campaigns and establish it as the grandest city in the world, soon to be called Achaemeniyya and forever associated with the dynasty.

In the 2nd century BC, the sitting Shahanshah Orodes II would launch the Great Campaign to claim back the Persian heartlands. A generational war would see them launch multiple campaigns to pull the old lands back into the Achaemenid orbit and by the end of his lifetime, his rule extended till the Indus valley. Future rulers would conquer Egypt, Arabia and Libya, and subjugate the Punics of North Africa, the Dacians, the Scythians, Nepalis, Berbers and Kemetic people of the Upper Nile, establishing the largest empire the world had ever seen.

The Achaemenid Empire at its height around 100 AD including tributary client kings​

Their rule would ensure two centuries of a Pax Persica in the Anatolian and Levant heartlands while war raged on its periphery against the Romans, Kushites, Sarmatians and Tamil Kings of India. However, success breeds corruption as many in the centre took the prosperity for granted. In Achaemeniyya, politics became a game as factions fought for influence, even toppling Shahanshahs when the stars aligned. In the 1st century AD, with the increasing influence of the Zoroastrian Magi now brought into the fold, the ruling Queen decreed that Ahura Mazda would be the god paramount of the empire, doing away with centuries of Hellenic faithfulness. As decades gathered dust, the control of Achaemeniyya slowly ebbed away due to the effects of plague, rebellions and war and the increasing disinterest of the Shahanshahs to actually rule their empire.

By the end of the 3rd century AD, kingmakers and claimants fought to put themselves or their candidate on their throne and or claw pieces of the empire for themselves. Into this evolving cauldron of calamity, the young Darius would rise to the challenge, defeating all challengers, reforming the economy and setting the empire on a new path in service to Christ the Redeemer. However, the recovery would not long survive his passing and the empire would split in two shortly after his death with a Christian West and a Zoroastrian East and two Shahanshah that would increasingly clash over the territories they each viewed as rightfully theirs.

By the early 5th century AD, the throne would pass completely out of Achaemenid hands as the line of the Dâmâds or the son-in-laws took charge of the much reduced empire. Tigraios, the first in the line was married to the daughter of the Shahanshah and was acclaimed as his successor but his son, Darius II, would announce the birth of a new dynasty, drawing on his ancient Greek bloodline as a descendant of Alexander and the refounding of the Argeads. Once again, civil war swept the empire as many Persians took offence or sought to carve out their own fiefdoms as central legitimacy was exhausted. The 3rd Achaemenid Civil War would last 44 years and prove to the bloodiest in history as millions died in service of the rival kings or simply as collateral damage in the many sackings and ravages of war.

The empire in 476 AD after losing Persia and seeing many satrapies breaking off during the many crisis of the last two hundred years. ​

By 472, Darius II emerged triumphant and had all usurpers put to death. By now, an old man, he would spend his last years attempting to rebuild from the ashes of war but times were changing and the sunset of the old empires was coming. He would pass on in 476 AD when our narrative begins.

​

Up next is a detailed lay of the land in 476 AD.

 

[Killcrazy13]

The World in 476 AD – Western Europe

The British Isles had beaten back a Roman invasion in 75 AD and had stayed independent since then. The Romans viewed the isles as unworthy of the effort in blood and treasure to capture and left the inhabitants to their local disputes. Now mostly unified under the Brygentin Cavarinus II mab Vosenius and still dominated by the Brittonic people, the lands are still underdeveloped compared to the European mainland and prone to tribal infighting. The Britons still abide by their Old Gods and druids who manage their religious ceremonies. In Ireland, the Celts fight for their independence controlling half the island.

Germania is split between Rome and constantly splintering Germanic kingdoms. In 476, they are briefly unified under King Baswo of the clan Wulthungaz of the Ripuarian tribe, rejecting the weak Christian god of the Romans. His kingdom of Tropea would slowly break apart after his passing and the Germanics would continue to flood into the porous borders of the Roman empire for the next century.

Further north in Scandinavia and the Baltics, tribes are engaged in a battle for land and survival. It’s a harsh territory and many will choose to migrate away in search of better prospects. To their east, the Baltics are home to Finnish and Sami people who engage in hunts and fishing when not defending their lands from the Germanics or Sarmatian raiders of Thyssagetia.

Rome

In 476 AD, Rome experienced a momentous change. The sitting Imperator, Volumnius Ulpius, abdicated in favour of his sons. Seeking to ensure that both would receive a fair inheritance, he split the empire between them. The elder, Mamercus, would receive Gaul, Hispania and the North German territories while the younger, Amulius, received Italia and the lands just north of the Alps. Over the centuries, Rome had faced similar problems to the Achaemenids in governing their large territories and defending their borders against barbarian raids. Mamercus, a famed and adept administrator was tasked to put right the unruly lands beyond Italy while Amulius would steward the semi-prosperous peninsula. Both brothers had sworn to come to each other’s aid in the advent of crisis.

Following the Council of Chalcedon, the Roman people accepted the Pope as the head of their church. Almost all of Western Europe professed the Catholic faith and viewed the Zoroastrian-influenced Orthodox of the East as schismatics. The office of the Papacy had grown in power and influence since Chalcedon, with lands and territories it managed independent of the Roman crown. In 473 AD, Pope Martinus had been driven out by the citizens of Rome due a papal decree and had taken residence in Toulouse. This is would not last and by 480 AD, the Pope was back in Rome, seated in St Peter’s Cathedral in the Vaticano.

Culturally, the Romans had spread around the Mediterranean with much of Hispania becoming Romanised. However, Gaul was predominantly Gallic, refusing to integrate fully into Roman culture. The demographics in Gaul would change rapidly over the next century. Mamercus would be unable to hold back the tide and the Germanics would break through and dominate much of Northern and Central Gaul. The Gaulish people would increasingly find themselves migrating to the lands around the Alps to band together for protection against these invaders.

Italy itself would see much change too as the Empire accepted more and more barbarians as foederati to supplement their armies. The idea of Roman-ness would also driftas the people dealt with these invaders and were forced to integrate them and live side-by-side with them. Italian culture would become increasingly regionalised from the Persian-influenced south to Gallic-Tuscany to the Germanic-influenced Romagna. Only in Hispania would we see the stereotype of Roman culture survive as they held on to what they believed to be the "True Roman" way while their ancestral lands gestalted significantly.

 

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The World in 476 AD – North Africa

While the state of Carthage no longer existed, the Punic people still dominated North Africa. From their capital in Tunis, Africa, they ruled over a larger confederation of Berber peoples – the Gaetulians and Maurians tribes of the Atlas and northern Sahara. The Punic nation of Hadrametum had restored much of North African Carthage after breaking away from the Achaemenids during the Empire’s crisis, even claiming a portion of Cyrenaica. They professed the heretical Donatist faith, heretical at least to Chalcedonians of Rome and Achaemeniyya. Hadrametum was ruled by the House of ‘Abd’osiri, formerly favoured privateers of the Acahemenids during the Romano-Persian wars that raged in the 2nd and 3rd centuries AD. They haven’t renounced their piratical ways and Punic warships are a threat to merchant shipping throughout the Mediterranean. The sitting Emperor of Hadrametum is Birrekba’l IV and he seeks to make common cause with the Kemetic Kingdom of Waset to claim Achaemenid Egypt.

Deeper into the Sahara, along the Libyan coast is Grand Emirate of Waddan, a former tributary of the Achaemenids. Deep in their desert fastness, these Berber people prefer to stay isolated and keep out of the business of empire and war after the deeply scarring 3rd Achaemenid Civil War. They are ruled by Agellid Mastan IV and act as a trade conduit with sub-Saharan Africa for Europe, making the city of Tripoli one of the richest cities in North Africa.

 

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The World in 476 AD – Eastern Europe

Dacia had been a client state of the Achaemenid for most of its existence. It had been protected by the Persians and had been a useful buffer against Roman aggression. With the annexation of Illyria in the 4th century, the Achaemenids found Dacia less useful militarily but still a good source of tribute. The 3rd Achaemenid Civil War broke that partnership as they sided with the Beth Narayan usurpers and retained their independence at the end of the war. They retained the worship of Zalmoxis and other Dacian gods despite the missionaries sent from Achaemeniyya. Now free, the Dacians will need to fend off the Romans and migrating Germanic and Slavic tribes on their own, as many eye the fertile Pannonian basin as a new home.

South of the Danube lay the two breakaway Achaemenid states, Krajina and Odessos. Having shaken off central authority during the long civil war, their kings professed the Arian branch of Christianity to escape the influence of the Patriarch of Achaemeniyya. Krajina claimed origins from the House of Achaemenid but as far as our genealogies can trace, there is no direct kinship between them and the bloodline of Cyrus and Amastris. These claims would be a sore point between the two fiefdoms for quite some time.

The Bosporan Kingdom is just as old as the Achaemenid Empire. It reached its heyday in the 2nd century BC, controlling most of the Pontic Steppe but had been pushed back into Azov region by Scythian and Sarmatian raiders. The Achaemenids had come to their rescue in return for the Greeks becoming a tributary and they had restored much of what had been lost. They were still ruled by the ancient House of the Spartokides and were an island of Hellenism and Greek culture in a sea of barbarism. Pataroue was another Hellenic kingdom in faith but Persian in culture, immigrants from the Achaemenids after the Hellenic faith had been outlawed in their own country.

Beyond the Bosporan Kingdom ranged the large Sarmatian tribal confederation called Thyssagetia. They ruled the steppes from the Baltic to the Ural Mountains, refusing to adopt civilised manner and adhering to their sky gods and the ways of the ancestors.

The World in 476 AD – Persia

The Persian plateau was dominated by the Empire of Parsa, once the Eastern half of the Achaemenid Empire. Ruled by Kophenes Vivanid in 476 AD, they are facing immediate internal threats from the Smerdid family who controlled the prosperous region of ancient Mesopotamia and the great cities of the Tigris and Euphrates. Beyond this immediate conflict, Kophenes faces challenges in exerting his control as powerful families control immense fiefdoms in the East, especially the Orontids of Parthia and the Turan regions.

Persia itself is relatively homogenous in faith, with most professing belief in Ahura Mazda. Still, there are notable communities of Christians who have broken off from the mainstream and established their own Church of the East. In the North, there is even an independent Christian kingdom that hold to the teachings of Nestorius. Tiny Maca and its Sogdian people are located close to Ferghana and resolutely holds on to its independence.

In the borderlands between Parsa and the Achaemenids lie the Kingdoms of Arzuhin, Sagarejo and Tushpa. These lands are a melting pot of peoples with the majority Kartvellians and Armenians hosting Babylonians, Sarmatians, Persians and Greeks living mostly in harmony. With the Achaemenid Empire exhausted, a war of soft power is likely to continue here over matters of faith and allegiances to avoid further encroachments by Parsa. Arzunid is ruled by the Arzunid dynasty, an ancient house that can trace its lineage back to Shahdokht Amastris, granddaughter of Arbaces III. They had broken away during the crisis in the reign of Darius I and had taken on a new family crest but believed they had legitimate claims to the Achaemenid inheritance. Their words are “Reclaim our right”.

The World in 476 AD – Arabia & East Africa

Arabia had fallen to fractious infighting during the Side revolt in the late 3rd century AD and the Persian satraps had been overthrown by Arabian tribal chiefs. Ony the Northern tip of Arabia is under an imperial authority and it’s the most prosperous part of Arabia with ships sailing between Mesopotamia and India.

Further South and into the desert, Arab tribes rule the Oasis and trading outposts and have fallen back to worshipping their old gods and ancestors. They speak of a messiah that will come to relieve them of the Christian and Zoroastrian yoke that has entrapped their brothers in the North and of a great Jihad.

Beyond the waters of Arabian Gulf lies the Kingdom of Kush and Waset. Kush are still believers in the religion of the ancient Egyptians. These Meroitic people are fighting for influence in the region with their Northern neighbours, Waset who are Coptic Khemitics, the people who built those ancient pyramids in Memphis and Luxor. Ironically neither the religion or the culture that gave birth to that ancient civilisation reside in their homelands any longer and that the people had left their old religion.

At the tip of the Horn of Africa lies Opone, a small African Kingdom that had the distinction of being the very first land to acknowledge Christ as their god and protector of their faithful. While they will mostly be written out as a by-blow of history, it’s important to recognise that they were still the first Christian nation.

The World in 476 AD – India

India was dominated by the Pandyas, the Tamil Kings who had warred with the Achaemenids for the past 500 years since the Persian had planted their flag in the Indus Valley. Their hold on the sub-continent in 476 AD seems as strong as ever but ambitious Maharajas are eager to manipulate the sitting Samrat Amarabhujanga V to their own devices and throw off the yoke of Tamil domination within their own lands.

In the Indus Valley and Punjab, a breakaway Achaemenid family rules the land of Ouarana Indus from their seat in Bukkor. They had adopted Indian customs but still kept the fire temples of Ahura Mazda burning within their domain.

 

[Killcrazy13]

Europe is primarily Christian in 476 AD though it has failed to penetrate deeper into Central Europe as 'barbaric' people still hold faith with their gods. There several heresies growing within these lands though as the central Churches of Rome and Achaemeniyya fail to exert their authority to ensure that their single view of Christianity is dominant.

India has monthly adopted a common view of Hinduism enforced by the Pandya Samrats while Persia stays loyal to Ahura Mazda and Zoroaster. Beyond these great empires, many pagan faiths hold sway in the mountains and steppes of the North.

 

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The World in 476 AD – The Achaemenid Empire

The Achaemenid Empire had shrunk immensely from its zenith in the 1st century AD. Now, its territories hugged the Eastern Mediterranean controlling the Balkans, Greece, Anatolia, Syria, Jerusalem and Egypt.

The Argead dynasty had survived the vicious civil war but now found itself isolated as the Great Houses had capitalised on the throne’s focus on war to expand their holdings and control within the old satrap system. As control had receded from the centre, they had wrested semi-independence and ruled their domains as kings who owed allegiance to Achaemeniyya and swore to provide the sitting Shahanshah with soldiers and gold. Much of the old imperial system had decayed away and the Shahanshah had to engage in favour trading and alliances to keep the machinery of government going. Legitimacy was also a going concern as many of the Great Houses now eyed acquiring the supreme seat of power as something within their grasp, something unthinkable a century ago when none but the Achaemenids had ever sat on the throne.

Despite the challenges of war, destruction and plagues, the empire was still mostly prosperous. Achaemeniyya was still the city that all flocked to and the fisheries of the Aegean, the cattle pastures of Anatolia and the wheat fields of Egypt provided plenty to develop industries and feed the people. The old imperial roads still existed, despites centuries of neglect and it was hoped that with peace, the people could slowly rebuild. The people themselves were a variety of cultures from cultured Greeks in the East to warlike Macedonians in the North to the Neo-Persians of Western and Central Anatolia to the Syrians and Aegyptians of Syria and Egypt. Middle Persian was the common tongue of trade and commerce though the imperial court increasingly used Greek in official matters. The Neo-Persians were distinct from their Eastern brethren in their old homelands. Centuries of Greek influence and imperial rule had seen them become more formal and proper as if holding on to long-forgotten practices were what made them “Persian”. They developed a love for the water, insisting on fountains or small pools in every noble house or civic feature and had an eye for commerce, trading across the Mediterranean.

