"The Dawn is Near" - A White Russian Novel AAR

[Khanconette]

Volume I: The Dusk

Chapter 7: The Reign of Terror
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Room 101
Location Undetermined
Time & Date Undetermined, 1950​

- In March 1937, you were transferred to Leningrad. For what?

- I have already led up to this event. After Svechin's arrest, I had to get as close to Shaposhnikov as possible. Only by establishing contact with him we could hope for at least some success of the upcoming operation. The original plan — to get close to him when he already heads the General Staff — most likely would not have worked. Occupying such a high post, the most cautious Shaposhnikov would not do anything that could go too far. The last chance was to use a few months before his promotion and recruit him back then.

- And Komandarm* Shaposhnikoff at that time was the commander of the Leningrad Military District, right?

*Army Commander (komandujuschij armijej).​

- Yes, in connection with which, by hook or by crook, I sought a transfer from Artuzov and the chief of Intelligence of the General Staff, Semyon Uritskij, to Leningrad as Shaposhnikov's adjutant on intelligence matters. I went to the Northern capital several times and talked with the head of the LenVO intelligence, Colonel Julij Grodis.

- Did he suspect anything?

- No, I had an almost perfect Soviet biography, and my father was still an important member of the Party. Grodis gave his consent, and I became an aide-de-camp to Boris Mikhajlovich Shaposhnikov, the future chief of the General Staff.

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Leningrad in 1937
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General Staff Building, Uritskij Square (former Palace Square)
Leningrad, RSFSR, USSR
March 11, 1937​

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- So what-what's your name?
- Captain Nikolin, Viktor Arkad'jevich.
- Yes, yes, I remember. So, look. Boris Mikhajlovich is a man of the old school, he is very demanding and pedantic. His adjutant should always be dressed to the nines, especially since we're serving in the Second Capital here... Answer only when he asks you, speak only briefly and to the point. You are his aide-de-camp, but I am your true superior, you are still in charge of the intelligence of the General Staff, — Colonel Grodis was talking hurriedly as we walked quickly through the giant building of the General Staff — once the heart of the Tsarist Army, and now the headquarters of the Leningrad Military District. I had never been to St. Petersburg before the Revolution, although my father spent a lot of time there. The old capital of Russia was acquiring more and more Soviet features every year, but the center of this amazing city, created by the inflexible will of Peter the Great in the middle of wild swamps for the ephemeral purpose of a "dash to Europe", still reminded of the times of the former empire.
Grodis, a rather young Latvian with whitish eyes, was a typical product of his time. He led the intelligence of the Leningrad District not because of his talents in espionage, but only because he came from the Latvian riflemen — one of the bloodiest and most loyal units of the Red Army in the Civil War. The leadership of the USSR entrusted the most important state secrets to such people. However, Julij Iosifovich treated me well, and I definitely intended to take advantage of this.

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Latvian Riflemen around Lenin
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- You have read my recommendations from Comrades Artuzov and Uritskij, haven't you?
- Yes, of course. However — let it stay strictly between us — comrades Artuzov and Uritskij, although they are fighting mercilessly with the enemies of the Motherland in the ranks of our valiant military intelligence, — Grodis minted these formulations like the "Pravda" newspaper, — But they are Chekists by education and their mindset, not soldiers. Boris Mikhajlovich is a military man to the core, a real General Staffer. He needs an intelligence officer who understands what an army is. Are you one of those?
- I dare to hope so...
- That's good. We're here!
Colonel Grodis and I stopped at the giant doors leading to the office of the district chief. The moment of truth was coming.
- Wait here, Captain Nikolin, I'll call you.
I waited in the corridor, and only after ten or fifteen minutes I was given a sign that I could enter. I found a rather lively scene — Grodis silently showed me that it was worth waiting a bit more. Shaposhnikov was saying goodbye in raised tones to a tall thin officer wearing thick horn-rimmed glasses, whom I hadn't known. Only later I found out that it was Andrej Andrejevich Vlasov, who then had been serving in the military tribunal of the Leningrad District. Vlasov was the fiercest Stalinist, absolutely merciless in protecting the interests of the Party.
- Comrade Komandarm, I still think...
- And I forbid you to "think" anything into this account! Until Comrade Stalin's personal order is placed on my desk, I'm not going to put this commander under your damn court! We marched with him through the entire Imperialist War (in Soviet times it was not customary to call the First World War "Great"), and he never, not a single thought stained himself in front of our Motherland! I am sure of his innocence and I am ready to defend him to the end! You are dismissed, Major Vlasov! All the best!
The bespectacled officer grimly saluted Shaposhnikov, nodded to us and left the office. The district commander, clearly not used to talking in raised tones, wearily plopped back down at the table.
- Colonel Grodis? What do you have?
- Comrade Komandarm, a new candidate has arrived for the position of your adjutant for intelligence matters!
- Introduce yourself, Captain, — Shaposhnikov said rather indifferently.
- Viktor Nikolin! At your disposal, Comrade Komandarm!
- Well, so be it, — the general forced out a semblance of a smile, — I have familiarized myself with your case, I do not object to the appointment. Comrade Colonel, you can register Captain Nikolin, from tomorrow I expect him by eight in the morning.
- Aye, Comrade Komandarm! — Grodis and I answered synchronously.
So I got into the inner circle of the "brain of the Red Army". Shaposhnikov was vital to me. I was supposed to be his friend, his confidant, his irreplaceable assistant. It was the only way I could try to convince him to participate in our case.

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Andrej Vlasov around the time we first met in Leningrad
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My first serious task (although, rather, a test) was to prepare a report for Shaposhnikov on the state of affairs in Spain. It was unlikely that the Leningrad Military District had any direct relation to the civil war in the very west of Europe, but Boris Mikhajlovich clearly wanted to see my analytical skills and work with intelligence data "in practice", as well as the ability to make operational reports. The situation there was becoming critical for the Republicans — it seemed that our attempts to support the Government were not going very well, and the supporters of the Nationalists could win in a relatively short time. A very heavy "stab in the back" for the Republic was the uprising of anarchists and other left-wing radicals dissatisfied with the too moderate and compromise policy of the central Republican authorities, as well as the growing influence of Stalinism among the Communists supporting the government. Our "volunteers" and military specialists, of course, remained on the side of the legitimate powers, but due to the Catalonia uprising, the Spanish "heart of the revolution" was lost, and Franco's troops already controlled most of the country. I frankly recommended Shaposhnikov to contact his superiors and request evacuation from Spain. Deep down, I rejoiced at the victory of the nationalists — it seriously undermined the legitimacy of the Soviet regime, becoming a failed external military operation, on which Stalin made a rather serious bet.
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Frontlines in Spain by the end of March 1937
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Meanwhile, the Great Terror was gathering pace, becoming more and more frightening. It was still calm in Leningrad, but frightening events were taking place in other districts of the Red Army and the Red Fleet Fleet. The arrest of Gordej Ivanovich Levchenko, one of the promising officers of the Black Sea Fleet, came as an absolute surprise to me. Levchenko was not just a sincere communist, he took part in such legendary events as the storming of the Winter Palace and the suppression of the Kronstadt uprising. He could safely be called an icon of the Revolution, who went from a "revolutionary sailor" to the elite of the Navy. Now, it seems, the authorities were not afraid of even such merits in any way, and no, even most impeccable past, could protect them from the most frightening future. It was necessary to be prepared for everything. Apparently, in the summer the expected slaughter was to begin in full force, and we were still not even half ready to start our performance. Every day, working with Shaposhnikov, I could not get rid of frightening thoughts about my father.
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Soviet foreign intelligence, meanwhile, judging by the information available to Grodis, was planning a serious operation in Britain. This did not bother me too much, because we had a very weak representation in Foggy Albion, there were no serious military organizations, and in general this did not put our preparations at risk in any way. Obviously, Kim Philby was supposed to be involved in this operation, and Radó from Switzerland was supposed to provide cover for all these actions. Britain provided the least assistance to our cause, and I thought that perhaps this infiltration of Soviet intelligence into the highest government circles of the country could help establish some mechanisms that allow for a double game. We were especially interested in William Fisher, who had both British and Soviet citizenship, who could become a contact for Philby and his people. The Command (my "real" superiors from the Emigration) urged me to strengthen my work in the British direction, but I rightly noticed that I was quite seriously constrained by the service at Shaposhnikov's headquarters, and I could act on the outer edge only as much as I could and only by coincidence.​

William Fisher (later known as Rudolf Abel) in 1937​

Meanwhile, France and Britain seemed to have finally decided on a foreign policy configuration for the near future. It was coming to a big war, and the "old West" decided to unite, as it had already done in 1914. However, the situation was sharply distinguished from that already distant past by the position of Russia, so the "new Entente" was not yet visible. From my point of view, the leadership of the Soviet Union at that time clearly regarded Western capitalist countries as enemy No. 1, while the Fascist regimes in Germany and Italy were perceived as a secondary threat, in some ways even close to Socialist ideas. The exception to this rule, of course, was Japan, lying directly at our Eastern borders and repeatedly entering into various military and diplomatic conflicts with us.
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Good news came from our "creative" agents (as I said earlier, we were able to recruit quite a lot of artists, architects and, in general, people involved in the cultural sphere of the Soviet government — after all, some education was needed for such work, and basically they all studied during the Tsar's era). They were able to push through the transfer of the Novodevichij** Monastery for restoration, which could temporarily take it out of the close supervision of the Soviet authorities.
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**Literally: New maidens', meaning "New female monastery". ​

