The Age of Brass: A Spanish AAR

[Southernpride]

Great update

 

[Viden]

Happy Christmas readers!

Viden: Yeesh, no mercy for the Yankees eh?

Merry Christmas!

Yep, no mercy at all!

 

[ThaHoward]

In a game I just started with concert of europe Spain managed to re-take gran Columbia and the Dominican Republic. I'll take that as a good omen for your Empire building over the new year!

 

[RossN]

Don Fernando Fernández de Córdova, the Marqués de Mendigorría.​

Chapter Sixteen: The Talambó Incident

As 1865 had drawn to a close Spain had suffered a severe influenza outbreak that forced the government to spend thousands of pesetas on mitigating the worst of the disease. The money involved overran that in the Treasury and the state was forced to borrow from the Banks of France and the Banks of Prussia - the latter of which transitioned into the Bank of the North German Federation, which formed in this period out of Prussia and her client states. Don Casmiro Vingodet was not badly wounded by this temporary setback; the admiral could not command and control the spread of illness any more than any other mortal man. Rather it left him inclined to consider his own future and stepping away from active politics. His period in office had been exhausting for a man still more inclined to a life at sea than behind a desk. In April 1866 he handed in his resignation to the Queen, though he retained the Naval Office for now.

Don Casmiro Vigodet's eventual successor would be Don Fernando Fernández de Córdova y Valcárcel, the Marqués de Mendigorría. Mustachioed and elegant, a Grandee of Spain and a long serving military officer the Marqués de Mendigorría had served on three different occasions as Minister for War before his rival General Leopoldo O'Donnell claimed that position permanently as his own. Indeed many had expected Don Leopoldo to become President of the Council. Yet the general was unpopular with most of the Cortes and the Queen preferred the aristocrat. The Hibernian descended general was instead sent as Captain General of Honduras [1]. This was not quite the gilded exile it might have seen which may have been why the general left for the Americas without a fuss - Don Leopoldo knew that the Marqués de Mendigorría was drawing up plans for war with Nicaragua in which case the Spanish ruler in Central America would be a vital man indeed.

In the unofficial battle for political influence in Madrid between the 'Americans' and the 'Romans' - that is between those who favoured a foreign policy focused on Spanish America and those who looked to Europe - the Marqués de Mendigorría was an 'American'. That statement was true literally as well as metaphorically as the new President of the Council had been born in Buenos Aires in 1809. Though some of his rivals would attempt to paint Don Fernando as a monomaniac lusting after the re-conquest of his homeland this does the man a disservice. Rather he had concluded that given Spain's weakness in Europe her focus was better suited to rebuilding herself across the Atlantic and at least initially he was flexible about achieving this. Don Fernando shared the common belief that all Central America should fall under direct Spanish authority, but south of the isthmus he was content that Spain should merely be economically dominant. His stance would only be shaken by an unexpected incident in Peru that pushed Spain into a war she had not sought.

In the early Summer of 1866 a Spanish Naval delegation had been on a goodwill tour of seaports along the Pacific Coast of North America. Beginning as far north as Alaska (which had recently been sold to the United States) the Spanish visited Portland, San Francisco, San Salvador and finally the Peruvian port of Callao, which was where the commanding officer Admiral Luis Hernández Pinzón became involved in an ugly local incident.

The 'Talambó Incident' the lead to war between Spain and Peru (the Spanish reaction is highlighted in red.)​

The exact rights and wrongs of the case quickly became unimportant. What mattered was whether the Spanish government would stand by their officer. Public opinion in Madrid, urged on by the newspapers demanded the Lima government be brought to heel. The Queen, never one to let an insult rest was in sympathy with the hawks. For the Marqués de Mendigorría, still adjusting to his position and in the middle of the Nicaraguan situation [2] the matter was far more delicate. Broadly speaking Spain would have loved to win back the lost colonies in South America but the effort of doing so was seen as far outstripping the gain to say nothing of the intervention of other powers. Even with the United States humbled the British and French had interests in the southern continent and would be unlikely to stand idly by if Madrid began annexing land en masse. Contrary to his portrayal in some quarters (notably the gutter press of London and New York) as a man frothing at the mouth to reconquer Peru, the Marqués de Mendigorría held views entirely in keeping with other Moderates. In 1866 it was very much a case of him being pushed into war.