With the death of Darius II, his middle-aged son, Tigraios II, took charge. Arrayed before him was a host of competing Great Houses, now royal in nature, competing against him and each other for power. The Houses Bagratid, Vivanid, Metillius, Bolbitine, Beth Narayan and even a small household of old Achaemenids in Judea had grown powerful over the ages and bided the time to strike.

The map shows the old governorships and the houses that controlled them now as kings. With the receding of Achaemenid power, the Bagratids and Vivanids had seen their influence rise and now controlled more than half the empire. If the members of the Houses could cooperate, they would be well placed to make a grab for power. ​

 

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The End of the Argeads (476 AD – 492 AD)

With the death of Darius II in 476 AD, the throne passed to his son, Tigraios II. The new Shahanshah was a complex character. Having grown up within the palace in Achaemeniyya, he had a poor understanding of the larger outside world while his father was often away on campaigns in Syria and Egypt to quelch the rebel factions, not on hand to teach him the practicalities of rulership. Growing up with five older sisters who often spoiled the young Shahzada (prince), he grew up lazy and prone to indolence. His courtiers would readily agree to his dreams of restoring the empire to its fullest extent but there was little meat to the skeleton of his plans. As time grew on and he passed his 20s and 30s without tasting a morsel of power, he drew into himself and rarely shared his thoughts or feelings with others. Instead, he would spend his time training his skill with the blade and became known as an able duellist in the Neo-Persian Raqs-e-Shahbaz style – a style focused on swiftness, precision, and deadly strikes, like the falcon it’s named after.

An Aside on the Raqs-e-Shahbaz or Dance of the Falcon

An Aside on the Raqs-e-Shahbaz or Dance of the Falcon
The Raqs-e-Shahbaz is a unique swordsmanship style that emphasizes agility, speed, and precise attacks. It departs from the more common, powerful swings used by Achaemenid soldiers in favour of a more controlled and elegant approach. It was developed in the court of Achaemeniyya among the young nobles looking to pass the time in the long peace of the early 2nd century. Over time, it became more and more formalised and distinct from the standard military training style. Shahruddin Bahram, the Argbadh and chief bodyguard during the reign of Anzaza, was the first acknowledged master of the style and as master of arms within the court, began to mentor the youths of the Great Houses into this Falcon style.

The Raqs-e-Shahbaz is known for its distinctive features and will act as the inspiration for the duelling schools of Europe in the 11th and 12th century:

• Footwork: Shahbaz fighters prioritize fluid footwork, emphasizing constant movement and quick changes in direction. This allows them to evade attacks and manoeuvre around their opponents, creating openings for strikes.
• Blades: The Shahbaz duellist favors lighter, shorter blades, often with a slight forward curve. This allows for quicker strikes and easier manoeuvring in close quarters.
• Emphasis on Thrusts: Unlike the slashing attacks favored by some Persian warriors, the Raqs-e-Shahbaz focuses on precise thrusts aimed at vital points. This approach prioritizes lethality and efficiency over brute force.
• Disarms and Counters: Shahbaz fighters are trained to exploit openings in their opponent's defence and disarm them with swift manoeuvres. Additionally, they have a repertoire of counters designed to deflect incoming attacks and transition seamlessly into offense.
• Mental Discipline: The Raqs-e-Shahbaz isn't just about physical skill. Shahbaz fighters cultivate a state of mental focus, allowing them to anticipate their opponent's moves and react with lightning speed.

Finally at 40, Tigraios took the throne. By this time, he felt his best years had been wasted and his many dreams were beyond his reach. Many thought that he was overwhelmed by the legacy of his father. Reinforced by his indolence, he found it easy to come up with excuses to do nothing.

Instead, he gave in to aggrandising his rule. Paying for craftsmen to adorn his court or sponsoring adventurers to search for fabled artifacts. The most revered of these was the fabled Mandylion, the Image of Edessa that is said to bear the visage of Christ. It was given pride of place within his court and he would often have it brought out for processions to mark feast days in the City.

Nine years would pass and Tigraios would fail to stem the increasingly vociferous demands of his vassals and nobles. The most dangerous belonged to Madates Bagratid, the ruler of Greece, who contested the region of Bythinia called Optimatoi due an ancestral claim from his maternal side. Madates was an ambitious and aggressive man and this was simply the first part of his ploy to weaken then claim the throne. By pushing his claim, he sought to gauge the extent of his support among the other Great Houses and he found that there were many eager hands ready to take up the sword.

​

Within Achaemeniyya, Tigraios continued with his ways, blissfully unaware of the danger brewing. On the feast day of St Andrew in 485 AD, he was leading the customary procession through the city from the palace to the Baha’I Andro or Church of St Andrew when a disturbance rocked the crowd. Among the many devotees seeking to touch the Mandylion, an assailant broke through and rushed past the Shahanshah’s bodyguard and stabbed him in the throat.

The throne passed to the only child of Tigraios II, Astaphernes, a boy of 9. His rule would be managed by his regent mother, Atossa, who was more interested in indulging her passions over the stewardship of the realm. The empire was still on shaky grounds after the civil war and much of the infrastructure and military strength had been worn down. Tigraios had done little to address the issues and Atossa was content to leave well enough alone. This added fuel to the fire for Madates Bagratid’s claims that the Argeads were unfit to sit on the throne.

Inspired by the sweeping provisions of previous Ecumenical Councils and seeking more ammunition against the Argeads, the scheming kings brought up the question of the Ecumenical Patriarch's power and right to judge sinner from saint. Previous Councils had excommunicated members of the Church they dubbed as heretics and each had been signed off by the sitting Achameniyyan Patriarch, not the Shahanshah. Wouldn’t it stand to reason that God had the right to judge all men, even great kings? This was the first instance of Excommunication as a weapon not just against clergy but against the nobility. The Patriarch Nariman was aware that he was being manipulated by the Great Houses but saw this opportunity to extend his control on the good and great, and agreed that the Shahanshah was a sinner and in conflict with the values of Orthodox Christians.

By this point, Astaphernes had reached adulthood and was ready to claim full powers but he found himself in charge of a sinking ship. Mobs within Achaemeniyya were calling for his abdication while the vassal kings began calling their armies together to push Madates’s matrilineal claim to the throne.

The Bagratid War for the Throne
In 492 AD, House Bolbitine in Egypt would present the faction’s demand to for Artanis, Madate’s mother to take the throne. Caught flatfooted, the Argeads found few supporters and as regional levies went over to the challengers, Astaphernes struggled to raise the legions that had supported his grandfather in the last civil war. Fighting would rage for two years, mostly in Thrace and Bithynia as the Argeads attempted a defensive war, trying to hold on to key fortresses to act as rallying points but they were losing ground. With the loss of their last holding in Anatolia, the Argeads prepared for a long siege at Achaemeniyya, in hope of a miracle.

Twenty thousand men lay before the Darian Walls of the great city with too few within to hold them off. Then an army flying the flag of the Argeads appeared in the West. Pro-Consul Sarduri, Astaphernes’ guardian and mentor had rallied all the forces he could muster to attempt to break the siege. Madates Bagratid and Oxyarthes Bolbitine turned their armies around to face this new challenge. Sarduri only had 7,000 men against a force more than twice his number but his heroic last charge would be remembered for centuries more. Sarduri’s forces were decimated after the charge as the larger host digested the brave warriors and spat out their bones.

Now with no hope of rescue possible, Astaphernes confronted reality and surrendered to save the city of the Achaemenids from any vicious sacking. The last Argead King was imprisoned and stripped of his titles as the Bagratids claimed the throne they had been craving for past few decades. The Argead dynasty had seen four kings and lasted for less than a century.

 

[Killcrazy13]

The Bagratid Line & the Start of the Warring Princes Period (492 AD – 504 AD)

Emblem of the House of Atizyesid, Shahanshahs from 492-504 AD​

In the immediate aftermath of the dethronement of the Argeads, the Bagratids focused on consolidating their power in the hope of preventing others from following suit. Unfortunately, the genie was out of the bottle and the Great Houses now saw that power resided in where men could carve it out. While courtly intrigue was no stranger during the time of the Achaemenids and Argeads, it reached a fever pitch in the short-lived Bagratid era. Assassinations began to destroy what stability was left and regional divisions began to take hold within the empire.

There is a vivid quote from the Essayist, George E.H. Macey describing the latter era of the empire:
“The Byzantine Empire was pre-eminently the age of treachery. Its vices were the vices of men who ceased to be brave without learning to be virtuous… slaves were willing to be slaves, in both their actions and their thoughts, immersed in sensuality, and in the most frivolous pleasures. The history of the empire is a monstrous story of the intrigues of priests, eunuchs and women of poisonings, of conspiracies, of uniform ingratitude, of perpetual fratricides.”

George Macey was part of a growing group of anti-Persian European writers in the 18th and 19th centuries who were eager to disparage the latter-era Achaemenid Empire and refute its connection to the grand edifice it was at the turn of the millennium. They would call it the Byzantine Empire and it became fashionable to exaggerate the orientalism of the empire in comparison to noble Europeans who claimed the 'superior' legacy of Rome for themselves. However, the quote above is quite apropos for the time of the Bagratids.

Artanis would be Banebshen Banbisn for two years before her passing under mysterious circumstances. Her son, Tigranes was the new Shahanshah as Madates, the oldest heir passed away a year before his mother.

Tigranes would rule for 9 tumultuous years and would declare his new royal line the Atizyesids to distinguish it from the larger Bagratid clan. Oxyathres, the master of Lower Egypt, who had partnered with Madates Bagratid to overthrow the Argeads, now begun his own push for independence. His cause was joined by Upper Egypt, Jerusalem and Syria and their war for independence would last four years. Tigranes faced the same issues that plagued the Argeads, unable to muster enough loyal forces to fight on his side and he would surrender after the lords of his court pressured him to end the destruction the independence faction was wrecking in Anatolia.

With the loss of the Levant and Egypt, Tigranes had hope that he could consolidate a smaller and less divisive empire. The Monophysites were no longer a fifth-column danger and most of his remaining territories were squarely Orthodox. Unfortunately for him, the Ecumenical Patriarchate had grown to like the power he wielded over crowns. When Tigranes had refused the new Patriarch Bahram his request for more land in Thrace to establish monasteries, Bahram had him excommunicated for refusing god’s will and the needs of the church. Now with a relevant casus belli, nobles would launch rebellions after rebellions to expand their power base or weaken the throne’s. Tigranes was just barely managing to keep things together when he died of a heart attack in March 503 AD. His son, Darab would only last three months before he fell off the parapets of the Achaemenid Palace in June 503 AD, dead at 20 years of age. The poisoned chalice of the throne would pass to Tigranes’s younger son and last remaining heir, Sina, a boy of five. Again, the knives came out for the young child and he would last another year before meeting his own unfortunate accident.

With no legitimate claimant to the throne, the empire broke down with many of the Shahs and lords content to manage things on their own. Achaemeniyya and its surrounding territories passed into the hands of the chancellor, Jamasp Gulakshan, who proclaimed himself the Shah of Europa. Many of the Great Houses chaffed at this upjumped challenger taking the great prize but with control of the treasury and behind the walls of Achaemeniyya, Jamasp was safe from most threats. The next few decades are known as the Era of the Warring Princes as the Great Houses fought over land and century-long feuds were finally given air to be resolved. It seemed that this was to be the final nail in the coffin for the Achaemenid Empire.

The many different factions vying for supremacy and the legacy of the Achaemenid Empire circa 520 AD​

Almost like an act of synchronicity, the old Eastern half of the Achaemenid Empire, Parsa, collapsed under duress in 510 AD, just 6 years after the last Bagratid Shahanshah died. However, beyond these lands in the east and west, their old rivals still survived. Rome though much reduced, still held on to Italy while the Pandyas dominated the Indian sub-continent.

 

[Killcrazy13]

The Achaemenids Claims Power in Jerusalem (492 AD – 524 AD)

We’ve not spoken of the Achaemenids in this new era since the Argeads took power a century ago. After the establishment of the new dynasty, the family had spread out across their old empire. There was the rebel Side faction who escaped to Cyprus after their loss in the time of Darius I in the 3rd century. There were also several members who fled to India and took control of the old Indus-Punjab tributary kingdom, Ouarana Indus. Across their old lands, there were many other rulers who sought to claim kinship with the Achaemenids to establish their legitimacy but historians now consider that most of these lineages were fabricated.

Within the empire that Darius II ruled, there was only one existent Achaemenid line still holding some power. A lesser line that traced its lineage to the Banebshen Banbisn Anzaza, who ruled the empire from 189 AD to 205 AD, the Achaemenids of Jerusalem had fled the fall out of the Argead transition and sought shelter in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre within the city. During the civil war, they had been forced to stay constantly on the move within the region to avoid capture or death by the armies of both sides. Achaemenid blood still had value – either to be drained dry or married into depending on which side of the civil war you were on. Their time fighting for survival had seen them develop deep relationships with the good and great of Palestine who yearned for better days and see the family lose many loved ones. By the end of the civil war, the only survivors were two young brothers, Ordanes and Onthotopates, taken care of by their mother, Sisygambis of House Arid.

In the ensuing chaos of the Bagratid War and the independence movement by the southern kingdoms, Sisygambis promoted her children to the local nobility of Judea to let them act as figureheads and champion their independence from Achaemeniyya. The Achaemenid line offered legitimacy and a symbol for many in the region to rally around in their fight for freedom from imperial tyranny. The older brother, Ordanes was already in his 30s and was a capable administrator with a good head for numbers and organisation. He promised the assembled nobility that he would rule justly and ensure that the Houses Xerxid, Javanshiran, Fadlid and Ispahbodan would always have his ear if they acclaimed him King of Jerusalem and that he would defend them against the Jewish threat in Samaria, just across Galilee that the Argeads had failed to address.

So with the breakaway of Jerusalem, Syria and Egypt from the empire, Ordanes Achaemenid sat on the throne of Jerusalem in the new palace, constructed on the grounds of Golgotha and connected to the Church of the Holy Apostle where his grandfather Gobryas had first sought refuge.

Jerusalem in the sixth century was a busy trading and pilgrimage site, acting as a crossroads for Arabian traders from the desert and a key stop along the Babylonian-Egyptian trade route.

The influx of pilgrims spurred trade, art, and a growing distinct cultural identity - Jeruselemian. Within these lands, Persian, Syriac, Nabateans and Jews had been mixing for centuries and had been setting their differences aside to focus on economic gain and trade. Among pilgrims, it became known that they had to stay on their guard against the hawkers and shopkeepers who would haggle them down to the last silver sliver they owned. With the recovery of the Ark of the Covenant from Ethiopia, Jerusalem became the most famous pilgrimage site in Christendom, attracting kings and priests from across the world who desired to lay eyes on this miracle of God.