This stunning monument of ancient Russian architecture in Moscow, built under Basil III (the father of Ivan the Terrible), was closed in 1922, then several museums operated there, including the museum of the "Emancipation of Women" (due to the female status of the monastery). By the time of 1937, there was only dusty desolation, and when our people managed to convince the authorities to carry out the restoration of its buildings, it actually created an excellent base for us to work in the Church circles and spread our ideas among interested priests and people of culture. Thus, we were gradually advancing not only in military, but also in socio-political issues. Of course, there was no talk about the real re-opening of the monastery and the transfer of its belongings to the Church, but, nevertheless, it was quite an important event that seriously strengthened our, as General Mola said in the light of current Spanish events, "fifth column" on the territory of Moscow.
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View of Novodevichij from the streets of Moscow
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Our main work in Siberia continued. I was still coping with the task of maintaining contacts between the center and the local cells. By April, we had worked out a new strategy — we perfectly noticed how "Stalinist strongholds" were being formed not only near the Japanese border, but in the western regions of Siberia as well. Our enemy finally began to suspect something, and we had to be proactive. According to the new strategy, it was very important to "dissect" the whole of Siberia from top to bottom, trying to place our pockets of resistance even in the deepest polar regions. This would make it possible to completely cut off the west of the USSR from its east, although the organization of any military operations in such climatic and landscape conditions was insanely difficult. We had no other choice, so inevitably we had to experiment — by mid-April, our agents were already developing territories near Taimyr.
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In the more "classical" regions of Siberia, the work also continued in full swing, my contacts reported to me about the organization of cells in the river Yenisey direction, including the town of Jenisejsk itself. It was also a Cossack land, and we sincerely hoped and counted on the harsh Siberian peasants who used to live quite well in the Tsarist era and were extremely dissatisfied with the policy of "Raskulachivanije***".

***"Dekulakization". A repressive campaign against "kulaki" (lit.: "fists"),
prosperous farmer-like peasants of pre-revolutionary Russia.
Occurred mostly in early 30s. ​

It hit Siberia especially fiercely, where, due to the large number of undeveloped lands, the "Kulaks" flourished despite all the difficult climatic conditions. Almost each peasant there was a farmer who had an excess of free land, which made it possible to expand the economy and intensify production. Before the Revolution, Siberia was the leader of the entire Russian Empire in the purchase of tractors, despite the fact that the soils and climate there were much worse for agriculture than in Central Russia. Thus, we counted very much on the Cossacks and Kulaks, who suffered from the Soviet regime, as the support of our movement in this region.

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"Let's kick the Kulaks out of collective farms" — aggressive propaganda poster of the Soviet era, 1930
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On April 18, an unexpectedly lucky event happened — Svechin was released, for the second time in his life. He again escaped execution due to the fact that, as it turned out, he was "outpaced" by the informer who was behind his arrest. It happened quite often that a Soviet schemer could fall victim to his own intrigues. It turned out that the campaign against Svechin and a number of other "old school" officers in the ranks of the Red Army was orchestrated by rival groups from the People's Commissariat of Foreign Affairs. As a result, this conspiracy was exposed, the schemers themselves were shot, and the machine of Great Terror then reached the People's Commissar himself, Comrade Litvinov. It was a terrible rout. The NKVD clung to the diplomatic corps, temporarily relaxing their attention towards the army —which was very, very much "in our favor". I personally took time off from Shaposhnikov's service and went to Moscow for a few days to find out if everything was all right with Svechin. Aleksandr Andrejevich lost a lot of weight, and it seemed that physical force was used on him during interrogations, but he was still phlegmatic and believed in the success of our case. On that April day in Moscow , he told me:
- Viktor, I was lucky for the last time. There will be no more gifts of fate. Stalin started this business, and will bring it to an end. In any case, do not betray our idea if I do not live to see it implemented. Take care of yourself and your father. Hold on to Shaposhnikov with all your hands, he is our main chance, there will be no other.
Of course, I had to follow his advice. Molotov became the new leader of Soviet foreign policy. A man who was selflessly devoted to Stalin and, in addition, of Russian origin, which facilitated contacts with Nazi Germany (Litvinov was ill-suited for this role, since he was a Jew). Indirectly, we understood that the reason for Litvinov's arrest was not the intrigue of his people in army circles, but rather a completely failed foreign campaign in Spain. This caused additional alarm, because not only diplomats, but also the military inevitably had to lose their heads due to the imminent defeat of the Republicans in the near future.

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One of Molotov's first actions as head of Soviet diplomacy was to organize an operation to extract the Spanish gold reserves. The Republic was obviously losing the war, and the Soviet Union wanted to make the most of at least this defeat by exporting valuables from Spain under the pretext of their "protection" from the advancing troops of General Franco. Since Spanish gold was transferred to many locations, including to the Leningrad port, Shaposhnikov instructed me to monitor these shipments from the point of view of organizing intelligence and surveillance. This was my first completely independent assignment, and I tried my best not to let the commander down in order to stay with him at the time of transfer to the General Staff, which was about to take place — all the rumors said that Stalin was ready to appoint Shaposhnikov to this post by May.
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In early May, we were able to gain a foothold in the vicinity of Kemerovo (formerly Scheglovsk), which has recently been growing and gaining momentum as a new "coal capital" of the Soviet Union, capable of pushing Donbass aside. It was quite difficult to work there, since most of the miners received good salaries from the Soviet government, and many of them were ideological Komsomol members and communists who arrived in the region to conduct the "greater construction projects" of Comrade Stalin. However, still, as in the whole of Siberia, the degree of support for the Soviet government here was still lower than in the whole country, and therefore we cautiously counted on receiving at least some support in these territories. We could not ignore them in any case, Kemerovo was located in the near of the critically important Tuvan border, which was crucial for the implementation of our scenario.
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Control over a significant part of the border with Manchuria and Mongolia has finally allowed us to launch some more or less large-scale arms shipments from abroad. However, this was clearly not enough. The main problem of foreign weapons, in addition to its small number, would be a constant shortage of ammunition for it. In this regard, undoubtedly, the basis of our weapons arsenal in the event of an uprising should have been Soviet or pre-revolutionary Russian samples, cartridges and other ammunition for which it would always be much easier to get or produce on the spot. In this regard, we tried to integrate into the dark world of "Tolkachi" (lit.: pushers) — corrupt Soviet officials who, thanks to their position and connections, could fabricate economic plans and industrial reports, and transfer the goods "falling out" of these reports to our organizations. It cost a lot of money to bribe each such "pusher", so Emigration tried its best, providing gold and other valuables, and little by little it gave results. The Vladivostok port turned out to be especially corrupt, which has become a genuine "Mecca" for the Tolkachi cooperating with us. As a result, three main arsenals were created —in Vladivostok, Khabarovsk and in the main "capital" of our upcoming operation, Chita. By the way, curious rumors were received from Chita that the arrest of the commander of the Trans-Baikal Military District, Komkor Gryaznov, was being prepared. It was still unclear whether to believe them or not.
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Finally, it happened. It was officially announced that on May 10, 1st Rank Komandarm Boris Mikhailovich Shaposhnikov, commander of the Leningrad Military District, will assume the post of Chief of the General Staff of the RKKA. For Shaposhnikov, it was a "return", because he had already held this position from 1928 to 1931. The reason for the promotion was Stalin's long-planned intrigue against Marshal Aleksandr Jegorov, whom they were not going to arrest yet, but clearly wanted to "push into the background." Jegorov himself, apparently, should have understood what this resignation threatens. We all congratulated the commander, and he cordially accepted our thanks, in response, remarked that he would definitely take the core of his HQ to Moscow for further work in the General Staff. This meant that my intrigue had succeeded so far. Shaposhnikov really got attached to me. I coped well with his instructions and acted as Grodis advised me — accurately, briefly and to the point. All my "Spanish" assignments were carried out successfully, and then Boris Mikhajlovich could trust me. He even initiated me into the plans of his first big project as Chief of the General Staff — the revival of full-fledged military service in the USSR. The fact was that at that time our country was too poor to afford to maintain a large cadre army, most of the troops were recruited according to the territorial principle and in general the peacetime army looked "framed". Shaposhnikov has already consulted with Stalin on this matter and received from him the "go-ahead" to transform the backbone of the Red Army into a full-fledged combat machine, using regularly drafted and trained soldiers. It was clearly going to a big war, and Shaposhnikov was well aware of this. I was returning to Moscow after two months of service as his adjutant. The critical moment was coming when it was necessary to involve the new Chief of the General Staff in our venture.
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Shaposhnikov's military reform​