It was one thing to declare war but quite another to enforce it. Peru was a small country, at least demographically, but her location and natural geography made her a much more difficult prospect than she might have seemed on paper. The closest Spanish naval squadrons of any strength were in Manila and Havana and though the Armada Real Española could confidently be expected to triumph over the old fashioned sailing warships of Peru it would take months before any sizeable force reached enemy waters. Then the Spanish faced the daunting prospect of landing sufficient troops to establish a foothold on a hot and rocky coastline ill-suited for supporting large bodies of men before marching into the Andes and in probability fighting at altitude. It made the invasion of Mexico appear almost trivial in comparison.

Furthermore as Summer shifted to Autumn and then early Winter and the Spanish prepared their expedition (which for various reasons could not be launched until early 1867) there were disturbing signs that Peru might not be fighting alone. In September the government of Ecuador, not previously involved in either Spanish or Peruvian affairs sent a blunt protest to the Madrid government. The language of the 'Ecuadorian Note' stopped short of a declaration of war but it was an ultimatum all the same. Similar language would come from Bolivia in October and then Argentina in November. None of these countries had been actively allied with Peru but they did signal the level of fear that a Spanish intervention in South America provoked.

The 'Ecuadorian Note' of September 1866, followed by near identical protests from Bolivia and Argentina.
​

The response in Madrid was a dramatic hardening of the hawks in the Cortes. Previously the Moderates and Progressives had been in favour of the war with Peru now that it started but eager to forestall it spreading and even the Unión Liberal (the most jingoistic political force in Spain outside Carlism) had believed in confining the fighting to Peru seeing the whole affair as a distraction from Central America. The antagonism of three of Peru's neighbours shocked and angered almost everyone in Madrid. At best, even if Ecuador, Bolivia and Argentina remained neutral the prospect of peacefully winning those three countries to the Spanish Sphere of Influence had greatly receded.

It was only now that the Marqués de Mendigorría abandoned his early caution. He re-called Don Leopoldo Leopoldo O'Donnell from Honduras to take the War Ministry, reasoning that it was better to have the rival general where he could be seen and useful than nursing a grievance across the Atlantic (it was now obvious that Nicaragua would have to wait.) Though he did not yet talk of war with any of Peru's neighbours the Marqués de Mendigorría confirmed in private to the Queen that the war 'could expand' and that the outbursts from Quito, La Paz and Buenos Aires had 'strengthen international feeling in our favour rather than the reverse.' In other words Don Fernando suspected, accurately, that Britain and France feared instability more in South America than they did Spanish hegemony - especially as they likely held a more accurate view of Spanish power than the exaggerated feeling across the Atlantic. The British in particular, still crowing over the creation of an independent Poland were not keen to see the balance of power tilt abroad. If Peru, Ecuador, Bolivia and Argentina actually united the resulting state would be potentially be a threat to their own interests. The same newspapers in London that had depicted a cruel and rapacious Spain stalking a defenceless Peru were by the end of the year cheering Spain on as the continental policeman bringing order to a collection of petty dictatorships.

Fortunately for Marqués de Mendigorría Spain did have two allies in the conflict who would do more than debate his character in editorials. The more powerful of the two was the Hapsburg monarchy which had in 1866 reformed itself into a true dual state - the Austro-Hungarian Empire. During the waning weeks of Don Casmiro Vingodet's time in office Vienna had offered, and Madrid had accepted, an alliance. Austria-Hungary had a reasonably impressive navy but her key importance was as a counterweight to any other power in Europe who might take advantage of Spain's distraction. An alliance with Austria-Hungary meant the potential abandonment of Sardinia but no one in Madrid believed that Franz-Joseph would seek to intervene in Italy once again and even the prospect of an Italian War (that is to say one between Turin and Naples) seemed less likely. An alliance with Austria-Hungary had once again become attractive, much to the delight of the Queen who enjoyed a close friendship with her opposite number in Vienna.