We have this account of Theodesic the Confessor describing the city in the time of Darius, Ordanes’ son:

“The dust of the long journey coated my skin like a second layer of my worn tunic. But fatigue was a distant memory the moment Jerusalem rose on the horizon – a shimmering mirage against the unforgiving sun. For years, I had dreamt of this moment, of kneeling at the holiest ground in Christendom.

Reaching the city gates was an ordeal. Merchants hawked their wares with a cacophony of calls, while pilgrims like myself jostled for entry. Towers of gleaming white limestone, recently built by King Otaspes himself, loomed overhead. These weren't the crumbling Persian walls I had envisioned, but a testament to the Achaemenid’s unwavering faith. Inside, the city was a kaleidoscope of sights and sounds. Monks in simple brown robes hurried past, their faces etched with piety. Merchants, likely from far-off Persia, displayed vibrant silks and exotic spices. The air hummed with a multilingual prayer, a chorus of Aramaic, Greek, and Eranian rising from every corner.

My destination, the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, was a magnet for pilgrims. The once-humble structure had been transformed into a breathtaking basilica. Sunlight streamed through stained glass windows, casting rainbows on the polished marble floors. Pilgrims, some weeping openly, knelt before the Ark of the Covenant. The air crackled with an intangible energy, a sense of shared faith and reverence.

As much as the locals tried to hide it, the city was not purely God’s city. Tensions simmered beneath the surface. The Jewish quarter hummed with an undercurrent of resentment. The destruction of their synagogue by the king’s men remained a fresh wound. Soldiers patrolled the streets with an air of unease, constantly on guard against Jewish spies from Samaria. One evening, I found myself at a bustling tavern, sharing a meal with fellow pilgrims. Tales of bandits roaming the desert roads and skirmishes with Arab raiders fueled our conversation. Despite the dangers, a sense of camaraderie bound us. We were all pilgrims, drawn by an invisible thread to this holy city.

As I prepared to leave Jerusalem, a bittersweet feeling settled upon me. The city had exceeded my expectations – a living testament to the sacrifice of Christ. Yet, it was also a place of conflict, a microcosm of the wider world's struggles. Jerusalem had etched itself into my soul, not just as a holy city, but as a tapestry woven with faith, conflict, and the enduring spirit of humanity. A part of me would forever remain amidst the bustling streets and holy sites of the City of God.”


Ordanes the Quarreller (492 AD - 509 AD)

In his initial years, Ordanes focused on securing his power within his new kingdom, developing the loyalty of an army trained by his brother and replacing the administration of the city and the rural provinces with his men. With the pieces in place, the king would begin his wars with the Jews of the East, breaking their kingdom and subsuming them within his domain. He would also turn his attention northwards, capturing the wealthy cities of Beirut, Tripoli and Damascus from the Metilius family of Syria. Within his court, they began to call him the ‘Quarreller’ as he often used slights and disagreements to find cause for war or to reprimand disobedient vassals. To the houses that had sworn loyalty to him, they found that his promises were not worth the breath it had taken to utter them. He reduced their influence in court and curbed their freedoms in administering their own lands. With the taxes of the City of Jerusalem, Ordanes had no issues raising the money to keep his soldiers loyal and well-equipped.

Fortunately for them, Ordanes would be struck down by pneumonia and draw his last breath in 509 AD. By this point, his marriage to a Roman princess (a story deserving it’s own story starting with Ordanes striking up a friendship with her Romano-Germanic Kingly brother on pilgrimage in Jerusalem) had seen two children born, a boy and a girl.

Darius of Jerusalem (509 AD - 524 AD)

Darius was a boy of ten when he took the throne. Given more to philosophy and theology, he sought to ensure that his rule would be a model of Christian kingship. Charity and almsgiving were characteristics of his reign. In his quest to synthesise faith and rulership, he sought to homogenise the practices of his people. This often gave rise to uprisings by those who were oppressed by the new measures and even a few attempted assassinations on the king himself.

In an act of piety, he married a Matrona, a lowborn lady and pilgrim from Hispania, who had caught his eye and presented her as a showcase of God’s blessing on the small and meek – that they could rise far in God’s Kingdom on earth. With each act of piety, he ingratiated himself with the zealots and members of the Church. Jerusalem, already a hotbed of religious fervour, easily gave rise to legends and prophecy. Among these, there were a few focused on the Achaemenid line and how Christianity came to them through the voice of an angel. Darius would encourage the spread of this belief and how it was foretold that the Achaemenids were destined to take Arabia in the name of Christ.

Despite the assassination attempts and plans for war, Darius would meet his end in the most ignominious manner. Thrown from his panicked horse while return from a minor errand in Nablus, the king landed on his head and broke his neck. He survived just long enough to reach Jerusalem to pass his crown and signet ring to his only surviving child, Otaspes, who teared uncomprehendingly at his fallen father and the courtiers around him who were either swearing oaths of loyalty or preparing the body for the funeral to come.

 

[Killcrazy13]

Otaspes the Great (524 AD – 602 AD)

The sources for the early years of Otaspes are few and far between, presenting a fractured view of the man that would grow up to be called “The Wolf” or “The Great”. Unfortunately, the Achaenemeh, the Book of the Achaemenids had such a gravitational pull that many later sources began using to it as the primary or only source for Otaspes and his heirs as they ushered in the 2nd golden age of the Achaemenid Empire. [1]

Growing up, Otaspes was placed into the care of the Patriarch of Jerusalem, Raksh, who often regaled him with stories of his forebears including tales of his Roman ancestors (his grandmother was a Roman princess). It sparked a burning desire to restore his family’s empire and drive him all his adult life. Jerusalem was already the strongest Kingdom along the Eastern Mediterranean coast, with territories extending up into Syria and down into the Arabian Gulf but Coptic Egypt and Zoroastrian Durine rivalled it in strength.

Jerusalem in 524 AD​

The other great influence on his life was his great-grandmother, Sisygambis. She had seen the death of her son and grandson but continued to hold on to life. She continued to care for her family, acting as the physician to the boy king and reminding him of the hardships that the usurpers and other Great Houses forced on them during their time on the run.

With dreams of reunification, Otaspes commanded his generals to capture Cilicia when he was only twelve. The war was a disaster for Jerusalem as the boy king underestimated the capabilities of the Cilician King, Aurang Bagratid. The Cilicians were adept at mountain warfare and cornered the Jerusalem army in the mountain passes that gave access to Antioch. Jerusalem’s army was mostly cavalry, made up of camel and light horse cavalry, ill-prepared for war in the highlands, and they were slaughtered. Forced to pay an indemnity and hand over the pilgrim tax for Jerusalem for the next five years, Otaspes swore never to be humiliated in such a manner again. It would take him three efforts before he could subjugate Cilicia and capture Antioch and the Cilician Gates. He personally led the last war, as a man of twenty, crushing the enemy forces on the plains of Aleppo where he could bring his superior cavalry to the fore.

With this victory, Otaspes grew in confidence and stature. His men worshipped him for his battlefield cunning and strategic brilliance. The brave and hardworking warrior-king who dined with his men and shared in the risk of battle was an easy man to follow and many more flocked to his banner. They called him the Wolf of the Battlefield and claimed that he was Darius I reborn.

The Egyptian Plague

Unfortunately for Otaspes, further dreams of conquest were put on hold for the Egyptian Plague would sweep the land. In the year 540, or shortly thereafter, as part of an ongoing campaign to eradicate from Egypt the final remnants of classical paganism, the Bagratid King Arbaces ordered that the temple to Isis, at Philae in southern Egypt, be destroyed. According to legend, among the many civilizing skills that mankind had been taught by Isis was that of how to cure disease. That the following year Egypt should have fallen victim to an outbreak of bubonic plague may have struck many adherents of the old gods as a sure sign of the folly of Christian policy. According to the contemporary historian Myconius, the plague first manifested itself at the entrepot of Pelusium, whence it spread to Alexandria, to the rest of Egypt and to Palestine. By 543 AD, it had spread across the Middle East and the Mediterranean, causing untold suffering and death. Within Jerusalem, Otaspes ordered vast pits to be dug to dispose of the rotting corpses. When these overflowed, bodies were stuffed into the towers of the city walls with quicklime poured over them to speed up decomposition, or they were loaded onto ships that were pushed out into the Dead Sea and set alight, giving a second reason for its moniker. The world came to a stop for ten years as everyone prayed for protection and deliverance.

Otaspes would spend the time with his aunt (born from his grandmother’s second marriage), Denag, who sought shelter in Jerusalem during the worst of the outbreak in Egypt. Within the walled gardens of the palace, a forbidden romance would begin between the two. Denag was married to the King of Lower Egypt, Stephanos Bolbitine and eager whisperers would claim that the 3rd Bolbitine son, Zenobios was Otaspes’. Neither Otaspes or Denag spoke of the matter but Otaspes would always ensure Zenobios was taken care of, giving him lands and titles within the Faiyum after he had dispossessed Stephanos of the Kingship of Lower Egypt at the height of their rivalry.

Otaspes the Conqueror

In 551, with the world finally ready to venture beyond the sealed city gates as the plague abated, Otaspes gathered his armies once again. The next twenty years would see a mix of diplomacy and war by the warrior king as he subjugated Syria, Anatolia and Greece under his banner. As many picked through the wreckage of their lands post-plague, they were unprepared to stand against this new force. In many areas, lines of kings had been extinguished and the return of an Achaemenid promised stability and protection. One of Otaspes’ fixation was putting an end to false Achaemenids. Many nobles were made to either renounce their claims of kinship or had their lines extinguished or banished. Otaspes wanted none to challenge his authority or the legacy of the Rightful Rulers of the World, his House Words.

As he marched towards his ultimate goal, Achaemeniyya, the Patriarch Zarthosht was not eager to welcome his arrival. With the weak Gulakshans in power, the Patriarchate had grown in influence in the City and was eager to emulate the Pope who had claimed Rome as his dominion and the supreme leader of all true Orthodox Christians. Exercising his one ultimate weapon, he excommunicated Otaspes and hoped to de-legitimise the King in the eyes of his followers. The cult of Otaspes had grown stronger with every victory and the Orthodox Church’s authority had weakened with its focus on worldly matters. His soldiers paid no mind to the decree and swore to restore piety to the ‘corrupted’ church. As the holder of the Ark, Otaspes had greater credit in claiming to serve God’s will and bringing his commandments to the decadent city.

In 578 AD, fifteen thousand Achaemenid warriors defeated ten thousand strong Gulakshan forces at the Battle of Chariopolis. Otaspes captured Shah Babak and forced him to surrender the City to him. With the capture of the ancient home of his ancestors, Otaspes had done the impossible, uniting the fallen empire within a single lifetime.

His men dragged the Patriarch before the King and forced the priest to kiss the royal signet ring in a sign of submission. Zarthosht was forced to retract his decree and in the following weeks, presided over a grand ceremony to anoint Otaspes as Emperor and Paragon of the Orthodox Church.

The re-established empire was significantly reshaped by the Warring Princes period and Otaspes' wars of reconquest and we’ll delve into it in the second part covering the latter part of his reign.

The restored Achaemenid Empire in 585 AD​

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[1] The Achaemeneh was written in the time of Nikola II between 950 AD – 990 AD by a Byzantine poet named Fidraun. The Bulgarian Achaemenids sought to compile their family’s history and burnish their legitimacy as the returning heroes of old. Consisting of some 50,000 distichs or couplets (two-line verses), the Achaemeneh is one of the world's longest epic poems, and the longest epic poem created by a single author. It’s considered the national epic of the Byzantine people and the work is of central importance in the Byzantine culture and language, proving definitive for the ethno-national cultural identity of the nation.

Illustration from the Achaemeneh showing Smerdomenes crossing the Bosphorus and claiming the riches of Byzantion​

Divided into three sections, it provides a semi-mythic take on the founding of the Achaemenid Empire in the time of Cyrus to the first restoration by Amastris and Orodes and the second restoration by Otaspes and ends with the triumphant return from exile by Nikola. The Mythical Age gives an account of the creation of the world and of man, closely mimicking the Bible. The Heroic Age focuses on great heroes and mythological beast and closely parallels the Achaemenid Empire from Cyrus to Alexander to Darius I. Lastly we have the Historical Age detailing the rise of Otaspes before the eventual fall of the Empire against the Arab Conquests. Unfortunately, even the Historical Age is narrated romantically, focusing on great deeds, flawed heroes and the divine will driving the story forward, making it unreliable as a historical source.

 

[Killcrazy13]

Otaspes the Great (524 AD – 602 AD) – Part 2

Instead of recapping the nature of Otaspes' rule, I think it's more enlightening to use this excerpt from the Achaemeneh to provide a sense of the world that the Achaemenids ruled and the mythos that grew around the family to its fabled status as beautifully captured by the poet Fidraun. The text about the death of Otaspes is transliterated from its original Byzantine to English and told in prose :

It came to pass that Otaspes had grown old and weathered in his elder years and sought to lay down his crown. Darab the Aged was angered, and he deemed that the wits of Otaspes were distraught.[1] And he said-

"Since I have stood before the throne of the Achaemenids no King hath spoken words like to thine. And I fear that a Daev [2] hath led thee astray, and I implore of thee that thou listen not unto his voice, and that thou give ear unto the words of an aged man, and that thou Turn thee back into the path that is right."

And when Darab had done speaking, the nobles cried with one accord that he had spoken for them also. Then Otaspes was sorrowful, but he would not suffer anger to come into his spirit. And when he had pondered, he opened his mouth and spake, saying-

"O Darab, I have given ear unto the words which thou hast spoken, give ear now unto the answer. For I have not departed from the paths of Christ, and no Daev hath led me astray. And I swear it unto thee, even by God the Merciful. But because I am sprung from Cyrus the evil one, and am linked unto the race of Persia, I am afraid, and I fear to grow like to Jamsheed and Tur, who wearied the world with their oppressions. [3] And, behold, I have avenged my family, and have made the world submissive unto my will; and I have established justice in the realm, and the earth is glad, wherefore there is no longer aught for me to do, for the power of the wicked is broken. Therefore, lest I grow uplifted in my soul, I have entreated of Christ that He allow me now to go hence, even unto Himself. For I am weary of the throne and of my majesty, and my soul crieth for rest."

When Darab heard these words he was confounded, for he knew that they were true. And he fell in the dust before the King, and he craved his forgiveness for the hard speech that he had spoken, and he wept, saying-

"O Otaspes, we desire not that thou go hence."

And the King accorded forgiveness unto the old man, because of the great love he bare him; and he lifted him from the ground and kissed him. And when he had done so, he bade him go forth with Faramarz. [4] And he commanded that the nobles and all their armies should camp upon the plains. And Darab did as the King desired, and the hosts were encamped without the gates of Achaemeniyya.