The situation has turned quite funny. Now, as an aide-de-camp to the Chief of the General Staff for Intelligence Matters, I had access to almost all top-secret information of our army intelligence. Uritskij, who had recently been my boss, was now almost reporting to me (however, as I knew, in the summer of '37, his transfer to the Moscow Military District was being prepared, I did not yet know who was to head the army intelligence behind him). Svechin was delighted. In his opinion, this was the key to completely securing all the actions of the White émigrés from the attention of the RU GSh. True, the NKVD intelligence and many other special services of the Soviet Union remained, but one flank was already completely protected. Shaposhnikov "took care" of my promotion, I was elevated to the rank of major and now I felt much more confident and calmer. Perhaps that is why one my completely insane and incredible operation worked, which, it seems to me, made our uprising in Transbaikalia possible later. I started this intrigue when Shaposhnikov had not yet officially taken the leadership over the General Staff, so he was not formally responsible for this.​

Aleksandr Jegorov, Marshal of the Soviet Union. Shaposhnikov took his post in the General Staff
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So it all happened this way. On May 7, 1937, army intelligence was the very first to receive some alarming information. I found out about it from the dispatch file that I was supposed to give Shaposhnikov, and, of course, I looked through it in advance. An amazing incident occurred in China — Chiang Kai-shek, the nominal ruler of the country, was arrested in Shanxi province during his attempts to establish mutually-profitable contacts with the warlord Yan Xishan there. It is difficult to say what caused this, but in any case, Chiang was trapped, and the Shanxi government turned him over to the Communists. Those, not believing their own luck, of course, asked Moscow's position on what to do with the captured dictator. Of course, we knew perfectly well that the Japanese invasion of China was coming, and the most reasonable way out for Moscow would be to preserve the life and health of Chiang Kai-shek in order to create a united front of resistance to Japanese aggression, which would be supported by the Soviet Union. However, the well-being of the Soviet Union did not bother me much, while there was simply no better opportunity to create greater instability in the Far East. I immediately reported the incident to Svechin, and he, using his reputation as one of the best analysts on the Japanese issues, convinced Shaposhnikov that the Communists should shoot Chan after a short show trial. Stalin, of course, did not object to such an outcome, because army intelligence (who were, in fact, supporters of the conspiracy) convinced him of the optimality of this outcome. He ordered to tell Mao that they can get rid of Chiang. Thus, I was able to register a monstrous blow to China's security, which had very far-reaching consequences.
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All this has taken a very serious turn. After the death of Chiang, the leader of the left wing of the Kuomintang, Wang Jingwei, seized power in the party (and therefore in the central government of China) and declared a bloody war to destroy all Communists as a response to the execution of Chiang Kai-shek. Thus, China, which already had been in a state of chaos since 1911, once again collapsed into the abyss of civil war. The intrigue worked in the best way — the Soviet Union unleashed a war with its own hands, in which it was now obliged to support the Communists, and for this, of course, to transfer weapons, equipment, vehicles and troops to the Far East. To the place where we were supposed to start our uprising. Stalin, of course, had no idea that all the help he intended to provide Mao Zedong in the fight against the Wang regime, in fact, had to settle in our arsenals. The intrigue was played out as if by notes, and, I confess, that day for the first time I believed in our success — we were so great at organizing strategically important instability in the Far East for us and securing a plausible reason for the mass transfer of troops and weapons to the Asian part of the USSR.
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New military infrastructure to "support the Chinese Communist cause and provide better protection from the Japanese aggression"
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On May 13, three days after his official appointment as head of the General Staff, Shaposhnikov invited me for an unspoken conversation. It took place not in his office, but in the park — apparently, the commander was seriously afraid of listening. A little flustered, I, nevertheless, of course accepted his offer.
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Trubetskaja Street
Moscow, RSFSR, USSR
May 13, 1937
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Shaposhnikov was waiting for me in Mandel'shtam Park. The most famous Mandel'shtam was a poet who had already been arrested and repressed for his anti-Stalinist works, but this park was named after his namesake, a little-known Russian revolutionary. It was located in the former estate of the Princes Trubetskoj, in Khamovniki on the outskirts of Moscow. Oddly enough, the nearby street still had an "aristocratic" name.
The Komandarm saw me, shook my hand and thanked me for coming.
- Viktor... You know what happened recently, right?
- Are you talking about the "Hindenburg" disaster? There are no words, a monstrous tragedy.
- Oh, no, that's not what I'm talking about. I'm talking about another disaster. Perhaps even more monstrous. Viktor, please tell me how Comrade Svechin was able to find out so quickly about the latest intelligence data related to the arrest of Chiang Kai-shek? Why Comrade Stalin accepted... the decision he made even before other authorities had time to find out about it? After all, it was a decision... Well, in general, it led to a violent escalation of the intra-Chinese conflict, and China will now be virtually helpless in the face of Japanese aggression.
Shaposhnikov was choosing his words carefully so as not to cast doubt on Stalin's actions, which were actually orchestrated by our conspirators led by me and Svechin. He hoped that there were no spies around, but he still couldn't be sure of it, and in the end I could have reported it myself.
- Comrade Komandarm, tell me directly if it's possible, — I asked him.
- Well, I'll be blunt. It seems to me, Major Nikolin, that you are trying to curry favor behind my back, and instead of introducing me to the intelligence situation, you are trying to influence the actions of army intelligence yourself. Is this your personal initiative? Or Uritskij's? Svechin's? After all, I remember that you personally asked to be transferred from the Intelligence Service to my adjutant's office in Leningrad, I know how hard you worked to earn my favor and gratitude. For this? To plot and make a career? Do you even understand what kind of blow you put our position in the Far East under with your game?
I realized that it was necessary to reveal the cards — then or never. Shaposhnikov didn't understand the goals of my game yet, but he had already almost revealed the game itself. It was a crucial moment.
- Boris Mikhajlovich, before I tell you about the reasons that pushed me to this, let me tell you the news: yesterday the head of the Frunze Academy, Komandarm Kork, was arrested, tomorrow Komkors Smolin and Fel'dman will be arrested, and by the end of the month the arrests of Marshal Tukhachevskij, Komkor Ejdeman, Komandarms Jakir and Uborevich and Army Comissar Gamarnik are being prepared.
- My God... — Shaposhnikov forgot for a while that he was in an atheist state, — But this is the entire leadership of our army... this... This is literally the entire senior command staff!
- You will inevitably be next. Not immediately, perhaps after Jegorov, whom you replaced. But even you, being a colonel of the Tsarist army, with all the personal respect of Comrade Stalin, cannot sit on such a high chair.
- Major, you're forgetting yourself! It is simply criminal to conduct such conversations!
- It is criminal to stand aside when the murder of our army is being prepared. A war is brewing. You know this better than anyone else. Tomorrow it will start in China, the day after tomorrow — in Europe. Those whom Stalin will kill in the near future are only the first volleys. Hundreds of others will follow them.
- But... What if they really are enemies and traitors to the Motherland? I... I can't vouch for every one of them! What if the Party is not wrong?! — Shaposhnikov answered uncertainly, having completely lost his usual appearance of a fearless military man.
- Just as it was not wrong in the case of that subordinate of yours, whom Major Vlasov demanded to be shot? And how many have he already shot? Could you protect each of them?
Shaposhnikov hung his head. The Chief of the General Staff of the largest army in the world, the most powerful man, a brave soldier, looked completely crushed.
- Where did you get the information about these arrests? — he finally managed to say, — Why do you know about them in advance? Are you a spy, Nikolin? Do you work for another state?
- Yes, I am a spy of another state. I am a spy of Russia. The country that you once served, Comrade Komandarm. A country that, like the "Hindenburg" airship, is doomed to its death in flames. We can't save this poor ship without you.
It was the most terrible risk in my life. I put absolutely everything on the line and laid out all my trump cards in front of Shaposhnikov, Stalin's most loyal general.
The Komandarm closed his eyes for a few moments, then straightened up and said in as calm and confident a voice as possible:
- This is treason, Nikolin. And it looks like I'm going to be forced to participate in it. I wasn't building the Red Army for 20 years in order to calmly watch Stalin destroying it. Put me in touch with Svechin.
From that day Shaposhnikov was with us.
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Of course, after that, things went on a completely different scale. Under the patronage of the Chief of the General Staff himself, who suddenly remembered how he served the Tsar and Russia, we were able to act much more openly. We took a cruel risk when Artuzov was arrested — terror had already begun to hit the army intelligence — but he didn't know anything and didn't even mention me in any way. The fate of my former boss was determined, but I could continue my business. Shaposhnikov, now a conspirator, quickly "subdued" Svechin, pushed him to the secondary roles and in fact became the main coordinator of the operation on the territory of the USSR. The émigrés, of course, were not happy with this turn of events, because they could not trust him, but they had to put up with it — no one had such power over the Red Army, and in addition had such confidence in Stalin. Shaposhnikov could change his mind at any moment, disrupt the whole plot and give himself an indulgence to the NKVD for revealing it, so that the White Guards gritted their teeth, but accepted the new rules of the game. On May 31, 1937, the last attempts at negotiations between Communists and Nationalists failed, and numerous skirmishes and shootings turned into bloody battles. "Under the guise" of these events, military detachments formed from White emigration began their transition from the war-torn regions of China towards the safe Manchuria. Little by little, the last, decisive preparatory phase of the operation began. We were able to send a number of "our" people to China under the pretext of helping the Communists as military advisers. In fact, they had to coordinate the actions of the White Guard troops and coordinate them with our leadership.
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Nationalist propaganda poster featuring Wang Jingwei's portrait as "Acting President"
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The NKVD, however, continued to step on our heels, although it has not yet come out on the conspiracy itself as such. Our machinations in the port of Vladivostok were revealed, and the security officers conducted a number of campaigns to counteract "anti-Soviet sabotage" in ports and on shipyards, which seriously hampered our logistics in the Far Eastern region. As a result, we decided to double our efforts on the transportation necessary for the success of the operation on the South Manchurian Railway, a branch of the Chinese Eastern Railroad, which connected the continental part of Manchuria with the Liaodong Peninsula and the strategically important port of Dairen (Dalian in Chinese and Dal'nij in Russian). In the event of a complete defeat by Stalin's special services of our preparations in Vladivostok, we could try to use this seaport for our needs. Supplies from Western and eastern "friends" were vital, and we simply could not remain without offshore capacity. With the help of Rodzajevskij and other Russian emigrants in Manchuria, of course, we were able to achieve success in this field without any problems.
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Everything I predicted to Shaposhnikov, of course, came true. Our sources in the NKVD and Party circles have always been very precise about future repressions. And they weren't going to stop, only getting fiercer every day. After the devastation of the "Tukhachevskij's group", during which a number of prominent leaders of the Red Army, heroes of the Civil War, were arrested, the authorities continued to look for a "Trotskyist conspiracy" in the ranks of the Armed Forces. Maksim Aleksejevich Purkajev, commissar of the "court guards" 1st Moscow Proletarian Motorized Division, was arrested. No one until that moment doubted the political loyalty of the officers of such an elite unit of the Red Army. It was a clear, unambiguous signal — no one will be safe, no one will stay away. Of course, this anxiety was well understood by many officers and generals of the Soviet army. In many cases, the fear was so strong that we could use it to our advantage.
​