Even more important was the Empire of Brazil. Though obviously less powerful than Austria-Hungary Brazil was the strongest nation in South America by an order of magnitude. By 1866 she had been a close ally of Spain for two decades and her trade was strongly tied to that of Spain. One recent uncertainty that had risen between the two powers was the slavery question. The Emperor Pedro II had recently abolished the institution in his country (to international acclaim) but it was still legal in Spain's overseas possessions and of course Spain's other friend in the Americas had a full quarter of her population in bondage. Don Fernando would have to continuously assure the Brazilian envoy in Madrid that no matter what the peace settlement Spain would not re-introduce slavery into South America. The Spanish leader was able to point to the fact that neither in directly controlled Central America or in Mexico (whose status remained hazy) was slavery legal. As for the Confederate States the Spanish did not intend to call them to war. Aside from the increasingly delicate slavery question which was slowly pushing Brazil and the Confederate States apart the Confederate Navy was still very small and the Marqués de Mendigorría doubted they would accept being called into war so soon after the Mexican intervention.

The key question brought up in dialogue with the Brazilians was what Spain actually wanted from a victory. The universal opinion in Madrid was that Peru should recognise Spanish authority and there was an acceptance, grudging in some quarters, that full annexation was impossible. Between these two options lay a contested area. Mexico had been left internally independent but linked in some vague fashion with the Spanish Crown and in a much more robust fashion linked with the Spanish economy. Peru was almost the exact opposite. Prior to the war Spanish economic interests in the region had been negligible, with Brazil being a far more significant trading partner. Now the idea of reviving the royal link with Peru began to gain traction.

Part of the problem with Mexico had been the grandiose nature of the title. Mexico had - briefly - enjoyed an imperial existence of her in the Nineteenth Century and during the tortuous negotiations surrounding the Treaty of Veracruz in 1865 Isabella had always been referred to in such a context as 'Emperatriz de México' [Empress of Mexico], at least by her partisans. It would have been unthinkable to settle for anything lesser and in the end rather than settle for a compromise designation the issue had been avoided, especially as the Queen, encouraged by some of her more optimistic favourites had been openly speaking of an imperial coronation in México City [3]. In contrast the old Viceroyalty of Peru had become a republic (several republics in fact) and it seemed safe to imagine that a Peruvian monarchy might 'merely' be a kingdom (and thus not something the sovereign would cross the ocean for.) Should that prove a success... well perhaps it might be attempted again in South America. It might even prove important in Mexico.

Of course to achieve anything Spain still had to win her war Peru [4].

South American attitudes towards Spain, January 1867.​

Footnotes:

[1] In this case the entirety of Spanish Central America, not just 'modern' Honduras. The original pre-independence region was all part of the Captaincy General of Guatemala but Guatemala, at this time, remains outside Spanish control.

[2] In game terms I'd been trying to justify a war of conquest against Nicaragua during this period.

[3] Inevitably once war began this led to political cartoons in the British and America press about the 'Two Emperors and Their Better Half' displaying Isabella flanked by Dom Pedro of Brazil and Franz-Joseph of Austria-Hungary.

[4] In game terms I am at war with Peru with a 'Make a Puppet' war goal. I have the 'Make a Puppet' casus belli on Argentina, Bolivia and Ecuador but am not currently at war with any of the latter three.

 

[RossN]

Happy New Year all!

I recently bought the MegaCorp DLC for Stellaris and I have been having a lot of fun with it. This AAR is going to continue as my main focus but I have to admit I am tempted to try another Stellaris AAR soon, if I can find the time and energy (and if not at least I know where to go after this story finishes.)

Arnulf Floyd: Thanks and yes I suppose it is quite a contrast!

Specialist290: Thanks! Good analysis and I think you are right - both about Madrid as a 'swinging city' and the potential problem poland is going to be.

Riotkiller: Thank you and that is very true. The Med often seems a bit of a backwater in Victoria AARs I find.

stnylan: Thanks! And yes there is something to be said for that but at the same time when a great power actively offers an alliance (as Austria-Hungary did here) it is hard to refuse!