Now when it was done, Otaspes mounted upon the golden throne, and he held in his hand the Sword of Mah, [5] and he bare on his head the crown of the Achaemenids, and a sash of might was girded round his loins. And on his right hand stood Faramarz the Exarchos, and on his left Nemesios the aged. And he lifted up his voice and spake words of wisdom unto his army; and he said unto them that the sojourn of man was brief upon the earth, and that it became him to remember his end. And he said how he had also bethought him of his death. And he spake, saying-

"I have made me ready to depart, and my testament will I speak before you. I will give richly unto those that have wearied themselves in my service, and of those to whom I owe gratitude I will speak unto God, and implore of Him that He reward them according to their deserts. And I give unto the Byzantines my gold, and my armour, and my jewels, and whosoever is great among you to him do I give a province." [6]

Thus for the space of seven days did the King sit upon his throne and order his treasurer how he should act. Then on the eighth he called before him Goudarz the wise, and he gave to him instructions. And he bade him be kind unto the poor, and the widowed, and the fatherless, and he entreated him to dry the eye of care. Then he gave unto him much treasure, and rendered unto him thanks for the services that he had done before him. And he gave rich gifts also unto Faramarz, and Eusthatios, and Gracchus, and to all his nobles, according to their degree. And he desired of them that they should ask a boon at his hands, and whatsoever it was he gave it. And he spake, saying-

"May my memory be hateful unto none."

Then he called before him Faramarz, and praised the mighty deeds that he had done, and he invoked the blessings of Heaven upon his Exarchos. And after many days, when all these things were accomplished, the King was weary, but his task was fulfilled. And the others knew thereof, but they ventured not again to admonish Otaspes, for they were amazed at his wisdom and his justice, and they saw that he did that which was right.

Now when it was done, Otaspes turned him to his nobles, saying-

"I go now to prepare my spirit for death."

And when he had so spoken he entered behind the curtains of his house. And he called before him his women, and he told unto them how he should depart. And they wept sore at the tidings. Then Otaspes confided them unto Darius, and he gave to him safe counsels, and he said- [7]

"Be thou the weft and the warp of righteousness."

And when all was ready, he sat him upon his horse to go forth into the mountains. And Darius would have gone also, but Otaspes suffered it not. But there went with him Darab and Faramarz, Behrouz also, and Zadashsm and Fereydun, and Tiberios the Noblest of Lances, and Ordanes, the son of Otaspes, and Jnanasome the Silver Aswar. And they followed after him from the plains unto the crest of the mountains. [8] And they ceased not from mourning that which was done of Otaspes, and they said among themselves that never had King done like unto him. And they strove to change his purpose. But Otaspes said unto them-

"All is well, wherefore weep ye and trouble my spirit? "

Now when they were gone with him the space of seven days, Otaspes turned unto his nobles and spake, saying-

"Return now upon the road that ye are come, for I am about to enter in upon a path where neither herb nor water can be found. Wherefore I entreat of you that ye spare yourselves this weariness."

Then Darab and Faramarz, and Tiberios the Silver Aswar, listened unto the voice of the King, for they knew that he spake that which it became them to obey. But the others refused ear unto his voice, and they followed after him yet another day, but their force was spent in the mountains. Now when the evening of that day was come they found a running stream. Then Otaspes said,

"Let us halt in this spot."

And when they were encamped he spake unto them of the things that were past, and he said unto them that when the sun should have lifted up its face anew they should behold him no longer in their midst, for the time of his departure was at hand. And when the night was fallen he drew aside and bathed his body in the water, and prayed unto God his Maker. Then he came yet again before his nobles, and he awakened them from their slumbers, and he spake unto them words of parting. And he said-

"When the daylight shall be come back, I say unto you, return upon your path, neither linger in this place, though it should rain musk and amber, for out of the mountains a great storm will arise that shall uproot the trees and strip the leaves from off their branches. And there shall come a fall of snow such as Byzantium hath not seen the like. But if ye do not as I say unto you, verily ye shall never find the path of return."

Now the nobles were troubled when they heard these words, and the slumber that fell upon their eyelids was fined with sorrow. But when the raven of night flew upwards, and the glory of the world flooded the earth with its light, Otaspes was vanished from among them, and they sought out his traces in vain. [9] Now when they beheld that he was gone, they wept in the bitterness of their hearts, and Ordanes spake, saying-

"O my friends, listen to the words that I shall speak. I pray of you, let us linger yet a while in this spot, lest after his adventure my father should return. And since it is good to be here, I know not wherefore we should haste to depart."

And the nobles listened to his voice, and they encamped them on this spot, and they spake continually of Otaspes, and wept for him, but they forgot the commandment that he had spoken. Now while they slept there arose a mighty wind, and it brought forth clouds, and the sky grew dark, and before the daylight was come back unto the world the earth was wrapped in snow like to a shroud, and none could tell the valleys and the mountains asunder. And the nobles, when they awoke, knew not whither they should turn, and they sought after their path in vain. And the snow fell down upon them, and they could not free them of its might, and though they strove against it, it rose above their heads and buried them, and after a little the life departed out of their bodies.

Now after many days, when Darab, and Faramarz, and Tiberios beheld that the nobles returned not, they grew afraid and sent forth riders to seek them. And the men searched long, but in the end they found the bodies, and they bare them down into the plains. And sore was the wailing in the army when they beheld it, and a noble tomb was raised above their heads. But Darius, when he learned that Otaspes was vanished, mounted the throne of the Achaemenids. And he called before him his people that they should do allegiance unto him. And they did so, and the palace of Otaspes knew him no more.



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[1] Darab was reputed to be the most loyal of Otaspes’ bannermen. After the conquest of Cilicia, he was gifted the region to govern on Otaspes’ behalf He and his son, Faramarz, would be tasked with the defence of the east, eventually adopting the title Exarchos as marcher lords against Persian aggression and later, Muslim armies.

[2] We can see the influences of the Zoroastrian Magi on the Orthodox Church in the language they use. Daev here refers to the demons of Catholic terminology. There are many other areas of gospel and customs where the older faith shaped the younger. The key tenet of Zoroastrianism “Good Thoughts, Good Words, Good Act” would shape the Orthodox doctrine of Sanctity without Distinction. Through baptism alone is a man or woman free of sin. Distinctions between an austere life or a comfortable one cannot be a source of holiness. All sins are equally terrible and all virtues equally noble and righteous in leading the faithful to heaven. The church taught that salvation is driven by thought and action and that extreme asceticism is not only arrogant, but un-Christian. This is in contrast to the Coptic stylites or the Catholic hermits, contributing to a growing schism between Rome, Alexandria and Achaemeniyya.

[3] By this point, the Neo-Persians of the West had grown significantly apart from the Persians of the East, beginning to call themselves Byzantines, having integrated many elements of Greek culture into their ways and traditions. Fidraun, the author of the Achaemeneh, was a Byzantine through and through and during his time, it was common practice to demonise the Persians as heathens or exotic orientals. The issue of descent from these Persians was a touchy affair and you can Fidraun attempt to rationalise it here as a King aware of the corruption in his blood.

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[4] Faramarz Ghobadan the Strongarm is the legendary Exarchos who commanded the armies of Darius III in the Wars for God that the latter king launched. He and his father are famous in Byzantine folklore for their loyalty to their kings and their great prowess in feats of strength and battle, becoming a model for Aswars to aspire to.

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[5] Mah the Maid was a legendary figure in Byzantine folklore. A peasant girl who fought for the cause of Otaspes in reclaiming the empire. Mah claimed that she had been sent by God to aid Otaspes. She died in the Battle of Chariopolis but Otaspes would take up her sword and it would become a family heirloom until it was lost in the Muslim Conquest.

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[6] Here we see how power had evolved from the imperial bureaucracy of Arbaces day to the more autocratic nature of Otaspes. While it was still true that all power came from the Shahanshah or Emperor as some later rulers would style themselves, the robust system of officials and bureaucrats had withered away during the 4th to 6th centuries. With nearly 50 years without an authority in Achaemeniyya, the Warring Princes period had further relegated the old ways to the past. Otaspes’ court now chose strong men, like Faramarz and Eusthatios to govern large territories. Their lands could ebb and surge depending on the favour of Achaemeniyya and on their own personal abilities to defeat rivals. While it superficially resembled latter-era feudalism, Otaspes’ autocracy still gave immense powers to the ruler with taxation being slowly scrutinised and the provincial collections being securely transported to the capital under the guard of Otaspes’ royal army. Most lords within the reorganised territories were left with a small pittance for their own household troops to guard against rebellion while the majority of levies could only be raised on the Shahanshah’s command. The exceptions such as the Exarchate of Cilicia enjoyed greater freedom alongside greater responsibilities and this system mostly worked as intended until the time of the Muslim Conquests.

[7] Otaspes had four sons but he chose his youngest, Darius, as crown prince. With this proclamation, Otaspes would begin the Era of the Steward Kings where the best candidate, not the oldest would take the throne. His oldest, Otaspes the Younger, was riven by diseases and in ill health. His second, Orodes was infamously weak of heart and prone to cowardice in battle and Ordanes was prone to eccentricities and fickleness in his interests. Darius was considered, calm and measured in his words with a strong fixation on piety and faithfulness. As another sign of his favour to Zenobios, his supposed bastard, Otaspes married Zenobios' daughter to Darius.

[8] This likely fits the description of the way into the Rhodopes mountains from the Thracian plains.

[9] This legendary retelling of Otaspes’ death is probably quite far from the truth. We do know that he died in Achaemeniyya peacefully having ensured that the Byzantine nobles had sworn loyalty to the crown prince and that he handed over a full treasury collected from his decades of conquest. Despite this, there are no known records on where Otaspes was buried or any funeral for the great king so perhaps Fidraun’s tale had a kernel of truth.

​

 

[Killcrazy13]

The Reign of Darius III the Strong (602 AD – 623 AD)

The Introduction for the tale of Darius the Strong from the Achaemeneh:

“Hark! From the hoary slopes of Mount Ararat, where the vessel of righteous Noah found solace after the wrathful Deluge, did Darius, a king touched by the divine, hold dominion. Unlike the ravenous lions of bygone reigns, Darius was a tiger, stalking with silent tread, his gaze keen as a hawk's, and his might tempered with the wisdom of ages. He embodied the stoic stillness of the mountain and the swiftness of the wind whispering through the canyons.

Darius' days were not heralded by the clang of war, but by the whisper of parchment inscribed with sacred lore. With the first blush of dawn, he rose, not to the blaring of trumpets, but to the murmured prayers of blind seers, their voices chanting wisdom passed down through generations. His court was not a battlefield of clashing egos, but a verdant garden where prophets and artisans toiled, each adding a fragrant bloom to the king's tapestry of knowledge.

Darius himself lived modestly. His meals were a simple fare of barley and fish, shared in quiet communion with his counsellors. Their discourse revolved not around earthly conquests, but around the pronouncements of oracles and the art of weaving tales that honoured Christ. Solace he found not in the thrill of the hunt, but in the dance of moonlight upon the endless plains, for he understood that a king's true power lay not in seizing lands, but in discerning the hearts of his people and reflecting the majesty of the heavens upon his domain.

Darius' reign ushered in an era unlike any before. In place of monuments to his own vanity, he erected churches, towering tributes to God’s' might. Their weathered stones, etched with prayers and offerings, dotted the landscape, and the mournful cry of the wind on the plateau carried the tolling of bronze bells, summoning the faithful to prayer.

He was a ruler who saw victory in the knowledge gleaned from ancient scrolls, strength in the unwavering devotion to God, and legacy not in bloody conquest, but in the quiet prosperity and piety of his people. His reign became a legend whispered across the ages, a testament to the power of a king who ruled with a discerning heart, a mind guided by the whispers of the ancients, and a presence both silent and formidable in its unwavering devotion to the divine.”

Darius III, the youngest of Otaspes’ son was already in his thirties when he took the throne and his reign would become the model for future crusader kings fighting to defend or spread the faith. In his youth, he had spent his time among the clergy and lower officials of the court, anticipating a life as a churchmen or an administrator for his oldest brother. When he was surprisingly elevated to the throne, he sought to make clear that his reign would be different from his conquering father. In depictions of him, Darius had a stylus tucked into his waistband, to show that he was a man of words, not just war – that he was mighty without needing to lead his troops into battle himself. For war, he had Faramarz the Strongarm to lead his armies.

Darius would rebuild the royal library of Achaemeniyya, fallen into neglect with the rotating door of rulers over the past century, eagerly seeking every book or scroll he could acquire and it was said to rival the collection in Alexandria. We have this quote from Darius from his coronation speech for insight into the nature of the man:

“I learned the craft of the sage Aristotle, the secret and hidden lore of all the ancient Greeks. I am able to recognize celestial and terrestrial signs to navigate the seas. I can resolve complex mathematical problems that was not easily solved by Pythagoras. I have read cunningly written texts in obscure Egyptian and Babylonian that are difficult to interpret. I have carefully examined inscriptions on stone from before the Deluge that are sealed. I am Darius, great king, king of kings, king of Achaemeniyya.”

Rebuilding an Empire

Now in control of the empire, Darius would embark on an ambitious series of building projects. With plagues and civil strife in the past, Anatolia and the Balkans had recovered a significant portion of their population and prosperity. He would put that improved taxation to the building of churches across the land and encouraging trade between cities once again. Anatolia would reap the greatest benefits as once fallow land was utilised once again for the growing of crops or the grazing of cattle and sheep. Ancient cities would begin to recover as the land was able to support a larger population of non-farmers though they were still far from achieving the density of centuries past. Old buildings that had fallen to ruin were scavenged for their marble and stone to build new homes and the churches that became the heart of the reborn cities.

In Achaemeniyya, he would task his most brilliant architects to build a new cathedral where the Baha’i Sophia stood. The new building would surpass all others in grandeur and solidify Achaemeniyya’s position as the centre of all Christianity. Isidore of Miletus and Anthemius of Tralles combined their knowledge of mathematics, geometry and mechanics to create a truly innovative design. Construction began in 607 AD and was completed in an astonishingly short period of five years and ten months. This rapid pace was achieved by employing a massive workforce – estimates range from 10,000 to 20,000 workers. Darius was said to have been so obsessed with the project that he constantly monitored its progress and spared no expense. The massive dome would be the largest in the world for over 500 years and became a key part of the city’s skyline. No expense was spared in the construction. The Baha’i Sophia used a variety of luxurious materials, including marble from across the empire, gold mosaics depicting Christian scenes, and rare purple and red porphyry stones. Upon seeing the completed structure, Darius was said to have declared, "I have outdone Solomon!"

The Wars for God

Darius was not content with simply building for the faith. He sought to be the foremost champion of faith in Christendom. In 605 AD, he would launch a war against the Arzuhin King Ardashir to recover several Christian artifacts including the Girdle of Mary.

Dismayed by the heathen nature of the Dacian people who prayed to the false god Zalmoxis, he would launch a holy war to spread the faith across the Danube in 612 AD. The Dacians had been client kings of the Achaemenids for most of the 2nd to 5th centuries and previous Shahanshahs had never seriously tried to evangelise their faith in their lands. Led by the boy king Decebalus, the people of Dacia were ill-prepared for war as they had been extremely hard hit by the Egyptian Plague six decades ago and were will still dealing with occasional reoccurrences.