So ended June of the terrible 1937 — the year of the Great Terror. Abroad, they did not really know what exactly was happening in the Soviet Union. When I met Pavel again in Warsaw under the military-diplomatic pretext, but in fact to further coordinate our efforts, my brother enthusiastically told me about the mysterious disappearance of Amelia Earhart, a fearless pioneer of world aviation. I listened to my brother with a smile and did not interrupt him. I was so glad every minute of the conversation with him that it didn't seem to me that we were wasting time. After all, the world did not yet suspect what was coming to happen, and the world had no idea what was going on in the USSR. The world did not see that it was heading for disaster — just like the plane of the brave Amelia. My brother was from that world, and I did not want to send him ahead of time to the terrible world of the near future. We had yet to meet each other again in it. There was less and less time until that moment.
​

​

Продолженіе слѣдуетъ — To be continued​

 

[Captured Joe]

So - the match is lit. I can't wait to see the fireworks.

 

[Khanconette]

So - the match is lit. I can't wait to see the fireworks.

Hah, yeah! Thanks
I think, there would be another update next week dealing with the events before the "X hour", and then it will begin.

 

[Forster]

Where are you getting all the photos. They definitely add to the atmosphere of your story.

 

[Khanconette]

Where are you getting all the photos. They definitely add to the atmosphere of your story.

Oh, thanks! Well, mostly Google And some photo archive websites.

 

[Khanconette]

Volume I: The Dusk

Chapter 8: The Curtain Goes Up
​

Room 101
Location Undetermined
Time & Date Undetermined, 1950​

- So the start of the operation was getting closer day by day?

- Well, you know that as well as I do.

- What role was prepared for you in the upcoming performance?

- Not the most significant one. Already in the summer of 1937, the generals were fighting over who would command this or that unit or direction, and in addition to the confrontation between the "Soviet" and "Emigrant" conspirators, inside the Emigration there were showdowns between Monarchists, Fascists, supporters of the military regime...

- That is, you were left with the last preparations in the intelligence support of the operation, and then you would leave into the shadows?

- Sort of. In those days, I was not worried about what kind of post I would get among the leadership of that uprising. I had other things to worry about...

​

Frunze Military Academy of General Staff, 1937
​

Devich'je Pole
Moscow, RSFSR, USSR
March 11, 1937​

​

The new building of the Frunze Academy (the former Academy of the General Staff) on the Maiden's Field (Devich'je Pole in Khamovniki district of Moscow) was striking in its scale and was a true example of Stalin's views on architecture. A gigantic building, simple in execution, but at the same time evoking imperial-like associations. Its facade was decorated with a pedestal of a giant British tank — a trophy recaptured from the White Army. In this building I was to give a "concert" — to assist the Chief of the General Staff Shaposhnikov in his report to the teachers of the Academy, its students and a number of other military specialists.

- Comrades commanders, — Boris Mikhajlovich began, — Dear colleagues. The time is very, very turbulent now, the external and internal enemy has increased its pressure on our Soviet homeland. The clouds are gathering. Comrade Stalin, the Party, the Government and the entire Soviet people have set us the task of repelling any aggression against our Motherland. You know perfectly well that the enemy has been particularly strong and resourceful lately in terms of espionage and working with treacherous elements within our leadership. Unfortunately, the Workers' and Peasants' Red Army is no exception here. Be vigilant and merciless! Anyone can be an enemy!
Of course, it was especially ironic to hear this from a man who personally led the most monstrous anti-Soviet conspiracy in the entire history of the USSR.
Shaposhnikov continued.
- Unfortunately, the situation on the fronts of the Spanish Civil War is very difficult. The deep split between the radical and moderate Leftists there led to the fact that the unity of the Republican forces collapsed, and the war acquired a tripartite character. Of course, Fascist forces immediately took advantage of this, as a result of which the enemy was able to seize Catalonia — a region that, along with the Basque Country, was considered one of the main hotbeds of anti-Fascist resistance. Now this hearth is lost. I dare to hope that Comrade Kulik, who recently returned from there, will provide us with a more detailed report on the actions in Spain.
Grigorij Kulik was the chief military adviser on the Madrid front. In fact, he headed and coordinated the actions of almost all Soviet "volunteer" troops in Spain. Stalin certainly perceived the loss of Catalonia and the imminent loss of the Republicans as the heaviest defeat, so "General Cooper" (this was Kulik's pseudonym in Spain) clearly had to worry about his fate.
​

Komandarm Grigorij Ivanovich Kulik
​

- You also know that the head of the Intelligence Directorate of the General Staff has recently been replaced. Semyon Petrovich Uritskij was substituted with Jan Karlovich Berzin. We wish Jan Karlovich success in his new post and hope that the army intelligence service will honorably fulfill the tasks assigned to it.
Berzin was a terrible person. It wasn't even his real name — that's how this man used to live under fake documents and different masks and disguises. This terrorist and murderer of the revolutionary era belonged to that infamous cohort of Latvians who enjoyed Lenin's selfless trust and had carte blanche for operations of any degree of cruelty. Berzin essentially created Soviet military intelligence with his own hands, although he was not an officer. He saw intelligence primarily as an instrument of political terror and the export of the Revolution. His career suffered a lot in 1935, when, as a result of Berzin's mistakes, the entire Soviet spy network in Denmark was arrested, and now Jan Karlovich clearly wanted to earn forgiveness by all means and do everything possible for his rehabilitation. Nevertheless, we knew well that, just like his predecessor Uritskij, Berzin was doomed. The NKVD investigation case was already being prepared for him, and the arrest was only a matter of time. Artuzov, who had been arrested for three months, gave the most shocking testimony against both of them, "extracted" under torture.
- The latest data available to the General Staff for the Far East, to be presented by my adjutant, Comrade Nikolin. Major Nikolin, please!
It was my way out.
- Thank you, Comrade Komandarm! Comrades, the situation in the Far East has escalated and heated up to the maximum in recent months. Thanks to the enormous success of our intelligence, which led to the elimination of the bloody dictator Chiang, the Communist forces in China took heart and led an open offensive against the positions of bourgeois nationalists, now led by Wang Jingwei. The Soviet government welcomes the successes of our Chinese comrades, and military intelligence is involved in close contact with them. However, recently very disturbing information has been received through our channels — apparently, the Japanese military clique expects to make the most of the new round of the People's liberation revolution in China. In the coming days, we expect an extraordinary escalation, which may be one of the "incidents" like the Manchurian or Shanghai one, or may — in this case, we fully admit it — even lead to a full-scale war between Japan and China. The ruling circles of Tokyo believe that the civil war between the Communists and the bourgeois government will be a factor in every way helping their invasion. The main source of information on this problem is the agent "Ramsay", an analytical reference on the issue was prepared by Komdiv Svechin. Thank you for your attention! Major Nikolin has finished his report!
- Thank you, Major, — Shaposhnikov replied patronizingly, — We agree with the opinion that literally within the next few weeks Japan will start a full-scale war in China, which clearly affects the security interests of the Soviet Union. Comrades, in connection with such a development of events, the General Staff proposes the following measures and actions:
First: to significantly strengthen the composition of all our Far Eastern military districts, paying special attention to the Trans-Baikal Military District, as at the moment quite weak and secondary, although located in close proximity to the border with Manchuria occupied by the Japanese.
Second: to plan a series of maneuvers, exercises and large-scale training operations near the Japanese, Manchurian and Mongolian borders. They should also involve the troops of the fraternal Mongolian People's Republic.
Third: to intensify the work of military intelligence in all Asian areas, especially to focus on our military agents in Manchuria.
Fourth: try to strengthen the Pacific Fleet and the Far Eastern border flotillas with new ships.
Fifth: together with the state security agencies, conduct a thorough audit of the personnel of the command staff serving in Siberia and the Far East.
It was simple and at the same time brilliant. Shaposhnikov, in the presence of the entire military elite of the Red Army, simply ordered preparations to begin for our uprising, presenting it from the outside as a natural response to Japanese military aggression. We couldn't have come up with a better strategy. The countdown was starting. Since the Japanese invasion of China, we had the last months left to begin our operation. The curtain was beginning to rise.
​