Warlord Skorr: That's very true. As one of the weakest of the great powers Spain is consistently in a fragile position and has to act accordingly.

Southernpride: Thank you!

Viden: Thanks - and heh!

ThaHoward: Oh that is cool! Here is hoping!

 

[stnylan]

I have misgivings about this war.

 

[Riotkiller]

A fascinating update to end the year. The Chincha Islands event chain doesn't fire too often I find (IIRC because it requires Spain to be a GP), so it's very interesting to see a human perspective to it. I look forward to seeing how the new Spanish minister navigates it .

The fact the USA has been humbled in advance is certainly advantageous, as without the Monroe Doctrine Spain may have a freer hand in South America here - if the pesky Europeans are content to stay uninvolved.

 

[Specialist290]

I have misgivings about this war.

Seconding this. Spanish honor shouldn't entirely be discounted, but this war is going to draw time and resources that could be better spent on juicier targets within easy reach.

 

[guillec87]

a puppet is a good way to regain the old Empire... hope you gain that casus belli for Venezuela and Colombia too! so you have a land continuity

 

[Southernpride]

I like how you are puppeting countries like Peru and Mexico as they are countries you could politically and economically dominate but not realistically annex.

 

[ThaHoward]

Spain had suffered a severe influenza outbreak that forced the government to spend thousands of pesetas on mitigating the worst of the disease.

A Spanish flu eh?

But hopefully you'll prevail in Peru. Peru was afterall fighting alongside Spain during the insurrections of South America (the British might call them indepedence movements, but that is just anti-Spanish propaganda ) and hopefully the end of the war will bring them back into our fold.

 

[guillec87]

Peru was the last stronghold of loyalism in South America and took many years and resource to win that war

 

[ThaHoward]

Peru was the last stronghold of loyalism in South America and took many years and resource to win that war

Indeed. In CoE Peru also start as a puppet of Spain. In that regard I assume you could argue that puppeting Peru is a restoration of Spanish control. Nevertheless I agree with notions here that directly annexing Peru is problematic. If the Spanish monarch is again made the sovereign of Peru and Madrid responsible for foreign but not domestic Peruvian affairs I would say that would be a good compromise and a powerful base for further expansion, let it be into South America or the Pacific.

 

[guillec87]

Indeed. In CoE Peru also start as a puppet of Spain. In that regard I assume you could argue that puppeting Peru is a restoration of Spanish control. Nevertheless I agree with notions here that directly annexing Peru is problematic. If the Spanish monarch is again made the sovereign of Peru and Madrid responsible for foreign but not domestic Peruvian affairs I would say that would be a good compromise and a powerful base for further expansion, let it be into South America or the Pacific.

Exactly... direct control in Africa, Asia, and Central America and the Caribbean... let South America be puppets

 

[Surt]

So no new direct rule in S. America, but does it pay to go to war to puppet then?

 

[Arnulf Floyd]

Peru and other South American countries excepted Brazil must retaken by Spain for achieve grandeur and glory of old Spanish Empire

 

[Viden]

cheering Spain on as the continental policeman bringing order to a collection of petty dictatorships.

I like how this sounds.

 

[RossN]

General Mariano Ignacio Prado Ochoa, President of Peru (1865 - 1868.)​

Chapter Seventeen: An Imperial Throne & Another War

Peru had been a Royalist stronghold during the wars of independence and though that era was forty years in the past there was still a certain optimism that a pro-Spanish streak remained in the country. As the Times of London noted in January 1867: 'whatever else it has been republican governance of Peru has not been marked with outstanding success.'

Regardless of sentiment in Peru the Spanish would have to rely on their Brazilian allies for aid. Though this chafed with some more bullish members of the Army the fact was that Brazil shared a border with Spain and it would have been taking pride to the point of foolhardiness not to rely on such a useful ally. It was also felt that the presence of Brazil on the battlefield would deter the Bolivians, Argentinians and Ecuadorians from going to war against Spain. Therefore the earliest exchange of blows on land in the 'Spanish-Peruvian War' would involve no Spaniards at all, at least unless one followed the sentimental argument that the Peruvians were Spanish subjects in revolt.