Darius would personally lead the war effort alongside his Exarchate Faramarz. Together, they marched at the head of 40,000 men and brought fire and faith to the poor Dacians. The Conquest of Dacia would become part of Christian crusader mythos. Never before had so many men gathered together for the purest goal of spreading the faith and never before had so many atrocities been committed in the name of Christ. Villagers who refused to accept conversion were put to the sword and many of the prosperous trading hubs along the Danube were razed after their defenders lost the siege. His men would acclaim him a holy warrior fighting for a righteous cause. With his conquest, the empire expanded by almost a third but the Dacian lands would prove difficult to subdue and his heirs would deal with continual revolts by Gepid and Dacian nobles who converted out of fear initially or Zalmoxian fanatics who were angered at the desecration of their holy sites. Rulers after Darius would attempt to manage the lands by transplanting Byzantine families to take over empty lands or abandoned farms but they would merely add to the strife and anguish of the conquered people.

The 3rd Ecumenical Council

The schism with the Western Church was another point of contention that Darius tried to resolve through a mix of diplomacy and imperialism. Italy was still governed by the Romans but their control had grown weak. The ruling Ulpius dynasty had been forced to move their capital to Mediolanum (modern-day Milan) to better react to the invading Germanics from the North. Despite their best efforts, they had lost the wars and large numbers of migratory tribes had crossed over the Alps and settled in central Italy and along the region of Veneto. This began one of the great population shifts of history. Romans would stream out of Italy to settle in what they viewed as the safer lands of Hispania while the Germans would settle their old lands and intermingle with locals, giving rise to a hybrid Italian-Lombardic culture. The new arrivals paid obeisance to the Roman Emperor and the Pope in Rome but there were strict limits on how much either could exert sovereign control.

In this tense situation, the Pope wrote to the Shahanshah to request for Darius’ intercession and aid in Italy – to provide succour to Latin Christians from abuses by the barbaric Germans and aid the Roman Emperor, an imperial colleague in putting his realm aright. Pope Lucius would attempt to ingratiate himself with the Shahanshah by writing in Greek and this was the excuse Darius needed to try to impose Orthodoxy on Rome.

He would launch a two-prong assault. His armies would sail across the Adriatic to banish the Lombards from central Italy while he summoned Pope Lucius to Dyrrachion for an Ecumenical Council. The Council of Dyrrachion was a fiery affair as the Patriarch Barchus and Darius sought browbeat Lucius into submission and accept that the Achaemeniyya Patriarchate had primacy and that the Shahanshah was the leader of Christendom and regent of God on Earth. Alongside the Catholics and Orthodox, members of the Coptic Church and the Church of the East was in attendance and it eventually broke out in fisticuffs as none of the factions were willing to concede to the primacy of the Byzantines. In the middle of the 4th night, the visiting clergy left secretly, in fear of retaliation or being forced to agree to tyranny. In his quest for church unity, Darius had only entrenched everyone’s position and the schisms continued.

The Plague Returns

Darius had substantially extended his father’s domains, subjugating Dacia and expanding into Italy – a first for the Achaemenid Empire. But his dreams of a universal church would be cut short by the return of the Egyptian Plague in 622. Spreading from the North, it would once again engulf the lands of Europe in misery and death.

The ever-pious Darius sought to handle the situation in his inimical way – through carrots and sticks. Throughout the empire, many proclaimed that the end times were nigh, creating mayhem and panic as their words echoed the death around them. Darius ordered Patriarch Airopos to put an end to these mobs, aiding the effort with armed soldiers who went town to town to repress these heretics.

At the same time, he would often go out into the streets of Achaemeniyya to distribute alms to the suffering. Despite the advise of his physician to isolate himself and his court, Darius went forth to provide comfort and it’s likely through these efforts that he himself was inflicted with the bubonic plague.

His suffering was quick and he would pass on a month after contracting the disease. Despite his strength of faith, Darius III was not strong enough to resist the reaper and his young son, Orodes would take the throne.

​

The Orthodox Church would beatify Darius after his death and he would become a recognised saint in the 700s. His body was moved in 731 AD to the monastery at Athos. During the move, people marveled at the untouched state of his body, despite the plague and decades since death. Mount Athos would over the next decades become a popular site for pilgrimage and crusaders would often pay a visit to the old king for a blessing before their attempts to capture the Holy Land in later centuries.

 

[Killcrazy13]

The Tragedy of Orodes III (623 AD – 667 AD)

From The Lay of Orodes [1]

A king he was, a star of morning light,
Whose splendour shone more brilliant than the night.
Tempered of soul, a vessel pure and deep,
His wisdom flowed like rivers, calm and steep.

Diligence his crown, a jewel rare and bright,
He toiled unceasing through the darkest night.
With heart aflame, a lion bold and strong,
He faced all perils, vanquished every wrong.

His beauty, like the rose in morning dew,
Enchanted hearts with every glance anew.
A paragon of kings, a noble sight,
Whose fame resounded through the day and night.

When the Macedonian, the Greek, in wild unrest,
Challenged his rule, a perilous test.
A plague descended, a spectral, icy hand,
Scythe of destruction across the ravaged land.

His youth was painted with the hues of dawn,
A prince of promise, on a lofty throne.
Yet, shadows crept, a malady unseen,
That marred his splendour, a grotesque queen.

To purge this darkness, a cruel cure was sought,
His form distorted, his spirit fraught.
A king transformed, a monstrous, twisted frame,
Yet, in his heart, a flicker still remained.

Through trials of fire, his spirit did endure,
Conquering foes, a steadfast overture.
To Italy’s shores, his banner proudly flew,
Rome’s seven hills, beneath his eagle’s view.

The papal throne, a vacant, mournful seat,
As fear and chaos filled the trembling street.
The holy father, to Sardinia’s coast,
A captive exile, his spirit sorely lost.

A new star rose, a desert’s fiery birth,
A creed of steel, a sword to cleave the earth.
The Arab hordes, with fervour uncontrolled,
Swept through the sands, their banners bold.

At Kerak’s gates, a titan stood alone,
Orodes, the scarred, the steadfast, iron-throned.
A clash of empires, a titanic fight,
The crescent waned before the morning light.

But madness crept, a serpent in his mind,
A king unhinged, by shadows intertwined.
His heart, a vessel, shattered by despair,
As darkness claimed him, leaving none to care.

Three sons inherited his fractured realm,
A crown divided, a kingdom doomed to whelm.
The silver sun, once bright, now dimmed and cold,
As Orodes’ story became a song to mourn.


Early Reign of Orodes

Assuming power as a youth and guided by his regent-brother, Darius [2], the young Emperor was forced to put down Macedonian uprisings in the middle of the plague. The region had always been prone to a streak of independence and free-booting, often raiding other lands within the empire and the local powerbrokers had only handed over tribute and taxes grudgingly. Now, due to the food shortages caused by the plague, their grievances had boiled over and they rose en masse and sought to free themselves of the Achaemenid yoke.

Orodes put down the rebels firmly, executing the ringleaders and decimating the followers. It had been two years of fighting and sickness and the rebellion subsided together with the worst of the plague. Orodes would sponsor rebuilding work across his empire including Macedonia. Despite the early loss of his father, the boy seemed set to follow the example of the Steward Kings.

Crete, ruled by a lesser line of the Bagratids, House Abtin, would pledge fealty to Orodes as he attained adulthood, aware that it was better to submit on peaceful terms then risk a war of conquest as the Achaemenids continued in their quest to reassemble their once might empire. For Orodes would continue to expand his family’s great legacy. Beyond Crete, he would continue the Italian wars, eventually subduing all of Cisalpine Gaul and the kingdom Tushpa in Armenia would become client kings of the Achaemenids, dependent on them for protection against eastern aggression.

Building the Myth of the Blessed King

Orodes did not concern himself with only conquest. The Achaemenid court had already regained much of its prestige during his father’s and grandfather’s reign but he sought to push it to new heights. Throughout his reign, he sponsored adventurers and explorers to seek new artefacts and creatures from far-off places. Achaemeniyya was soon home to a menagerie housing giraffes, elephants, tigers and hundreds of exotic birds. Orodes would allow the residents free access to the menagerie and often used it to awe diplomats into submission.

The emperor would also set forth on his own adventures and there’s many a tale of the gallant king who fought great monsters or defeated evil tyrants in distant places. Here we have the tale of Orodes defeating a demon from the Achaenameh as he travelled into the far north to learn of his fate. A shepherd came to the King’s encampment and asked for his favour:

"A wild ass is broken in among my horses, and he doeth great mischief, for his breath is like unto a lion. Send forth, therefore, I entreat of thee, O King of Kings, a warrior of thine host that he may slay him."

Now Orodes, when he had listened, knew that this was not a wild ass but the Deev (demon) Agares, who had taken this disguise upon him. So the king set forth in search of the Deev, and he was mounted upon Furcas his steed. And in his hand was the Sword of Mah, and round his wrist was rolled a cord of length. And he went in search of the wild ass, and when he had found him he threw his cord about him. But the ass vanished under his hands. Then Orodes knew that it was a Deev, and that he fought against the arts of magic. Yet was he not dismayed. And after a while the ass came forth again, and Rostam threw his cord once more about him. And yet again the Deev vanished under his hand. And thus did the Deev three days and three nights without ceasing, so that weariness came upon Orodes and he was heavy with slumber. So he sought out a spot of safety and he laid him down to rest, and he bade Furcas browse beside him.

Now when the Deev saw that Orodes was sleeping, he drew nigh and loosened the earth whereon he lay, and lifted it and placed it upon his head, that he might cast it away and destroy Orodes. But as he carried him Orodes awoke, and when he saw what was come to pass he feared that his hour was come. And the Deev, when he beheld that Orodes was awakened, spake, and said unto him-

"O hero-king, which death dost thou covet? Shall I fling thee down upon the mountain or cast thee into the sea?"

Now Orodes knew that the Deev questioned him in wile, and he bethought him that he would of a surety do that which Orodes desired not, so he said-

"I have heard it said that it is not given to those that perish in the waters to look upon the face of the Christ or to find rest in the life that is beyond."

Then the Deev said, "I desire that thou know not repose."

And he flung him into the sea at a spot where hungry crocodiles would devour him.

Now Orodes, when he felt the water beneath him, forthwith drew out his sword and combated the crocodiles with his right hand, and with his left he swam towards the shore. And long did he struggle and sore, but when the night was fallen he put his foot upon the dry land. Then, when he had given thanks unto God and rested him, he returned unto the spot where he had found the Deev. And he sought after Furcas his steed, and his eye beheld him not. Then fear filled his spirit, and he roamed around to seek him. And he found him at last among the horses of the Scythians, that grazed in a spot hard by, for the keepers had ensnared him. But when Furcas heard the voice of Orodes he neighed aloud, and brake from the keepers and ran towards his master. And Orodes put the saddle upon him and mounted him. Then he slew the keepers and took their herds unto himself.

Now when it was done the Deev came forth again, for he thought he could quell Orodes now that he was weary. But Orodes sprang on him and crushed him, and he was slain at his hands. But the Deev pronounced his doom with his dying breath.

“Thou seek immortality but the waters shall pass but thou will be left behind the currents.”

The King was sorely vexed by the prophecy and sought wise men out who could change his fate. From that day forth, Orodes crossed no sea, river or sea for fear had taken his heart.

Orodes did not just spread his faith and empire through war. Diplomacy was another weapon he wielded ably like his exchange of letters with the heathen conquerors of Ravenna. The great Viking Gamall who had captured the city from the failing Romans renounced his pagan ways and converted to Christianity and submitted to the rightful ruler of the world.

In 653 AD, a visitor from Persia arrived in court seeking out the famed Emperor of the Christians. Telling a tale of how Persians were once ruled by a fabled lineage who ruled justly and righteously, this man was amazed to discover that the Achaemenids still lived and urged Orodes to return to Persia to restore order in their lands, now suffering disorder and brigandage. From the Byzantine’s perspective, they were shocked that Persia had forgotten the Achaemenid claim and that their grand empire had become a tale of myth and legend. Orodes promised he would return.

The Arab Invasion and Orodes’ Descent into Madness

Before Orodes could make good on his vow to subjugate Persia, a new threat arose in the South. In the deserts of Arabia, a preacher named the Prophet had arisen and united the disparate tribes of the desert into a powerful army. [3] The Prophet spoke of how Allah (their name for God) had delivered His message to him through an angel. It was a powerful message that lived on even after his passing. The death of Prophet in 652 CE presented a critical juncture. Yet, under the leadership of his sons, the Rashidun Caliphs, [4] the Islamic state continued to expand. The Arab tribes, once divided by blood feuds, were now united by a shared faith and a common purpose and marched forth to claim Jerusalem for Allah.

Orodes marched forth to meet them and at the Battle of Kerak, he won a decisive victory over the Muslim vanguard. Fortifying the passes from the desert, skirmishers and sieges would rage in Jordania and Sinai but the Muslims could not find a way past the well-drilled Byzantine armies. The Caliph, the Prophet’s son, Husam would eventually agree to a white peace but vowed they would return to fulfil Allah’s demand.

For the rest of his reign, Orodes would discount the growing Arab threat, even as it expanded into Mesopotamia and Persia proper to the detriment of his son and successor.

Upon his return from Arabia, the Emperor fell deathly ill, stricken by convulsions and rot at his extremities. His brother, Darius together with Empress Kallimache treated him but the outcome was horrific. Orodes’s skin was scourged off and he lost his right hand due to extreme gangrene. The once beautiful Silver King would hide his hideous visage behind an ornately carved silver mask.

The illness and treatment had affected more than just the emperor’s body. His mind was disturbed and there was a marked change in his personality from this period before. He would develop a proclivity for torture and his once glorious court became more and more secretive.

The people of Achaemeniyya would hear terrifying tales of him dining on human flesh and how the Collector had replaced many of his courtiers with grotesqueries while the Arabs claimed this was a curse from Allah for defying His will. His reign became more cruel and one of his last great acts was commanding his armies to capture the Pope and Rome for refusing to accept the supremacy of Achaemeniyya. While he captured St Peters, the Pope escaped and established a church in exile in Sardinia. This was the final nail into the East-West Church schism and the Catholics would refuse to come to the aid of the Orthodox in their time of need in the decades ahead.

Orodes seemed to be a man in conflict with himself. The earlier years of glory only reminded him of the monster he had become and his dark urges now only abated the stresses of rule temporarily. One night, the Silver King would collapse in his study. His brother pronounced him dead on the spot as a massive heart attack had ended his reign. Without a clear succession plan, the empire was split between his three sons and time of the Steward Kings came to an end.