We got in touch with the management of Mantetsu (South Manchuria Railway) just a few days before the Japanese invasion

The infamous "Marco Polo Bridge Incident"
​

After China plunged into the hell of a three-way war, we had to act quickly. We had a small window of opportunity to transfer a large number of troops to Siberia and the Far East under the command of the officers loyal to us, while a new wave of repression was still being prepared. July became a month of real brainstorming for us. All the agents available to us, including myself, were almost constantly on foreign service trips, coordinating the actions of all interested parties during the final stage of preparation. Shaposhnikov said that we have less than six months — with the onset of 1938, the window of opportunity was guaranteed to close. The Asian part of the participants of the conspiracy assured us that the best time to perform is the beginning of autumn, when there are no frosts and thaw yet. "Europeans" and "Americans", however, protested against this, saying that they would not have time to carry out all the necessary transportation and transfers in such a short time. The war in China not only helped, but also confused our cards, because, although we sincerely hoped that there would be no fighting in Manchuria, the mode of hostilities still had a pretty strong impact on our logistics. Immediately after the report at the Academy of the General Staff Shaposhnikov sent me to Warsaw — formally in order to attend the negotiations on a new stage of German-Soviet military cooperation. The Germans were very interested in receiving raw materials from the Soviet Union in exchange for advanced technologies. I accompanied our new military attaché in Poland, Pavel Semyonovich Rybalko. The real purpose of my trip, of course, was to meet with my brother Pavel and a number of other "European" participants in the upcoming operation.
​

​

Pavel greeted me warmly, but not alone. Larionov, the very guy who started it all, was present at the meeting, giving me the same bloodthirsty smile. The latest news was as follows: the European part of the Emigration for the most part supported the early start of the uprising, suggesting mid- or late autumn as possible dates. However, they had disagreements about tactics. Relatively speaking, the split occurred along the "Paris-Berlin" line. The first group, headed by Denikin, took more moderate positions and categorically protested against the policy of terrorism, the deliberate destruction of civilian infrastructure and sabotage operations in the rear that could harm the local civilian population. From the point of view of the "Parisians", this could undermine the already not very high confidence in our whole cause and create an additional incentive to fight for Stalin, since in addition to ideological, social and economic reasons, the Soviet people would also have a factor of revenge. The "Berlin" group headed by Krasnov, to which, of course, Larionov also joined, believed that all means were good in achieving victory, and in order to create as much chaos as possible in the rear of our enemy, it was imperative to carry out acts of sabotage, wrecking and terror, since the Soviets would definitely not be selective in methods, and we have already tried to fight them "with white gloves" once, which ended in failure and disgrace of emigration. Pavel was in the first positions, Larionov was his opponent. Unfortunately, it was not possible to reach a consensus between them, and all we agreed on was to activate our internal agents in the ranks of the Soviet leadership in order to make a mess at the organizational and administrative level. Larionov hinted to me at parting that we would soon meet with him in the USSR. Apparently, the decision to carry out sabotage and terrorist attacks has already been made. I once again turned cold at the thought of what kind of person he was.
​

​

As for the Germans, then, of course, I also had an unofficial task in Warsaw from my Soviet superiors. After Artuzov's arrest, our foreign intelligence service was half paralyzed. Berzin wanted to return to the previous state of affairs and use our current warming of relations with Germany to organize a large-scale intelligence operation. To do this, Sorge (agent "Ramsay") was returned to Germany — he had to make contacts with high-ranking officers of the German army who sympathized with leftist views. Oddly enough, such still existed, for example, back in 1929, we recruited an agent "Breitenbach" — Willy Lehmann, an employee of the Gestapo. Now we were very interested in Harro Schulze-Boysen, an anti-fascist Luftwaffe officer. He already showed interest in cooperation with Soviet intelligence and could become a valuable source of information. As for Sorge, he has already played into our hands in the most profitable way — we were able to sell him excellent misinformation through our Japanese and Chinese contacts, denouncing the chief of staff of that very Trans-Baikal District, Komdiv Jakov Rubinov. The leadership of the USSR trusted "Ramsay" very much, and it is not surprising that against the background of general hysteria and the scale of repression of the Great Terror, Rubinov was immediately arrested. He was guaranteed to be followed by the commander of the district and the head of intelligence — Gryaznov and Tsyupko, already familiar to you. For us, this was the best chance to put the people we need in Chita, or at least those who will hesitate on the day of the start of the operation, whose side to choose. Shaposhnikov offered Grodis, a friend of mine from the Leningrad Military District, as the head of intelligence of the district. This choice seemed strange to me, since Julij Grodis looked like a fanatical communist, but perhaps Shaposhnikov had his own motives.​

Harro Schulze-Boysen (codename Starshina — "Master Sergeant")​

Meanwhile, events in China were developing rapidly. The Japanese organized a full-scale invasion, both overland from the territory of Manchuria, East Hebei and Inner Mongolia, and a number of landings from the sea. As a result, in response to this, the American government issued an Act of Neutrality, which guaranteed non-interference of the United States in the Chinese conflict and any potential war in Europe or Asia. This was very beneficial to us, since Stalin, apparently, was very dissatisfied with the passivity of the Americans and their unwillingness to restrain Japanese aggression. At the same time, the Neutrality Pact actually meant a kind of covert preparation of the United States for a new big war, and in many ways indicated their position on the supply of weapons. That's why all this pointed to a further escalation of the Far Eastern crisis. Shaposhnikov met with Stalin several times and eventually got him to conduct large maneuvers in Siberia in the autumn of 1937. In addition, the graduation of students of the Academy of the General Staff was accelerated — so, Govorov, whom we desperately needed, got his diploma ahead of schedule and was sent to Transbaikalia. Vlasov also received a promotion and was sent as a military adviser to China, so the Chief of the General Staff was able to get rid of unnecessary eyes in his entourage. The Siberian, Trans-Baikal and Far Eastern districts were reinforced with new divisions, including the latest mechanized and tank divisions. The Pacific Fleet was to begin receiving the latest submarines. We were starting to play big.
​

​

Finally, the last of the intrigues played out by us in that fateful July of 1937 was the attack on Jagoda. The foreign intelligence services cooperating with us and the people loyal to us in the NKVD organized what the Father of Peoples* subconsciously wanted for a very long time.
​

*"Otets Narodov". One of the official pathos epithets used in the cult of Stalin's personality.
Unofficially, Stalin's entourage called him "Khozyain" — "The Master".​

We gave out unconditional compromising evidence on Jagoda. Merkulov was working very hard to organize it, since he still did not know our goals, and he helped us in this, trying with all his might to promote his patron Berija. Jagoda, selflessly devoted to Stalin, had killed thousands of prisoners during the construction of the White Sea Canal (Belomorkanal), was accused of treason, espionage for foreign intelligence services and a counter-revolutionary conspiracy, after which he was arrested. His execution was a matter of time, but in the meantime, Nikolaj Jezhov, the new leader of Stalin's terror, could triumph. However, we could not agree to this, we had to go further in order to decapitate and paralyze the Stalinist state security. The intrigue against Jezhov was already being played out, we wanted to make full use of his vices and addictions, such as alcoholism and homosexuality, in order to get new compromising information, not to mention the fact that the foreign intelligence services cooperating with us could, through the same "Dora" or "Sonny", report confidential information about Jezhov's cooperation with them. We had to destroy the NKVD from the inside as much as possible, otherwise our operation would have been defeated. We had to try our best, and the greed of Soviet career officials, who were ready to go over their heads in order to achieve their goals, was only to our advantage here.
​

Stalin and Jezhov discussing something privately.
We needed to break this idyll as soon as possible and expose Nikolaj Ivanovich as another enemy of the people and the Leader.
​

In mid-August, we started preparing sabotage operations. Larionov secretly arrived in the Far East and, under my protection, departed in an unknown direction. It was him who was to become the main conductor of this whole tragic show. Our people had to infiltrate all the key Soviet military enterprises, national security facilities, transport interchanges and the like. On "Day X" Larionov and his men were supposed to start creating chaos in the enemy's rear, by terror and sabotage paralyzing their military economy and the supply of troops. Apparently, the Harbin group agreed with the Berlin group on this issue, and now the unfortunate people who happen to stay in the Soviet rear at the time of the outbreak of the uprising will be doomed to be in constant danger. Most of the White Guards did not bother at all — the civil war and years of deprivation in emigration made them embittered and callous, most of them became surprisingly similar to the Bolsheviks on the issue that "the end justifies the means" (even Stalin and Trotskij, now mortal enemies, agreed on this). I could not prevent this plan in any way, and even understood its military and strategic benefits, however, the realization that we would fight with our own people, and even with such monstrous methods, from which the rear would suffer, which means innocent people, of course, tormented me very much and did not give me peace. After all, by participating in this conspiracy, I was primarily saving my own skin, and not fanatically following ideological goals and objectives. It is ironic that since the mid-20s, the Soviet Union has been completely seized by paranoia about non-existent "wreckers"** deliberately sabotaging the Soviet economic miracle for the benefit of the world bourgeoisie and counter-revolution. The vast majority of the repressions against these saboteurs were fabricated, but now, like a boomerang, this groundless fear could turn into the most frightening reality for the Soviet authorities.
​