It would not be until the naval battle of Guayaquil Bay in June 1867 that the Spanish and Peruvians fired upon one another. A Spanish squadron had successfully landed soldiers at Piura in the extreme north of Peru in May and it was while sailing back that Admiral Eduardo Millán-Astray was intercepted by the full might of the Peruvian fleet. Millán-Astray, brash and amateurish had allowed himself to be trapped against the coastline by his opposite number Admiral Juan Antonio Rebolledo of Peru. Throughout the day and evening of 19 and 20 June Spanish soldiers besieging Pirua were able to hear the dull thunder of cannon and glimspe the hazy glow of distant warships in flames. Morning brought the grim news of a defeat and a retreat with Millán-Astray losing five of his nine ships, including the men o'war Alerta and San Fernando (both 80-gun warships) for the cost to the enemy of two armed transports. The luckless Spanish Admiral was forced to flee with his fire damaged, listing ships, hugging the coast until he could gain safe harbour in Colombian waters - Colombia was one of the few South American states to have a pro-Spanish tilt.

Guayaquil Bay had been an embarrassment to the Spanish and it prevented more soldiers being shipped from Central America but it did little to impact the overall course of the war. Twelve thousand Spanish cavalry had successfully landed in the North and they would eventually take Pirua which despite its symbolic importance - it had been founded by Pizarro and was the oldest city of European origin in Peru - could not be defended while the Peruvians were fighting the Brazilians in the east. Likewise victory at sea in the North did not prevent the Spanish landing eighteen thousand men, including an artillery regiment and a hussar brigade at Antofagasta in August. This southern force under the venerable General Carlos Ortega began their long and successful trek up the coast of Peru. Even Peruvian local naval dominance proved short lived as the bulk of the Armada Real Española arrived off the coast several weeks later leaving the Peruvian ships bottled up in port or risk destruction.

Meanwhile the 1867 elections had taken place in Spain. The vote came before word of the naval defeat arrived but it would probably not have changed much. The results confirmed the conservative ascendancy of the Moderates and the Unión Liberal though the fact that the election took place in war cast at least the shadow of a question mark over the outcome. In any case the Marqués de Mendigorría chose to view the returned Cortes as a mandate for continuing the war.

Throughout the second half of 1867 the Spanish and Brazilians pushed deeper into Peru, taking the country town by town. At the beginning of the war General Mariano Ignacio Prado Ochoa, the military strongman who ran Peru had ordered an invasion of Brazil in a hope to convince Dom Pedro to abandon his alliance with Queen Isabella and/or persuade the other South America powers to intervene. Unfortunately for Peru the result had been two defeats, at Tabatinga in September and Pucallpa in October which between them effectively ended the Peruvian Army as a field force. For almost a year the enemy would hold out in the form of garrisons and partisan attacks along mountain trails, but the end of the war was now inevitable. Ecuador, Bolivia and Argentina maintained their protests over Spanish actions and were even joined by Chile but they remained unwilling to match their outrage with their rifles.

While the war progressed in South America matters of equal significance were occurring in Central America and North America. The most immediate cause of dismay in Madrid was the declaration of Nicaragua of an alliance with the United States of America. Even humbled by the disasters of recent years the United States remained a formidable force and few in Spain wished to challenge her directly. While the Madrid government had (in their opinion) a valid casus belli on Nicaragua based on the latter sheltering Honduran malcontents and a hundred and one other insults even the most hawkish politician and general in Spain doubted Nicaragua was worth a war with Washington [1].

The formal Spanish-Mexican alliance of May 1868.​

A much more optimistic picture was developing in Mexico. Though the nation was still slowly recovering from the war she had benefited from Spanish investment in the form of generous funding to develop railways. Between 1864 and 1867 Spain had done her best to woo the Mexican government. This was a more complicated situation than it sounds. Per the Treaty of Veracruz the 'State of Mexico' (Estado de México) - a deliberately opaque designation as Mexico remained in a limbo between republic and monarchy - was economically dependent on Spain but internally almost completely free. The only soldiers Spain possessed in Mexico were the honour guards at the embassy and consulates and in practice Spanish levers of control resided more in finance than in bayonets. Naturally this worried some in Madrid and for three years a procession of diplomatic functionaries and two different ambassadors had arrived in México City trying to improve relations between New Spain and Old.