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[1] An early medieval Byzantine poem dating from the 9th century. It outlines the life of Orodes, son of Darius and it became popular as many elements of Orodes’ life echo the fate of the Achaemenid Empire after his death. Often sung by frontier soldiers, it and others gave rise to the genre of Akritic songs. Written in Medieval Greek, the Acritic songs deal with the heroic deeds of marcher warriors who lived near the frontiers of the Caliphate and Al-Anatolia and fought against the enemy. The constant state of war in the region and the repeated confrontations with the Muslims inspired poets to write down tales of chivalry as a response to a society that wished to be informed or hear details, whether factual or imaginary, of the adventures caused by enemy invasions or of the martial valour of their countrymen who drove the enemy out. The fate of the local civilians — who after each invasion often had to face the loss of family members as well as their own pain — is also a major theme.

[2] Darius III continued the practice of choosing the best candidate among his sons to take the throne instead of accepting simple primogeniture. The oldest, Darius, accepted his father’s decision and served his kingly brother ably throughout his reign as regent and physician. The practice would inspire later Achaemenid Kings but it was unevenly practiced and prone to favouritism. Thus it’s why the histories only consider Otaspes, Darius and Orodes as the three Steward Kings of the Achaemenid Empire.

[3] Before the advent of Islam, the Arabian Peninsula was a mosaic of tribes, each a world unto itself, bound by kinship and loyalty but often at odds with their neighbours. These tribes, hardened by the desert's unforgiving embrace, were fiercely independent, their lives governed by a complex code of honour and revenge. Into this fragmented landscape emerged the Prophet, a man of profound spiritual insight. His message, a monotheistic vision centred on the singular worship of Allah, resonated with a population weary of polytheism and tribal strife. Over time, the Prophet’s following grew, a nucleus of believers bound by a common faith.

The Meccan establishment, threatened by the growing influence of Islam, persecuted the Prophet and his followers. This adversity served to strengthen their resolve, forging an unbreakable bond. In a daring move known as the Hijrah, the Prophet and his companions migrated to Medina, a city eager for a unifying force. Here, the Prophet laid the foundation for a new kind of community, the Ummah. This was a brotherhood of faith that transcended tribal affiliations. Through a series of military campaigns, the nascent Muslim community gradually asserted its dominance over the Arabian Peninsula. The conquest of Mecca, the city that had once rejected Muhammad, marked a turning point. With the Kaaba, the holiest site of Arabian paganism, cleansed of idols, the peninsula was unified under the banner of Islam.

[4] The succession of the Caliphate was a complicated matter as there were two factions who sought to continue the prophet’s legacy – one said it should continue from father to son like the traditional way of kings while the other believed the Prophet had anointed his son-in-law, Ali, as his chosen successor. The first faction won the initial struggle for control and forced the Party of Ali, the Shi’ites into a long exile before they returned resurgent in the 10th century.

 

[Killcrazy13]

Interlude: The World in 667 AD

Achaemenid Empire at the end of Orodes III​

The Achaemenid Empire

On the death of Orodes III, the empire was divided between his three sons. His oldest, Orodes IV retained his seat in Achaemeniyya and most of the traditional territories of the empire and the new acquisitions in Dacia and the Pontic Steppe. His cousin, Darius was tasked with ruling the new territories in service of the Emperor and raised to Vice-King. Tensions would rise as Darius cemented his control of the region and grew more independent in his thinking before finally breaking off in 675 AD while Orodes focused on war with the Muslims.

Orodes III’ third son, Daeva, was given the territories of Jerusalem and tasked with guarding the southern desert passes from Muslim attacks. Daeva chafed having to serve his brother’s command while each of the others were given independent fiefdoms. Despite this, he served as commanded and built up a strong and powerful independent army.

Dacia, the newly acquired kingdom was given to Nikanor Achaemenid, a cousin of Orodes while Taurion Jamshid the Brave was tasked with ruling the lands of old Scythia Minor on the northern side of the Danube. Nikanor's son, Darius would form his own house and slowly put together a slow challenge for independence from Achaemeniyya as Orodes IV and Darius argued over imperial policy in Dacia.

Cultural map of the Achaemenid Empire in 677 AD​

Culturally, the empire was quite unified in its central territories, expressing a unified Byzantine culture while the further you travelled from Achaemeniyya, the more disparate the peoples became. Along the old imperial roads, you would meet Greeks, Macedonians, Gepids, Dacians, Cappadocians, Syrians, Aegyptians and Jerusalemians. Most of them had adopted many Byzantine characteristics and they recognised each other as members of a shared culture or empire. This intermixing of cultures met a hard wall at the Arab border, beyond which the Persians were ruled by their new overlords. Interestingly, the Balkans is where we see migrators such as proto-Slav cultures settling in and slowly becoming integrated into the empire. The Danubian borders would see other tribes come in and the cultural make-up of the region would slowly evolve.

The Western Mediterrenean in 477 AD​

Italy after the Collapse of Roman Power

The Roman Emperors faced the same issues of weak control that ended the Argeads and Bagratids rule. Unfortunately for them, they had no Otaspes the Great to bring all the pieces back together. Initially, they had lost their grasp on Gaul and Germania in the late 5th century but by 530 AD their domain only extended to the Roman peninsula. The line of the Ulpius who had ruled the Romans for nearly as long as the Achaemenids were overthrown in 560 AD. They fled to Illyria and Cisalpine Gaul and from there, would rebuild their holdings and power over the following century. The usurper, Theodosius II Chur only ruled for 2 years before he was deposed by faction demands and the Roman Empire endured its final collapse.

Italy would become a battleground of warlords as the large and divisive Ulpius dynasty and other contenders fought over control of the lands for nearly a century. We’ve previously covered how Darius III and Orodes III capitalised on this chaos to expand into Italy and captured most of Italy, less its boot. After Orodes passed on, his second son Artabanus took the peninsular as his domain and gave birth to the Achaemenid Roman Empire in 667 AD. From Rome, he sought to carve his own legacy independently from his brother Emperor but the many members of the Ulpian dynasty saw their chance to reclaim their birthright from these foreign usurpers. Artabanus has firm control over central Italy and Romagna but is threatened by King Gordian II Ulpius-Parentium, son of the man Orodes III subjugated twenty-five years ago. Gordian II rules all of Northern Italy while the South is split between Cutzes Ulpius-Forcona of Dalmatia and Philip II Ulpius-Panormus the Brilliant of Magna Graecia.

King Gordian II's holdings in Italy Superioris​

Beyond the millenia-long politics of Ulpius versus Achaemenid, Italy was also increasingly being divided on religious lines as the majority Catholics resent the ascendance of the Orientalist Orthodox and the ways they were forcing their doctrines and ceremonies on a Roman Catholic nation. Pope Anastasius still resides in Sardinia after his escape in 662 AD and rumours abound that he is preparing to call all able-bodied Catholics to restore him to his seat in the Vatican.

Hispania

Amidst the chaos in Italy, many wealthy Romans fled to Hispania and their country estates there. A pleasant climate and a lack of conflict offered them a respite they could not find in old Rome. Over time, independent Roman Kingdoms would arise here and claim to continue the Roman way of life. Lusitania, Baetica and Carthagenesis would be the most powerful but the last would collapse in 609 amidst internal strife and conflict with its neighbours.

Now, Baetica seems to be on the rise, even expanding into North Africa and in control of water trade between the Atlantic and Mediterranean. Ships from Brittania and the further south in Africa have to pass the Straits of Hercules and Hispalis, the Baetican capital has grown rich off tax duties and trade. Ruled by Rex Iulia Traducta family since 522 AD, the Romans here are concerned with trade and wealth, seemingly possessed by the spirit of old Carthage.

Lusitania’s existence has been far more chaotic, often warring with the Celto-Iberians of Gallaecia and its other Roman neighbours. It has seen many kings try to hold power but none have managed to establish a proper dynasty. Now under Rex Paulus Claudius who has held it for 32 years, and having expanded into Carthagenensis lands, the citizens of Lusitania hope for greater things to come.

Culture map in Hispania. Lybican is a divergent Roman culture.​

In the North, Germanic invaders established their own foothold on the peninsula. Ripuarian Germans captured the city of Barcino and its territories in 525 AD led by Meginhard the Bastard. From there, others followed and the Ripuarians were eventually forced to retreat North of the Pyrenees while the Saxons took their old Iberian lands. They would place a figurehead Roman to reduce tensions with the other Roman Hispanic domains and the system would become hereditary for House Ectorius while the powerful Saxon Walbert Illerda controlled the state from behind the scenes.

The Twin Empire of Hadremtum and Khemet​

North Africa

Hadrametum, the Carthaginian successor state found itself falling deeper under the influence of Waset, the powerful Khemetic Kingdom of Upper Egypt and Sudan. As both Waset and Hadrametum followed ‘heretical’ doctrines, Coptic and Donatist Christianity, they preferred to band together against Rome and the Achaemenids for most of the 6th century. This was enforced by frequent royal marriages between the Punic Giskonis and the Khemetic Harsiotes houses. Over several generations, these intermarriages saw the titles fall to a single ruler due to a mix of infertility, unfortunate accidents and wars. Now, Emperor Aaron Harsiotes the Strong rules both empires but his lands are not as mighty as they would seem. Coptic is the imperial faith and Donatists are slowly being pushed out of North Africa as Aaron seeks to reduce tensions with greater Christianity and seek communion with the seemingly ascendant Orthodox Church. Beyond that, his crownlands are limited to Cyrenaica and smaller holdings in Tunisia and Khemetic Sudan making it difficult for him to pull his nobles into line or marshal the full strength of what should be an African superpower. As part of his diplomatic efforts, his sister Sofia was married off to Orodes III and he called upon the Silver Achaemenid several times to fight off rebellions and invasions. Now he fears Orodes’ sons look on his territories with hunger thanks to the claim from their mother.

Emperor Aaron the Strong​

Further South, Berber Kings rule in Waddan and Atlas, occasionally raiding the richer lands of Hadrametum. This is another handicap preventing Aaron from sending his full forces abroad as he considers his next move.

 

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Interlude: The World in 667 AD (Part 2)


The Rashidun Caliphate

After the death of the prophet Muhammed in 637 AD, there was a civil war or Fitna among Muslims on who should succeed him. Many of the Quraysh, the most powerful tribe, felt that the prophet sought to have the community choose their new leader or Caliph while others especially those who journeyed to Medina with him wanted someone of his bloodline to continue to lead the Muslims. There were those who were with the prophet in his last days and said that he chose Ali, his son-in-law as his successor. They were not involved in the first Fitna but would come back to play a role in the next century.

Muhammed had four sons but the oldest died young and his second son, Husan, was only twelve when the prophet died. The Qurayshi nominated Umar from among themselves as the new Caliph but the supporters of the blood, or Sayyidis as the faction for Husan came to be called, began preparing for war. From 637 AD to 639 AD, the Hejaz saw many battles and running skirmishes as both sides sought to gain the extra hand. The Qurayshi promoted Arab and tribal dominance with the Quraysh at the top of the pyramid while the Sayyidis presented a more egalitarian stance as long as the bloodline of Muhammed ruled. The latter drew more supporters over time as the war expanded to encompass the Himyarite kingdom and the desert interior. When Umar passed in 639 AD and the Qurayshi could not agree on a successor, Husan marched into Medina and reclaimed his father’s city and ended the Fitna.

Husan now old enough to rule on his own set his sights on Mesopotamia. The weak successor states of Parsae were caught by surprise with Kufa, Baghdad and Samarra all falling in short order. From there, the Arab armies captured the Jazira, Pars and Medea within a decade. Most scholars believe infighting among the Persian kings had weakened and distracted them from the surprise threat from the south as they viewed the desert as barbaric and only fit for raiders. They used this thesis for a long time to justify the weakness of Christians and Zoroastrians against the new faith – you can smell the tinge of religious bigotry in their words. Modern scholarship tells us that the Arab armies were well-equipped and that their campaigns were planned acts of conquest, not lucky victories by bandits.

Caliph Husan did not destroy the old order in Persia and Babylonia. He accepted the fealty of many of the old Persian dynasties, such as the Arzunids, Vivanids and Smerdids and did not enforce religious conversion on his new subjects. This perhaps explains why revolts were few and far between in the early decades of the Caliphate as a central authority restored stability in the land wracked by conflict. Only in the West did the Caliph fail in his attempt to take Jerusalem when he met the organised ranks of the Achaemenid army under Orodes III. Despite the failure in Jerusalem, Husan is a capable strategist and a brilliant ruler. He will be known in the history books as The Hawk for his military acumen and far-sighted policies that will see the Caliphate prosper for centuries.

Islam took time to grow beyond Arabia as the Caliphate were content to collect the Jizya taxes to fund further Jihads but a strong core of believers began growing along the Euphrates and Tigris as many came to see the light of the new religion. In the south, the Caliphate had also made some gains in East Africa, establishing the Sultanate of Avalites in Ethiopia and expanding against the pagans of Macrobia and the ancient Kushites, still ruled by the Meroid dynasty.


The Zoroastrian Frontier

In eastern Persia stand the kingdoms of Parthia, Ariana, Amul and Makran. These are the Zoroastrian kings who refused to bend the knee to the Caliph and now hold off his mujahideen from expanding eastward. The apocalyptic nature of the Muslim conquest in the Persian heartlands has traumatised the religion and many prophets and saviours have arisen in these lands promoting their own variations and cults of Zoroastrian worship. It’s said that Shah Datis of Ariana is a believer in one such cult, becoming a Mazdakite. Promoting egalitarian ownership of property and an eternal war against the demons of avarice, wrath and envy, the Mazdakites are rapidly gaining in popularity as a response to oscillating religious fervour and military losses.

India

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In 589 AD, the Pandya empire collapsed after a similar tale of succession wars and untimely deaths. Despite this, the Pandyas still held significant holdings along the Western coast of India, including Anupa, Debal, and Gujarat. More interestingly, Pandyan decline saw a resurgence in the ancient Mauryan dynasty. They had initially been forced out of India and into Burma in the 2nd century AD where they had rebuilt their strength. In 632 AD, they struck back against the Pandya usurpers, claiming the rich river delta of the Bay of Bengal and much of the middle Ganges. A new Chandragupta, the conqueror reborn, is eager to establish dominion over the sub-continent but he is reaching the end of his years and his empire will soon be fought over by his two surviving sons.

Through the long centuries of Tamil rules by the Pandya, much of the sub-continent has taken on their cultural aspects creating a vast population that share cultural traits and view each other as kin, similar to Han Chinese. The incredible digestive powers of India has integrated Tibetans, Eranians and Turkic people into the near-monolithic Sinhala-Tamil culture and Vaishnava faith.

 

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The Muslim Conquests & The Brothers’ War (677 AD – 708 AD)


A Short History of Achaemenid Rome

With the passing of the Silver Prince, the empire was divided among his three sons. The middle son, Artabanus, took Rome and Italy for himself intending to carve his own independent domain in the old Roman Empire. While his reign initially promised to restore prosperity to the peninsular, he would get bogged down into the dynastic politics of the Romans as the various offshoots of the old Imperial House of Ulpius challenged his control and sought to increase their own influence. Despite these challenges, he did bring Magna Graecia into the fold of the empire, subjugating Rex Leo Ulpius-Panormus and perhaps given enough time, he might have established a strong dynasty in Rome.