**"Vrediteli", literally: "Harm-doers".​

​

Every factory and railroad station should become a battlefield

"We know how to punish the enemies" — a Soviet newspaper covering the Shakhty Trial, the first major repression against "wreckers" (1928)
​

The big problem for us was the lack of control over the Pacific Fleet, which could potentially create problems with uninterrupted supply from Japan and the United States. Viktorov, who had been quite interesting to us, was promoted as a result of the Great Terror and became commander of all Naval Forces. The fleet passed into the hands of Grigorij Kirejev, who, unlike Viktorov, was not an officer of the Imperial navy, but one of the former "revolutionary sailors". Such a person could hardly help us. As luck would have it, the Chekists also arrested Sergej Gorshkov, who commanded a brigade of destroyers of the Pacific Fleet. Our people barely had time to reach him and began to work out recruitment issues, but apparently they somehow compromised themselves — or else Gorshkov just got into the meat grinder of repression, like hundreds of other officers of the Soviet armed forces, no one could know for sure. In any case, the task of taking control of the fleet or at least part of it has not yet been carried out by us, and this made the Command very nervous. As a last resort, it seems, it was necessary to try to capture the fleet directly in the harbor by force, in connection with which our men in Vladivostok were instructed to develop a plan in case of such a combination of circumstances.
​

​

In these labors and worryings, the summer flew by, a time of very intense and hard work by everyone involved in the conspiracy. Autumn began, which did not bring good news (at least for the official Soviet government) — the Spanish Civil War ended in our defeat. General Franco decided to sacrifice the Toledo Alcazar for a quick and effective victory over the Republicans, and the uprising of anarchists and left-wing radicals hammered the last nail into the coffin of the Republic. Soviet military advisers, pilots, tankmen — they all returned from Spain in disgrace. The civil war, which, according to our analysts, could have lasted two, three years or even more, ended with a complete victory of the Nationalists already in September 1937. Stalin was terribly enraged and looked everywhere for those responsible for this failure (excluding, of course, himself). The situation for the World Revolution (although Stalin supposedly accepted the principle of "socialism in one country" and abandoned this concept) was extremely unfavorable — Spain was lost to us, the Chinese Communists, attacked simultaneously by the Japanese and the Kuomintang, were also not living their best times. Someone inevitably had to answer for it, and very, very soon. Many of the officers from among the "Spaniards" who were frightened by the coming retaliation thus became excellent prey for our recruiters. The former officers of the White Guard, who had gained advanced combat experience on the fields of Spain, could now also take part in our operation.
​

"Greeting from Spain" — a letter from a White Russian volunteer published in one of the émigrés' newspapers
​

In connection with these events, in September we held the last conferences, conversations and meetings with all branches of our conspiracy. Time was running out furiously, and in the end everyone agreed on the date of "time X" — December 1st. Before that day, it was impossible to gather all the forces available to us into a single fist and complete the necessary preparations. In addition, November, which, theoretically, could be suitable for the operation, fell out due to the celebration of the 20th anniversary of the October Revolution, in connection with which all security measures had to be increased tenfold. For the time of November, we were forced to pause, lay low and wait for the right moment to finally light the wicks. Thus, September and October remained the last months before the start of the "play". These days I don't even remember how many hours I slept — most likely I didn't. Stalin was literally right behind us. Gryaznov, Rubinov, Tsyupko, Artuzov — so many people with whom I managed to deal have already been shot. Oschepkov, that master of judo and founder of sambo, who, without knowing it, led our operation on Sakhalin, has already been arrested. Some time later, he will die in his cell under mysterious circumstances. It was impossible to wait any longer. We were going to the finish line, to the distance of the last throw. Nothing matched our plans, nothing connected with the preliminary preparations, but there was no choice. It was necessary to go to the end. At one of our last meetings, Svechin and Shaposhnikov remembered an old Russian proverb: "The eyes fear, but the hands do."*** It seems that this could be done by the tagline of our operation. It was impossible to describe it any other way.
​

***Glaza bojatsya, ruki delajut.​

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​

It was a great success for us to divert Stalin and his punitive apparatus to the big "Trial of the Generals". The trial which was the last straw for Shaposhnikov and convinced him to cooperate with us. The entire elite of the Red Army was accused of the already familiar "Trotskyist conspiracy" and working for foreign intelligence services — starting from the eternal British, German, Japanese and ending with exotics like Bolivia and Honduras. NKVD investigators could be very inventive and ominously satirical in fabricating these criminal cases. It was only by a lucky chance that none of those who collaborated with us got under this rink (of course, we tried to protect them, but we could not guarantee freedom and safety to anyone, no matter how hard we tried). The entire top brass of the Red Army command staff — Tukhachevskij, Jegorov, Blyukher, Primakov — they all went under the knife. Blyukher was especially important to us, as in fact the main leader of the Red Army in the Far East. Without him, the implementation of our plans on the Japanese and Manchurian borders should have gone much more freely. How many smaller figures like Moskalenko were involved is not even worth mentioning. It was a monstrous, terrifying blow to the leadership of the Red Army, an absolutely loyal institution that had never shown any opposition to Stalin. It became absolutely clear that even people who were beyond suspicion and had never plotted anything against the current regime could not be safe. I had to attend one of the trials personally, accompanying Shaposhnikov. The NKVD tried its best to make the sessions of these "courts" look as open and transparent as possible, and the accused voluntarily confessed to their crimes, accusing more and more imaginary "accomplices". In fact, of course, we all understood perfectly well that such testimony was achieved by torture, threats to relatives, special drugs — in general, by the entire arsenal of means that state security had at its disposal. We all did not understand only one thing — let's say Stalin was afraid of the disloyalty of the army and its possible mutiny, but wasn't it obvious to him that even these, albeit not the most talented and educated commanders, were the backbone of the army, without which it would be unable to meet a new big war that was already on the horizon? It all seemed like some kind of tragic mistake. A mistake that we had to correct.
​

​

However, Stalin could not stop at the army alone. I understood this well, but I was just afraid to admit it to myself. The party worried the Leader no less, and what happened on that fateful day of 1937, the "year of the red bull," as they say in China, was of course predetermined. It was October 11th, Monday, an ordinary working day, which did not portend anything unusual, but already from the very early morning I felt some inexplicable anxiety that made itself felt. My premonition did not let me down. At half past nine an officer in the uniform of the NKVD entered Shaposhnikov's reception room.
- Major Nikolin?
- Yes, it's me.
- Come with me. You don't need to hand over your weapons. It's not about you, it's about... Your father.
Arkadij Nikolin lasted a long time. He survived the first internal conflicts in the party during and after the Civil War. He withstood the disasters that occurred after Lenin's death. He wisely chose sides and was able to preserve his life and freedom until the very autumn of 1937. But he wasn't omnipotent. Bukharin's supporters, even moderate ones, were now doomed, and no merits and sacrifices made in the name of the Revolution could be an exception. Probably, on that terrible day, I finally realized that I had to go to the end. All this time, all this conspiracy, all this plot to overthrow Stalin, all these negotiations with White émigrés and Fascists, it all seemed like a mouse fuss, in which I was involved partly out of guilt, and partly because of the threat to my life. Now, when the Moloch of Stalin's rule was supposed to destroy my own father, it was as if some spring straightened in me, as if some toggle switch clicked. It seemed that the last thing that connected me with loyalty to the Soviet Union and the communist regime had died in me. Together with my father, who was going to do it in the very near future.
The NKVD officer predictably took me to Lubyanka prison. Before leaving me, he grudgingly muttered:
- We allow you this visit as a huge exception. Once your father did something for the proletarian revolution. My superiors remember that. You have ten minutes.
Oddly enough, we spent almost all of those ten minutes in silence. I went into my father's cell, saw him, hugged him with all my might, and stood silently, trying to hold back tears. Father did not restrain them. I didn't know if my father was a good person. I didn't know if he believed in what he was doing and if he really wanted a better future for our country. All I knew was that he didn't deserve to die like that.
- Vityusha, son, it's a mistake, it's just a mistake, they messed up something... Don't worry, Vitya, this can't be, I've been in the party for so long, I personally know Comrade Stalin, they can't...
I had nothing to say to him. Feelings of love, hatred, pain, misunderstanding — they all merged in me. I suddenly recalled that meeting with Pavel in the crypt in a cemetery near Moscow. The fate of my brother, betrayed by my father, and the fate of my father, betrayed by my brother, seemed to express the whole tragedy of our unfortunate country. A tragedy that was striving for a denouement.
- Papa****, — I was saying goodbye to him when our time was almost up.​

****"Dad".​

- Yes, son?
- You should know. Pavlik forgave you.
Unable to say another word, I left the Lubyanka. That day I never returned to the General Staff, and subsequently received a reprimand from Shaposhnikov for leaving the workplace without permission. I could only answer him phlegmatically that we all had not long left to work on it. From that day on, my life was never the same again.
​