Fortunately for Spain the Mexican government was firmly in the hands of conservatives, whose own power base made it advisable to cooperate with Madrid. Rómulo Díaz de la Vega, the conservative acting-president of Mexico who had signed the Treaty of Veracruz had stepped aside in favour of a triumvirate under the generals José Salas and Juan Almonte and Archbishop Antonio de Labastida. The three men were not, necessarily pro-Spanish (rather they all regarded themselves as proud sons of Mexico) but they were convinced continued republican government in their country spelled economic disaster, mob rule and the fetid spectre of anti clericalism. Ironically the involvement of Spain in Peru, by making the notion of Spanish armed intervention in Mexico even less likely made it easier to portray the Madrid government as friend rather than ogre. With some truth Mexican conservatives could point to the fact that it had been unrepresentative liberal revolutionaries who overthrew the legal Mexican government in 1862.

In January 1868 the triumvirate formally abandoned the 'State of Mexico' designation and publicly declared Mexico a hereditary imperial monarchy (Imperio Mexicano). Five weeks later they issued a formal invitation to Queen Isabella to take the throne as Empress to reign in personal union with her Spanish throne. On the advice of her ministers in Madrid Isabella accepted. On 29 May the Spanish and Mexican governments, now under a single head of state, signed an alliance [2].

The reborn Mexican Empire was a strange creation in many respects that ironically confirmed the limits of Spanish authority in Mexico. Under the new constitution Isabella (and her heirs) enjoyed very similar rights and duties that the monarch held in Spain. However with the Empress resident in Madrid these functions would be maintained by a Viceroy, who per Mexican insistence would always be Mexican by birth and appointed by vote of the Mexican congress. This last rule would disappoint many a hopeful Castlian general or nobleman cooling his heels back across the Atlantic [3]. Still, if the Mexicans were acting out of enlightened self interest it would be wrong to say the recreation of the Mexican monarchy was entirely cynical. As noted above for many Mexicans republicanism had failed and there remained in places a certain sympathy for the Borbóns. The street celebrations that greeted the announcement of Isabella's assent owed something more than the click of an accountants abacus.

If Mexico was waxing the Confederate States were waning, and entirely due to a self inflicted wound of such brazen idiocy it could have been born in the pages of a penny dreadful. The election of President John C. Breckinridge in 1865 had been widely seen as a shift towards pragmatism and moderation in Dixie. Unfortunately Mr. Breckinridge had not proven as strong a leader as might have been hoped and the Populist Party had found themselves at a distinct disadvantage in Congressional elections, pushing both chambers towards the more bellicose Democrats and New Americans. From April 1867 on a distinctly jingo note had begun to emanate from Richmond though it was generally ignored in a Spain that had other matters to deal with.

The Spanish Foreign Minister in the late 1860s was the Duque de Valencia. The aging aristocrat and soldier had earlier championed the cause of the Confederacy as a way to hobble the United States and the presence of this proud and glowering figure may have given the Confederate government a far too sanguine view of their Spanish alliance. When the Breckinridge administration found itself dragged towards a confrontation with the North over the state of Missouri they appear to have simply assumed the Spanish Army and Navy and Spanish silver would follow their drumbeat.

The state government of Missouri had remained loyal to the Union during the Civil War but she had been divided almost evenly between Union and Confederate sympathies. Putative measures against Dixie sympathisers ranging from the closing of newspapers to boycotts against shopkeepers with the occasional worse crime had outraged many in the South. In truth there was very little going in Missouri that was not being directed against pro-Union citizens in, say, Kentucky but for a populace still heady with victory they seemed intolerable provocation and on 9 April 1868 the Confederate States officially declared war on the United States.