Artabanus’ issue was a lack of heirs. He had three daughters with his lawful wife, a noblewoman from Caucasian Albania and no sons. When he produced a bastard son of unknown provenance in 680 AD, the rumour mill went into overdrive – that he was not a true Achaemenid but adopted from gutter. With his daughters married off into the Houses of the Ulpians, this boy Raksh was designated Artabanus’ successor and it was just in time. Continued intrigue would plague Achaemenid-Rome and Artabanus was assassinated in 688 AD. Raksh was now the Imperator under the regency of his stepmom, Azadeh who despised the boy for superceding her trueborn children. Raksh would grow into a committed but indecisive ruler. The lack of a father figure and a poor understanding of the politics of Italy meant that his 17 years of rule was never as effective as it could be before his own assassination in 706 AD, dying without issue. Rome would pass to his vizier, Ahura Bagratid and Rome would once again fall back into civil war and infighting.

A side note – these Bagratids are the descendants of the Bagratids that overthrew the Argeads in the late 5th century. They had lost most of their influence in the Achaemenid Empire but survived in isolated holdings in the Levant and Italy, becoming famed as scholars and often becoming part of the Orthodox Church hierarchy. Many of the original Great Houses of Old Achaemania survived through the ages and we’ll see the Vivanids, Metillius and Arzunids pop up continuously in the narrative.


Shahanshah Orodes IV & Shah Daeva

While Orodes IV, the oldest one of the Silver Prince, was being crowned in Achaemeniyya, his brother, Daeva, took the seat of Jerusalem as his own. Orodes was pious, brave and loyal to his family and friends. He was later beatified for his devotion to the Church, his valiant defence against the Muslims and his Christ-like sense of empathy. Daeva on the other hand was ambitious and bitter that he was a mere king when his brothers were emperors. He was also brilliant in ways that his older brothers were not that fed into his own sense of injustice in the inheritance.

Daeva would also become known as an incorrigible sinner. He took his own sister, Anahita, as a lover and together, they sired three sons. He would never marry but had her sit beside him in his court like a queen. Orodes IV while disgusted with such perversion never condemned his brother or sister and even legitimised their oldest child, Darius, as a token of brotherly love. In this action and in the vindictiveness of the line of Daeva, the seeds of familial conflict would grow between Houses of Achaemenid and Daeva’s bastards.

Immediately upon taking the throne, Orodes IV was comfortable in the defences established by his father against the Caliphate. He tasked Daeva with building a field army for the Southern defences while he focused on the increasingly problematic Dacian provinces. Daeva would take advantage of the imperial funding to build a new professional army and augment it with auxiliaries from the local provinces to create a formidable fighting force. Jerusalem became an increasingly militarised city with a standing army of 12,000 men and able to bring to bear almost 20,000 soldiers if needed. Daeva would also increase taxation on pilgrims and increase the amount of productive land being worked on in his domains. Over the next decade, Daeva would become one of the richest magnates in the realm and have enough independent resources to rival Orodes IV in Achaemeniyya.


The Caliphate Strikes

Daeva sought to subjugate the East under his own rule and had already made inroads in Syria, capturing Damascus and Beirut. The Caliphate had been quiescent for more than a decade and the Achaemenids calculated that the Muslims would continue to look East for easier conquests. When Caliph Husam died under mysterious circumstances, his son Muhammed II succeeded him and immediately called for a Jihad for Syria to legitimise his rule. The boy was 11 and eager to outdo his father who had captured the ‘soft’ Middle East.

Syria was relatively undefended compared to Jerusalem. Achaemenid strategic thinking was that the mujahideen would strike for the city first in holy crusade. Daeva’s armies were already active in Syria subjugating the local lords but he refused the call by Orodes to defend the province. Retreating to Damascus, he only offered token resistance against the Muslim invaders while he awaited to see how Orodes’ armies performed. The Shahanshah would arrive six months later with a large host but struggled to outmanoeuvre around the Jihadis. In several stinging defeats, the great Achaemenid army lost thousands of men as the desert warriors refused to offer pitched battle but instead struck in night raids and constant harassment.

The Arabs, sensing weakness would begin to range farther in search of Achaemenid armies to fight. When 40,000 men marched south, Daeva, abandoned Damascus and retreated to his citadel city. The Arab armies finally caught up with him at Hebron but he had established a trap there, cleanly defeating the overextended enemy. It was the smallest of victory in the larger scheme of things. For his refusal to support his brother, Daeva lost his holdings in Damascus and Beirut while all of Syria was lost to the Achaemenids. The empire was now split in the middle and Byzantine army was shown that it faced an enemy where no easy victory could be won.

Daeva, Champion of the Coptic Church

Egypt, Syria and Jerusalem had always supported large numbers of Monophysite Copts and Syriac Church followers. According to Chalcedon, they were schismatics and bordered on heretics. With Syria now lost and Egypt and Jerusalem only accessible by Sea, Daeva took this opportunity to gain the favour of the population by supporting their faith. He denounced the Orthodox Patriarch in Achameniyya and replaced the Patriarch of Jerusalem with a Monophysite bishop. Orodes IV wrote angry recriminations to his brother on this travesty and for overstepping his secular authority but the Shahanshah could do little with his armies mauled and the distance from the throne.

In Achaemeniyya, the Ecumenical Patriarch Vishtasp II advised Orodes to establish a monastic military order to fight against the new upstart religion. He said that men who fought for coin would never fight as strongly as those who fought for God. Thus the first holy order, The Order of the Holy Sepulchre was established to support the rightful Orthodox Emperor against heathens and heresies. Daeva used this as propaganda telling the Coptics of the South that their Shahanshah planned to murder their babies in an ‘unholy crusade’ against the true followers of Christ.

There are apocryphal tales that Daeva’s switch to Coptic support was due to an embarrassing meeting with Patriarch Vishtasp who chastised him for failing to support his brother and faith in Syria.

Daeva Takes His Own Empire

Having to bow to his brother always angered Daeva. Orodes aspired for mediocrity when greatness was within reach for an emperor with the wit to grasp it. Now separated from the imperial heartlands and a truce with the Muslims in place, Daeva began to look East at his uncle, Aaron the Strong of the Empire of Hadrametum. Aaron was engaged in defending Upper Egypt from a new Jihad called by Muhammed II and Daeva sensed opportunity. Daeva’s claim to the Empire was from his mother, sister to Aaron, considered a weak one but it was enough for the ambitious man. Daeva sailed his armies to Cyrenaica and Aaron’s capital. With the armies away, the city fell quickly and he had Aaron’s wife and children held hostage. Aaron returned home and was forced to bend the knee, hand over his crown and pledge allegiance to Emperor Daeva. In one fell swoop, Daeva had his own empire that spanned most of the southern coast of the Mediterranean and holdings down along the Arabian Gulf – the old Punic Empire of Hadrametum was now under the control of an Achaemenid once again.

Aware that his empire was not contiguous and having witnessed the weakness it inflicted on his uncle, he declared war on his brother Emperor Orodes to take Lower Egypt. The response from Achaemeniyya was slow and disorganised. Orodes was aware of his brother’s ambition but never imagined that he would attack his own people or brother.

The worst fighting was seen along the Nile Delta in Tandata and Damietta. Achaemenid troops struggled to land in the muddy banks and were often caught by Jerusalemite forces before they could establish a proper beachhead. With the defeat of Exarch Shirin, the ruler of Egypt and her local troops in the Egyptian interior, the matter became a fait accompli and just required Orodes to acknowledge it. In 695 AD, the Shahanshah formally surrendered Egypt to his brother. Pressing issues in Anatolia and Dacia required his attention and he didn’t want to spend any more men on a lost cause.

Daeva would die of fatal apoplexy in 696 AD, just a year after the conquest of Egypt. Never a restful character, the anger within him never subsided and finally contributed to his end. The Empire of Hadrametum and the holdings of Egypt and Jerusalem now passed to his only legitimised son, Darius.


Retreating Frontiers

In parallel with the Egyptian War, Dacia rose up in independence along with Dioskourias (Wallachia and Moldavia). As Orodes IV marched his armies north, news reached him that the Caliph Mohammed II had crossed into Cilicia and his armies were laying siege to Tarsus. Forced to make a hard choice, he abandoned the campaign against the North and gave them their independence.

The Cilician Gates were the key to the Anatolian heartlands and if they fell, he knew it was a matter of time before Arab armies marched on his capital. Despite a valiant fightback, the exhausted Achaemenid armies, demoralised by repeated defeats in Syria and Egypt could not hold back the mujahideen. The famed Ghobadan family, Exarchs of Cilicia, scions of Faramarz Strongarm finally failed in their duty and the path to invasion lay open for the Arabs. Orodes sought to build up new border fortresses in Anatolia and increase naval patrols along Cilicia to harry Muslim efforts but he would not live to see the outcome of these rearguard actions after losing Cilicia.

St Orodes was martyred in 708 AD struck down by assassins hired by Darius, son of Daeva. The three sons failed to meet peaceful ends just like their father and the Achaemenid Empire would continue to suffer for their rivalries long past their deaths.

The Achaemenid Empire and the independent Hadrametum Empire in in 708 AD.​

 

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Collapse in the East and the Fall of Achaemeniyya (708 AD – 762 AD)


Losing Anatolia

After the passing of the three brother Emperors, there were now two Darius eager to fight for dominance over the Achaemenid inheritance. Darius Achaemenid, son of Orodes, commanded the empire from Achaemeniyya while Darius Daevas, son of Daeva ruled in Jerusalem and much of the North African coast.

However, before either could continue their family feud, the Muslims struck again. With Cilicia in Muslim hands, the way into Anatolia was open for invasion and 80,000 Jihadis crossed the Taurus Mountains to raid Cappadocia and capture the ancient cities of Anatolia. Darius IV Achaemenid continued the valiant example of his father to stop the invasion but once again the Achaemenid army was outmatched. Cappadocia was lost and just a year later, so was the Shahanshah. His passing came suddenly. The records at this time are more scattered due to the continual chaos of war and intrigue but it’s assumed he was poisoned. He was only 48 years old.

His 19-year-old son, Orodes V, took the throne and was similarly ill-prepared for the Arab crisis. The Provinces of Asia and Nicaea would fall during his tenure and his nobles were growing increasingly dispirited with the weak leadership from Achaemeniyya. Even worse, Orodes V was captured at the Battle of Cappadocia in 713 AD and was forced to ‘revert’ to Islam as a condition for his release. Though the Caliph Mahmud who demanded it knew it was only superficial, the humiliation of a Shahanshah to renounce Christ would forever damage his legitimacy among his own people. Combined with the loss of almost all of Anatolia, Orodes V struggled to gain the support of his nobles or the larger population.

The only thing between the Byzantines and further invasion was the Bosphorus and many spread rumours that the Shahanshah was a secret Muslim after his audience with the Caliph despite his denials. After the death of the Silver Prince, Orodes III, his son, grandson and great-grandson had all been more focused on scholarship and learning. Perhaps the comforts of Achaemeniyya had meant that none had felt the urgency to develop their battlefield or governance skills like the three Steward Kings preceding them. A bookish but not particularly gifted scholar, Orodes V epitomised weakness to his people. So it came without surprise that the Great Houses would clamour for a new Shahanshah, a new Orodes the Great.

St Dastan the Hawk

They would choose Dastan, a grandson of Orodes IV, born to the Orodes’ third son, Darayava. Darayava’s family had been given Alania and the surrounding territories to rule and protect the empire against steppe raiders and mountain tribes in the Ciscaucasian region. They had performed their duties admirably. Darayava himself had died in battle defending Cappadocia and his son, Dastan took up his father’s sword in the war against the infidels. When the Great Houses presented their demands to Orodes V in 726 AD, the Shahanshah voluntarily stepped down instead of tearing apart his realm.

St Dastan the Hawk would do much to stem the bleeding of the empire. He would rebuild the army, moving away from the heavy cavalry components of Orodes the Great to larger infantry contingents that were better suited to defence. Anatolia was lost and he knew the Achaemenids did not have the strength to take the offensive against the Caliphate. He only had to look at the example of Jerusalem and the Mihranids to see the result of that – decades of ruinous tribute and expensive ceasefires to hold their lands. The thirty-year reign of St Dastan would allow the restructuring of the empire’s systems. Without the manpower of Anatolia, he would require conscription and forced levies from the European provinces for defence. Each town was expected to provide a certain amount of manpower based on an assessor’s stipulations and to provide the arms and equipment required to keep the man in the field.

The New Kava system would be a lifeline for the moribund empire as it allowed it establish a new defensive system of field armies that could be raised quickly and in the territories where they were needed. The Imperial Armies including the ancient and famed Immortals were stationed in the capital – half were infantry to stand guard against invasion while the cataphracts and hippo-toxotai or horse archers were deployed as quick reaction forces for attacks from across the Danube or West from Italy. The New Kava system gave more control to the local Satraps and rulers and required the skill of an able and diplomatic ruler like Dastan to ensure everyone pulled in the same direction.

Al-Anatolia, The Islamic Paradise

Many of the Houses that ruled in Anatolia found accommodation with their new Muslim overlords. Initially most were allowed to preserve and practice their Orthodox religion but over time, many converted to Islam for a variety of reasons – both practical and spiritual in nature. Notably the Houses of Beth Narayan controlled Nicaea and its region, and the old Vivanid dynasty would see the cadet houses of Farro and Nowzarid control Eastern and Central Anatolia. Many Arabs and other Muslim reverts migrated to the heartlands of ancient Achaemenia to savour the riches of empire. Armenians, Turks, Persians and Parthians would add to the diversity of the region. Al-Anatolia was revitalised as a dazzling mosaic of cultures, a beacon of intellectual and artistic brilliance. This Islamic state, part of the greater Caliphate, was a time of extraordinary coexistence between Muslims and Christians.

Ikonion, its capital, was a metropolis renowned for its grandeur. Its Great Mosque, a marvel of architecture, stood as a testament to the sophistication and wealth of the realm. Beyond the mosque, the city pulsated with life: bustling markets, exquisite gardens, and renowned libraries adorned its landscape. Al-Anatolia was a centre of learning. Scholars from across the Islamic world flocked to its universities, translating classical Greek texts and making groundbreaking contributions to mathematics, medicine, philosophy, and astronomy. The works of Aristotle, Plato, and Euclid found new life in the Arabic & Persian language, paving the way for the European Renaissance centuries later.

The arts flourished in this fertile ground. Music, poetry, and architecture reached unprecedented heights. The intricate designs of Syriac art, with their arabesque patterns and geometric precision, are still admired today. Anatolian cuisine, a fusion of flavours from the East and West, delighted palates and became a hallmark of the region. Beyond the intellectual and artistic pursuits, Al-Anatolia was a prosperous land. Agriculture thrived, with advanced irrigation systems turning the arid plateau into fertile fields. Trade flourished, acting as the intersection of trade between Europe, India and Arabia. The economy was robust, fostering a rich and diverse society.