​

My father's murderers didn't stay at their posts for long. The deadly harvest of Stalinist terror hit them next. Not without our help, the "Stalin's Steel Glove" Nikolaj Jezhov, who had been in office for less than six months, fell victim to his own intrigues. This People's Commissar of Internal Affairs, who replaced Jagoda, did not know that Berija and his faithful minion Merkulov were aiming for his place, and naively believed that he enjoyed Stalin's personal favor. We played this card, framed Jezhov and as a result completely destabilized the work of the state security apparatus. Having lost their top management twice in such a short time, the security officers were completely drained of blood, deprived of any initiative and suppressed. That's why we could start preparing our strike. Berija's career ambitions became the second gift of fate for us after the sudden arrest and execution of Chiang Kai-shek, which provoked a new war in the Far East. Everything worked out in our favor, everything worked for our success. The only thing that was missing was the joy of what was happening. I plunged into a severe depression, and nothing but a black, oppressive, gloomy desire for revenge no longer had a place in my soul. My neighbor Dmitrij Nezhilov, that captain who introduced me to Govorov on New Year's Eve, noticed these changes in me, but did not try to find out what was the matter — after all, he was not a fool either and guessed whose son I was. The only thing he didn't realize was that we would soon find ourselves on opposite sides of the front.
​

​

On October 27th we started our final preparations. On November 1, large exercises were to begin throughout Siberia and the Far East. The very exercises that we considered the main "trigger" for the start of the uprising. These maneuvers were so large-scale and involved such expenditures of ammunition and weapons that even the country's economy was put on military rails for a while as part of the "Stakhanovite breakthrough". This was very convenient for us, since we had to seize factories that were already fully ready for work in wartime. Surprisingly, there was no excitement or worrying among us. Shaposhnikov and I had to go straight to the place, to Chita. Svechin was supposed to stay in Moscow, and, to be honest, we were saying goodbye to him forever. He was well aware that having been arrested twice in recent years, after the outbreak of an armed rebellion in the east of the country, he would no longer remain free. Alexander Andrejevich assured us that everything would be fine with him, clearly hinting at a possible suicide on the eve of the alleged arrest. He didn't want to join us in Siberia, motivating it by saying that all his battles are over and that he is not ready to fight his own people once again. I was doing everything somehow mechanically, with a complete emptiness in my soul. There were no more forces left for emotions, feelings, excitement. The only manifestation of the soul that I allowed myself, unexpectedly for me turned out to be a funeral prayer that I read for my father. I have not prayed once since the revolution — since the moment when it turned out to be "wrong". I don't know if God heard me, and I wasn't too sure about his existence, but for some reason it seemed to me that this was the right moment to do it. For the umpteenth time recently, the train left Moscow and, as always, went towards Chita. Every time I went there to come back later. Now it was irrevocable in any case.​

A Soviet propaganda poster honouring the Stakhanovite movement (or even "tribe", as literally said here).
Stakhanovites (in honor of the record-breaking miner Aleksej Stakhanov) were called workers who exceeded planned targets, actually working in peacetime as in wartime.
​

On the train, I whispered my latest analytical calculations to Shaposhnikov and other officers involved in the upcoming operation. 29% of army officers, 37% of navy officers, 27% of aviation officers. No more than 11% of the civilian population. Everybody we were able to attract in less than two years of our game. There were only so many we could count on in the upcoming operation. These were dry, lifeless and faded figures, behind which stood human destinies. The destinies of people who sacrificed everything and took a huge risk to save Russia. We couldn't let them down. Our train arrived in Chita for the holiday itself — the day of November 7th. The 20th anniversary of the Great October Socialist Revolution. The whole city was decorated with countless scarlet banners and bright posters, the soldiers and officers of the Trans-Baikal Military District who met our train were dressed in parade uniforms. The music was booming — they said that the great composer Prokof'jev had composed a solemn cantata for the loud anniversary, and giant ruby stars were installed on the towers of the Kremlin. Soviet Russia was celebrating its twentieth birthday. By the will of fate, we had to make it the last.
- Comrades commanders, Chita station! — the train guide's voice rang out.
- S Bogom (With God)! — Shaposhnikov said.
We left the train and saluted the Trans-Baikalians who were meeting us with orchestra and other honours. There was less than a month left until the "X hour".
​

Продолженіе слѣдуетъ — To be continued​

 

[Forster]

This is a really good aar. I am surprised that more readers don't commment.

 

[Captured Joe]

Very exciting, very well written!

 

[Khanconette]

Very exciting, very well written!

This is a really good aar. I am surprised that more readers don't commment.

Many thanks! Yeah, I really hope for more discussion, would be glad to answer all the questions and share your thoughts on the further development of the plot

 

[Khanconette]

Volume I: The Dusk

Chapter 9: Burning the Bridges
Intermezzo to Volume II
​

Room 101
Location Undetermined
Time & Date Undetermined, 1950​

— So let's put all the facts together. You, accompanying Komandarm Shaposhnikov, Chief of the General Staff of the RKKA, arrived in Chita on November 7, 1937, on the festive anniversary of the October Revolution.

— That's right.

— How many senior Red Army officers who came with you to the great Siberian exercises were recruited to participate in the conspiracy?

— Noticeably less than we would like. About ten to twelve people.

— Did the Kombrig Leonid Govoroff, appointed inspector of artillery of the Trans-Baikal Military District, and Colonel Yuly Grodis, the new head of intelligence of that district, relate to them?

— At that time — not yet.

— So you still had to complete the recruitment on the spot, right before the start of the operation?

— That's right as well.

— What would you do if it failed?

— The devil knows, to be honest. I didn't have time to think about it.

​

Celebration of the anniversary of the October Revolution in one of the military camps of Chita.
​

Chita
Chita Region, RSFSR, USSR
November 9, 1937​

​

It is always cold in Chita in November, but that day was truly frosty. Meeting in the inconspicuous backyard of one of the Chita streets, Shaposhnikov and I were literally shaking from the cold. However, we could also shake with excitement. The conversation ahead was more than nervous.
- So, Nikolin, we have less than a month left, — Shaposhnikov wrapped himself more tightly in his overcoat, — State the latest news.
- Émigrés are completing the transfer of their forces and the activation of "sleeping" cells. The issue with the Pacific Fleet is still unresolved, but there is hope for joint Japanese-American efforts to block its activity.
- I wouldn't count on it. Relations between Japan and the United States are now more tense than ever after the beginning of the invasion of China and the proclamation of the "Neutrality Act". However, our agents in Japan already report that Vladivostok is now under the most close surveillance, and this is to our advantage.
- Larionov got in touch yesterday. His groups are waiting for our signal. They say that in about two or three weeks they will be able to reach the agreed positions.
- Okay, then give the signal immediately. "Hour X" has been agreed, both our and the emigrant side agree to begin the performance on the night of November 30th to December 1st.
- Were you able to negotiate with all the émigrés? — I asked Shaposhnikov in some surprise.
- Only with Ataman Semyonov. An incredibly vile type, it's a pity that we didn't end him in the Civil War, — the Komandarm said gloomily, — But he is now the "master of the situation", since he manages everything in Manchuria. All other emigrant leaders are forced to feel like his guests, and, therefore, only his consent is enough. I got it.
- Did you take too much risk visiting the safe house?
- I didn't go there personally, Nikolin, what are you talking about? And I didn't send you there. Everyone knows that you are my adjutant. Believe me, I have enough people for such operations. Do what is assigned to you.
- Aye!
- Speaking of which. What are the developments regarding Govorov and Grodis?
- I'm meeting Govorov tomorrow. Julij Iosifovich has been postponed to a later time.
- Why?
- I doubt him very much. He is very loyal to the Soviet government, moreover, the Whites will clearly want to take revenge on him.
- We have reached agreements with the émigrés that all crimes of the Civil War will be considered amnestied. On both sides.
- We both understand perfectly well that this is unlikely to be followed one hundred percent. Latvian Riflemen have shed so much blood of emigrant comrades that it will be very difficult to convince them to observe neutrality.
- So you think to put Grodis in front of the fact, and if he refuses...?
- Yes. To make an offer when, in case of refusal, we will only have to liquidate him.
- Severe... I hope you know what you're doing, Major. Is there any news from Svechin?
- It's quiet in Moscow so far. Stalin is waiting for the main phase of the big exercises to begin. Svechin himself is almost sure that he will be arrested in the near future, but he treats this philosophically.
- An amazing person. Good. The new district commander remains. Have you managed to establish contacts with this person?
- Yes, this is Ioakim Ioakimovich Vatsetis. He is also on the hook of the NKVD, could be arrested almost any day.
- No wonder. Vatsetis was once a very big shot, in 1919 he was the commander-in-chief of the entire Red Army! Since then, however, his career has declined. Now he is only a 2nd rank Komandarm, and is really living out his life waiting for arrest. Find the key to him. Vatsetis is a careerist and schemer. He once soared to the very top of the military command not to end his life as a commander of a second-rate military district, or even more so in the basements of the Lubyanka. If we get him, we'll get Chita. Go ahead, Nikolin.
- Jest'!*​