The Confederate declaration of war. The Spanish response is highlighted in red.
​

Even at the best of times the decision of Richmond to declare war over Missouri would have been greeted by astonishment in Madrid. These were not those times. By unlucky coincidence the Duque de Valencia had died on 23 April and his replacement at the Foreign Ministry, the Marqués de Roncali was still settling in. It is highly unlikely that even the Duque de Valencia would have pushed for war with the United States but he might have softened the blow. As it was the response of the Marqués de Roncali, and the Marqués de Mendigorría was a stiff refusal, laced with barely hidden disbelief that the Confederates should so misjudge the situation.

By the beginning of Autumn the international picture was mixed for Spain. The war was drawing to a close in Peru were the Peruvian government would sue for peace on 5 September, under terms that left country in personal union with Spain (with Isabella as 'Reina del Perú'.) Peru would like Mexico have internal self government, though her level of autonomy was noticeably less [4]. Mexico was an increasingly firm partner and though the situation was still too dangerous to attempt a coronation in México City it was an event the Queen and her court could at least begin to plan for.

As terms were being drawn up in Lima and pesos bearing the likeness of 'Emperatriz Isabel' were being minted in Mexico the government in Madrid was determining what to do next. A small faction wished to join the Confederate side after all, whether out of a quixotic sense of honour to one's allies or for fear that the United States would devour the entire Confederacy. Most though felt that at worst the Confederate States would lose some marginal territory - Arizona perhaps, or New Mexico [5]. There was frankly limited sympathy for Richmond and for Breckinridge, though the Marqués de Mendigorría (though bitter about the 'stupidity and greed' of the Confederates in private) was prepared to consider war subsidies.

War Minister General Leopoldo O'Donnell acknowledged the serious situation in North America but stressed that Spain should remained focused on South America. Spain had thiry thousand men in Peru, a force stronger than any Army on the continent save Brazil. She had a measure of international sympathy against the posturing and ramshackle goverments of the South American republics. Now was they very moment to force a settlement on Chile, Ecuador, Argentina or Bolivia. Or perhaps on more than one...

The Kingdom of Peru, September 1868.
​

Footnotes:

[1] Spain has a 'Conquest' CB with Nicaragua, but unfortunately they have since allied with the United States.

[2] I've been trying to increase opinion in Mexico since the end of the war, but more recently they started trying to increase my opinion. Relations are now quite good and I chose to envisage the alliance as representing a breakthrough on the monarchy question.

[3] Functionally Mexico is in my Sphere of Influence and an Ally but otherwise independent. I decided this was enough to justify a loose Irish Free State-esque approach to ties with Spain. There actually isn't a way short of editing to change a country to your type of government so in game terms Mexico is a 'democracy' even if I am treating her as a constitutional monarchy for the purposes of the story.

[4] Again as with Mexico I'm treating Peru as a monarchy for story purposes even if she technically isn't in game terms. Peru is both in my Sphere and a Satellite of Spain so I assume in real terms she has far less autonomy - certainly no equivalent of the Mexican veto over a Viceroy appointment.

[5] I've checked and the United States does not have active claims on Confederate land, though if the war goes well for them I can certainly see them snatching a Territory or two from Richmond.

 

[RossN]

Happy 2019 all!



stnylan: I admit it wasn't what I planned for, but in-character I think it is something Spain would pursue.

Riotkiller: Indeed. In fact the biggest concern for me in South America right now is not upsetting my ally Brazil in going to war with countries they are allies with.

Specialist290: Possibly, though I'm not sure there are so many of those better targets - certainly France is very protective of Morocco.

guillec87: That might be trickier - Colombia is actually my ally and Venezuela is in the British Sphere but I'll see what I can do.

Southernpride: Thanks, my feelings exactly!

ThaHoward: I'm happy to regard puppeting as regaining control, of a sort at least.

Surt: Honestly? Probably not worth it in terms of sheer pragmatism but it still feels cool and again something that fits the worldview of this Spain.

Arnulf Floyd: Well said!

Viden: Hah! Though does that mean you want me to attack the CSA to try and nab Florida?

 

[J_Master]

I just realized Mexico has a descision to restore the monarchy, although oficially this represents the French attempt at doing so. I don't know the requirements for them to do so, but I know it's there.

And why does Peru own the Bolivian coastline?