This paradise would last for more than 300 years, well into the 11th century, surviving the collapse of the Caliphate and resisting invasion from the Bulgarian Achaemenids until a succession crisis in Al-Anatolia allowed the Achaemenids a way to break Islamic power in the region and usher in a new series of upheavals and conflict that would steal away the famous riches and culture of this beacon of civilisation during the Achaemenid Dark Age.


The Mihranids Continue the Daevan Blood Feud

Dastan’s reign had stopped the Muslim advancement into Europe. Instead, the Caliphate looked North and expanded past the Caucasus mountains into the Great Steppe and the lands of the Sarmatians. The invasions had stopped but peace did not come to the empire. There were still annual raids from mujahideen eager to prove their ghazi status and the persistent threat from the Mihranids, the bastard house of Daeva. They had overthrown the Daevas as rulers of Lower Egypt after Darius Daevas died suddenly of illness. Darius’ son, Rostam still ruled Jerusalem and the rest of the North African coast and their feuds were legendary but suited for another book. The founder of the house, Mihran was a wily commander and made sure the Arabs paid dearly in any conflict within the Nile, preventing the region from falling.

The Daevas would over time become friendlier with the Muslims. Accommodation was reached with the Caliphate and Jerusalem was open to Muslim pilgrims to visit the holy city on their way to Mecca. As Rostam and his heirs became friendlier with their neighbours, they found less and less reason to remain Christian, eventually converting to the faith in 764 AD to head off an invasion by a less tolerant Caliph. This gave further flame to the zealotry of the Mihranids who saw themselves as the last true Christians in the region. Many exiles from Dastan’s reign would flee to Alexandria, seeking Mihran the Wolf’s support to claim back their lost holdings and pledge them to the Christian cause in Egypt.

Once again, Dastan had to raise his banners against family (though increasingly distant) but the well-trained Egyptian forces under Mihran, Zarthosht and Eustratios would nibble away at increasingly larger and larger pieces of the empire, primarily in Greece and Thessaly. Dastan would eventually succumb to Typhus in 756 AD trusting his son, Gelon, to continue the defence of the empire. Gelon would sit on the throne for slightly over a year before he was found dead in his bed with a snake bite.

Once again, a young prince, Gelon’s oldest son, was thrust into rulership. Though young, the new Shahanshah Haftvad had been trained in the arts of war for all his life. The reigning Caliph Jalil I was fresh off his campaign to subjugate the Berber tribes of Waddan and was eager to see if the grandson was made of the same mettle as Dastan.

The Fall of Achaemeniyya

The Caliph assembled the largest Muslim host yet seen for the siege. 200,000 men led by his senior general and brother, Ya’qub, and the siege was conducted with unprecedented ferocity. Achaemeniyya was encircled both by land and sea. The Arabs employed various siege engines, including catapults and battering rams, to breach the city walls and often used psychological tactics, spreading rumours of impending doom and promising lenient terms of surrender to demoralize the defenders.

On January 1st, 762 AD, the sea walls were breached and the Muslims poured in, sacking the city. When Achaemeniyya’s gates finally yielded, the city was subjected to a horrifying ordeal. For three days, the mujahideen unleashed a torrent of violence and plunder. Churches were desecrated, priceless relics and artworks were stolen or destroyed, and the city's wealth was systematically stripped. The once-magnificent metropolis was reduced to a shadow of its former self. The loss of their capital, a city that served as the linchpin of Achaemenid power and prestige, was catastrophic for Byzantine morale and strategy

The immediate consequences were apparent for both sides. The strategic Bosporus Strait, vital for trade and naval control, passed into Muslim hands. The economic implications for the Caliphate were profound. The influx of wealth, coupled with the control of this crucial waterway, solidified the Hashimid dynasty's position as a dominant force in the Mediterranean. The Achaemenids fell into disarray as Haftvad retreated to Cyprus to regroup his forces while facing the twin threats of Mihranid aggression in Greece and Arab invasions from Anatolia. Now only left with Macedonia and parts of Illyria and Greece, the Empire was a rump state and the Balkans would become a battleground to the new powers of Mihran and Hashimid with the Achaemenids a chew toy between them.

It seemed that the end times had come for Christians like this moving lament penned by Lazlara, sister to Haftvad, after they had evacuated from the city and their palace:

Oh City, fortified City of the King of Kings,
Tabernacle of the most high, Praise and song of His servants and beloved refuge for strangers.
Queen of the Queen of Cities, Song of songs and splendour, of splendours and the rarest vision of the rare wonders of the world.

Who is it that has torn us away from you like darling children from their adoring mother? What shall become of us? Where shall we go?
What consolation shall we find in our nakedness torn from your bosom as from a mother's womb? When shall we look on you not as you now are?

A plane of desolation and a valley of weeping, trampled by armies and despised and rejected, but exalted and restored, revered by those who humbled you and provoked you. As we left the city behind, I threw myself just as I was on the ground and reproached the walls. If what you were built to protect is no more, for what purpose do you still stand?

We went forth weeping and casting our lamentations like seeds.

 

[Killcrazy13]

The Early History of the House of Mihran (706 AD – 857 AD)

The House of Mihran or the Mihranids were founded by Mihran, bastard-born second son of King Daeva of Jerusalem and Hadrametum. The family will continue the legacy of their father – feuding with their legitimate brothers and cousins in House Daeva and against the larger clan Achaemenid.

Mihran the Wolf (706 AD – 742 AD)

• Granted significant holdings in Egypt by his brother, Darius and establishes Alexandria as his capital, claiming vice-king status to the Emperor of Hadrametum
• After Darius’s death by illness, he fights for independence against his brother’s son, Emperor Rostam
• Founds the first Coptic holy order, the Order of the Chalice

• Rostam dies mid-campaign mysteriously and Mihran is honour bound to end the war based on existing blood-pacts with the new Emperor, Rostam’s brother, Anastasios
• With a large army prepared, he turns them around and conquers half of Greece from the Achaemenids.
• Dies in 668 AD after living 73 years

Zartosht (742 AD – 746 AD)

• Zartosht was a famed warrior and his ability with the sword was legendary. Despite his martial flair, he was cruel to his people and hated as a bully and a sadist.
• His brothers, Zia and Zeletios, had become independent in Greece, answering only to the Emperor. Zartosht subjugates them and unifies his father’s holdings once again.
• He takes the throne of Egypt and raises war against his cousin Anastasios for independence
• Attempts to capture Crete from the Achaemenids. His armies are evenly matched by Dastan Achaemenid, reaching a stalemate when he died at the Battle of Iraklio in 746, aged 57

Eustratios the Wolf Reborn (746 AD – 781 AD)

• Zartosht had earned independence for the Mihranids but they still sought Jerusalem as their holy city and where the Achaemenids sheltered during the time of the Argeads.
• The Daevas of Jerusalem and Hadrametum had converted to Islam and this sacrilege triggered a holy war as Eustratios took the city and Palestine
• Expands holdings in Macedonia, bringing Rhodopes and Philippopolis under Mihranid control
• With the separation from the Achaemenid heartlands, the Mihranids became increasingly Hellenised by their surroundings, the legacy of Ptolemaic Egypt and their Coptic Christian faith. Eventually, the dynasty and most of Egypt and Jerusalem would be recognised as one people – the Copts unified by culture and religion.
• In 762, in response to the fall of Achaemeniyya, Eustratios would attempt to recapture it for Christianity. He would march on the Caliph’s capital in Medina, hoping to take the royal family hostage while the Caliph’s armies were still in Anatolia. Unfortunately, his intelligence was wrong and he was caught by a large Arab host outside the walls of Medina.

• Traumatised by defeat, he became a lunatic and soon given to eccentric and rash acts including witchcraft, murder and disinheriting his oldest son as he sought increasingly esoteric ways for an advantage against the Muslims

• In order to end the war, Eustratios was forced to pay 10 years’ worth of revenue to the Caliph. 20,000 tons of gold was to be delivered, crippling Jerusalem-Egypt for the foreseeable future

• Despite this setback, Eustratios would strike again in 779 AD looking to capture Upper Egypt. He found initial success as he defeated the Caliphate armies multiple time including most famously at Faws where 30,000 Copts smashed a 50,000-strong Arab force
• Despite the victory, he suffered a grievous head wound in the battle and he would only live on for a few more weeks before passing on from a brain aneurysm

Nikolaos the Fox (781 AD – 785 AD)

• By the end of Eustratios’ life, the Mihranids had looked to be successors to the Achaemenids, holding much of Greece and Macedonia while the Achaemenid Empire had been reduced to a rump state high up in the mountains of Macedonia but upon his death, the thrones were divided between his three younger sons. Nikolaos took Egypt and Jerusalem, the Mihranid core while Isaakios took Greece and young Leontios inherited Macedonia
• The Holy War was taken up by his 2nd son, Nikolaos. The young King struggles initially, losing battles but continues inflicting great casualties on the Muslims and it seemed the Muslims were slowly losing the war of attrition as they struggled to replenish the ghazi warriors they lost.

• Just as the tide is looking to turn, he is grievously injured at the Battle of Qusayr and dies from his wounds.

Matthaios the Spawn of Satan (785 AD – 828 AD)

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• His young son, Matthaios, only six, succeeds him and his grandmother Eirene as regent forces a surrender to the Caliph. Another ruinous round of tribute is paid out.
• Eirene seeks to take advantage of her role and abuses her power. She has the young king to give her many claims against his nobles and treats the royal treasury as her private bank
• In a well-planned coup, several nobles, led by Baron Petros Gallian capture the boy King and Eirene is forced to flee, last seen seeking favours among the Muslim Emirs of Central Asia.

• Baron Petros trains the boy in the arts of war and when Matthaios reaches his majority, he sets his mind and resources against the Caliphate. Matthaios inflicted the first major defeat on the Caliphate, defeating their Jihad for Ammon in Cyrenaica, and even sacked their holy city of Mecca.

• He retakes Macedonia and Greece from his uncles through dynastic feuds and murders, unifying his grandfather’s holdings
• Matthaios stamps out the last embers of the Achaemenid rule in the Balkans and the empire finally falls. The last of the Achaemenids had already converted to Islam by this point and Matthaios would reclaim multiple Christian artifacts in his sacking of their holdings, including the priceless Ark of the Covenant.

The Achaemenid Empire last holdings before Matthaios exterminated the empire​

• Despite his Christian faith and his efforts against the infidels, Matthaios would earn his epithet as the Spawn of Satan for his cruel and tyrannical ways. He would squeeze every last drop he could out of Jerusalem to feed his warmongering.

• After decades of warfare, the soldiers of Mihran were well versed with Muslim tactics and Matthaios would begin to push them back, even capturing Achaemeniyya, the ancient and great citadel-city and forcing the Caliph to provide his son as a hostage to ensure peace.
• Perhaps, cursed by god, his first son was accidentally castrated during a failed medical procedure and he would die before his 2nd son was born.
• On campaign on behalf of a cousin in Italy, he would die of an infected wound, aged only 48 years old, succeeded by his oldest daughter, Katayoun.

Katayoun (828 AD – 842 AD)

• Katayoun was 15 years old when she took the throne and was everything her father was not. Fair, just and in control, she seemed ready to rule despite her gender.
• Many of her nobles in Greece disagreed, launching a war for independence that fizzled out as their leader died prematurely.
• She marries the Caliph’s son, Matthaios hostage after falling in love with him during his long guardianship in Jerusalem. Their marriage is fruitful with five daughter and their last child a boy. This marriage will have momentous impact on the House of Mihran in the future.

• She is ably supported by her older brother, the castrati, Matthaios who is her regent and vizier and strategos
• Together Katayoun and Matthaios continue the wars against the Muslims, capturing the Upper Nile and expanding Mihranid rule in the Balkans, seating her half-sister on the throne of Krajina that controls Danube and Dacian plains.

• Killed by a crazed courtier in her own throne room while only 29 years old.

Darius V (842 – 857 AD)

• Katayoun’s youngest child and only son, born with albinism, succeeds to the throne as a one-year-old. Matthaios the Castrati holds the regency but just as he reaches his majority, the boy is afflicted by smallpox and passes on.

The Abortive Effort to Resurrect the Empire

• His oldest sister, Kyriake takes the throne and attempts to reform the Achaemenid Empire but refuses to move the seat from Jerusalem.
• With control so distant, the Empire struggles to hold together and once against dissolves after five years as Kyriake focuses on the Coptic heartlands and leaves Europe to its own devices

The Slow Decline and Dissolution of the Caliphate

The wars with the House of Mihran though initially advantageous for the Caliphs had drained their resources. Succeeding Caliphs had squandered the tribute and wealth of empire for their own aggrandisement instead of securing their rule. The ghazis had expanded Muslim rule into three continents, even reaching into Roman Spain but with every new conquest, the Caliphate became increasingly unwieldy.

The conquest of Achaemeniyya seemed to have been their high point and from then onwards, with the Red Apple conquered, the Muslims lost focus. Armies still marched and cities fell but increasingly the old mujahideen gave way to paid mercenaries and opportunistic warlords looking to carve their own territories. With the prophet slowly relegated to the past, the bloodline and right to rule of the Caliphs became increasingly irrelevant. What does a divinely appointed ruler sitting in his desert city of Medina mean to the Sheikhs of Morocco or Turan except as a taker of tribute and demander of zakat.

With the continual losses of territory against the Mihrans, the Caliphs lost much of their prestige and respect from their followers as Defenders of the Faithful. This would lead to calls for rebellion and independence in 847 AD and the 2nd Fitna would begin. The civil war would see the Hashemids virtually alone against all of their subjects and by the end of it, Islam would no longer be unified and serving a single master. The Hashemids would struggle to be recognised as even the spiritual leader of Islam over the next few decades and their title as Caliphs would be abandoned by the end of the 9th century.

In the place of a single monolithic religious empire, Islam would fracture into different sect and face a resurgence of Shia believers as many felt that the direct line had lost their way and hearken to the message that the Prophet had chosen his son-in-law as his successor. Others would break away into sects as different schools of jurisprudence and religious authority grew in the void that Caliphal rule used to provide.


The Ironic Fate of the Mihrans

As the House of Mihran is not the focus of this narrative, I feel comfortable jumping ahead to reveal the future for this great splinter house of the Achaemenids. After the rule of Queen Kyriake, the Shia Muslims would rise in the far west in the deserts of the Magreb and march on Jerusalem and Egypt, intent on claiming the birthright of their founder, Ali, after the Hashimid collapse. Their Jihad would see the Mihrans ousted from Jerusalem and Egypt and retreat into the Arabian desert.

There, they would find a new spiritual awakening and revert to Islam, renouncing the Coptic faith that their forebears had fought so hard to defend. With the marriage of Katayoun to Keyumars of the Hashimid dynasty, they too now could claim descent from the prophet. With no spiritual authority to lead the fightback against the Fatimid Shias of Egypt and Jerusalem, the Mihranids took up the mantle as Defenders of the Faith for Sunni Islam as those in opposition began to term themselves. The ultimate irony that the ones who destroyed the Caliphate would become its inheritors.

The Mihranids would hold the title of Caliphs from the 10th century onwards, passing from father to son in an unbroken line.