*Yes sir!​

​

Ioakim Vatsetis (Jukums Vācietis). The Civil War hero recently put in command of the Trans-Baikal Military District.
​

I needed to figure out how to "get out" to Govorov. Leonid Aleksandrovich, very happy about the early graduation of the Academy, enthusiastically accepted the offer to lead the artillery of the Trans-Baikal Military District. The aggravation of the situation in China led to the fact that the conflict was now intensifying in all respects, and at the large training maneuvers, where Shaposhnikov and I arrived, and which were supposed to be the prologue to our uprising, he had a very responsible role. I decided to provide him with our newest experimental development, the AT-1 artillery tanks, as a "bait". Shaposhnikov agreed to transfer them to exercises in Transbaikalia as a special exception. Since the equipment was the latest and strictly secret, my presence next to it, as Shaposhnikov's chief adviser on intelligence issues, would not have aroused suspicion — which I took advantage of. On the morning of the next day, November 10th, I arrived at the district headquarters as if nothing had happened, called a car and drove to the village of Peschanka, 15 kilometers south-east of Chita. At the entrance to the training ground, I was met by a cheerful young officer — a brunette with thick black eyebrows.
- I wish you good health, Comrade Major!
- Hello! Lieutenant...
- Brezhnev! Leonid! — the tanker looked very cheerful and open, — You are just in time, the secret equipment has just arrived from the railway station! We have no right to open it without you!
- All right, Lieutenant Brezhnev, lead the way.
I let the driver go and went on foot with the tanker. The tank training ground in Peschanka was one of the largest in Siberia, and in recent months it has been specially expanded and improved in view of our strategy to strengthen military power in the Far East. The experimental AT-1s were locked in giant boxes, guarded by NKVD soldiers and securely sealed. On the way I got into conversation with the lieutenant:
- How long have you been here, Brezhnev?
- For a couple of years! I studied here, and after graduation I was going to return home to work at the factory. I'm an engineer by training, the Party sent me to study military affairs, for a while!
- And where did you come from?
- Kamenskoje! It's on the Dnieper! Last year it was renamed "Dneprodzerzhinsk". I was going to get a job there at a metallurgical plant, but due to the deterioration of the situation in the Far East, the Party ordered me to stay in the army. Well, I'm not discouraged! It is very interesting to serve at the tank training ground!
- No doubt. Have you heard anything about these new vehicles?
- Of course! It's like an artillery piece, but self-pro...
- That's it, — I laughed, — You shouldn't hear anything about them, this is a purely experimental development! In addition, its creator, Pavel Syachintov, turned out to be an enemy of the people... But don't worry, you are here just to study it comprehensively together with your subordinates.
- We will not let you down!
After that, I gave the Chekists a command to open the boxes with experimental tanks, and Lieutenant Brezhnev and his platoon began to get acquainted with their device. An hour later, a demonstration was to begin for the high authorities, including Govorov, the chief of artillery for whom all this was being started.
​

Lieutenant Leonid Brezhnev, a graduate of the Trans-Baikal tank school
​

Soon the distinguished guests arrived. The weather wasn't too good, so they decided to conduct the training firing of artillery tanks under the covered stands. It was very convenient, because it hid us from the extra too attentive eyes. Of course, the entire command of the district was here: Vatsetis, the new chief of staff of the district Komdiv Tarasov, and, of course, my main "target" was the chief of artillery Kombrig Govorov.
The demonstration shooting took place without much enthusiasm. Enthusiast Lieutenant Brezhnev and his soldiers tried their best, but the AT-1 was objectively an unfinished machine, work on which was essentially abandoned in 1936, when its creator was accused of sabotage and repressed. This vehicle clearly could not create a revolution in military affairs yet, and all the participants of the exercises noted this. Govorov was very annoyed, and I decided to use this moment by offering him a cigarette.
- Are you upset by the shooting, Leonid Aleksandrovich?
- Well, Major, I... oh! Wait, I know you! — Govorov said in surprise, — You're Dmitrij Nezhilov's neighbor, right?
- Yes, it's me! Viktor Nikolin. We met on New Year's Eve, in the 36th.
- That's right, that's right, how could I forget! Congratulations on your promotion, you are now an adjutant of Shaposhnikov himself! A great success... Not like these artillery tanks, hmm, yeah. So much intrigue caught up — the latest secret weapon, experimental development. Junk. It is not suitable for modern warfare in any way. Waste of time on Tukhachevskij's schizophrenic experiments.
Tukhachevskij had recently been executed, so now this could be said without fear.
- I believe that the project will be finalized, — I replied amiably, — Do you want me to take you to the district headquarters? I think your business at the training ground is over.
- That's right, probably. Well, let's go!
- Great! Ivanov! — I shouted to my driver.
- Yes, Comrade Major?
- You can be free! I'll take Kombrig Govorov myself!
- Aye!
In the car, Govorov learned from me that the arrest of his brother Nikolaj, as well as himself, was being prepared. The former White officer was put by me before the choice of death in the cellars of the NKVD and going over to the side of our conspiracy. Of course, Govorov was shocked, but I again managed to be more than convincing, especially since the brigade commander understood that only a few weeks remained before the uprising, and his only interlocutor, driving him along a deserted road in the middle of the Siberian taiga, was unlikely to leave him alive in case of refusal. I could put another tick in my list. Leonid Govorov, whom we had been looking at for so long, was with us. The artillery of the Trans-Baikal District was completely at our disposal.
​

AT-1. Light prototype SP Arty of the Red Army
​

Day after day, more and more "guests" were arriving in Chita. We tried to transfer to the "exercises" all officers and generals loyal to us, as well as units that could be counted on at the time of the uprising. In fact, that was the weakest part of our plan, its "Achilles heel", since the rank and file and junior commanders of the Red Army were very loyal to the regime, forcing them to fight under the flags of the hated White Guards seemed an almost impossible task. Therefore, priority was given to two categories of military formations: where potentially less loyal elements prevailed (Siberians, Don and Kuban Cossacks, ethnic minorities etc.) and those who were most loyal to their charismatic commanders and would have followed them into fire and water, even if against Stalin. We also conceived a massive provocation in order to push the army units and the NKVD troops against each other, so that the former, having entered into battle with the latter, would already be "tied up in blood" and would not have the opportunity to betray us. In addition to the Soviet commanders who were inclined to support our conspiracy, emigrant leaders came to Chita one after another. For obvious reasons, not all of them could safely get to the capital of Transbaikalia, so many could join us only after the uprising began. The last joint meeting was scheduled for November 15th to work out the details of the plan. The countdown was already on for a few days. There was a feeling that everything was falling out of hand, and nothing would be ready by the deadline. However, there has been no turning back for a long time.
​

Soldiers of the Red Army during the "Great Siberian Exercises", a couple of weeks before the uprising​

This day came suddenly anyway, although I remembered it perfectly well and couldn't sleep at all the day before. Chita is a small city, and it was extremely difficult to hide something in it, especially now that it has become one of the main centers of gigantic military maneuvers. In this regard, Shaposhnikov specially created a fictitious "military operational analysis group", where he included only officers who were privy to the operation plans and invited them all to a meeting at one of the closed secret command posts. However, we were well aware that such a thing could not remain outside the attention of state security agencies. The building of the command post will definitely be bugged, and at the meeting itself, Berija and Stalin will have eyes and ears. In this regard, I was instructed to develop a special cipher in advance and secretly deliver it to each participant of the conspiracy, so that everyone could talk about rather innocent topics, actually discussing the plan of the future uprising. There was simply no other way to get everyone together at the same time and maintain secrecy. Then I had to personally convey the results of our negotiations to the Emigration leaders. By mid-November 1937, there were three of them in Chita, all of them arrived in Transbaikalia incognito, illegally crossing the border of Manchuria or Mongolia: my main counterpart in the field of intelligence, Klavdij Foss, responsible for all communication with the Russians abroad, the demagogue Rodzajevskij, hungry for fame and eager for power, and the one I feared the most, the unspoken leader of the entire White Movement in Manchuria, Ataman Semyonov. How the latter could have penetrated into the territory of the USSR, I had only to guess, but apparently a miracle really happened, and the leader of the Trans-Baikal Cossacks had already returned to his once abandoned capital. So, on November 15th, Shaposhnikov and I got into a staff car and drove to a camouflaged command post, ostensibly to discuss the progress of the exercises. After three hours of discussing the "training", we were able to coordinate all upcoming actions. Now it was necessary to inform our foreign "partners" about this. One could only hope that the security officers would not suspect anything superfluous following the meeting of this group. I was one of the first to leave it and went back to Chita. There, at the safe house, the spy, the politician and the general were waiting for me.
​

A group of Red Commanders discussing the "exercises plans".​

​

I was met by Rodzajevskij — obviously, as a junior in age and rank. The leader of the Harbin Fascists looked terribly agitated and as if drunk (but for sure he wasn't). He was wearing big glasses, the usual mustache and beard were shaved off, and his hair was tucked under a hat — I barely recognized him. If there was one thing White émigrés were good at, it was conspiracy.
- Vladimir! — he greeted me with an operational pseudonym.
- Good evening, Konstantin. I think the time of masks has already passed. You can call me by my real name. I am Viktor Nikolin, adjutant to Komandarm Shaposhnikov, Chief of the General Staff of the Red Army.
- Wow! I had no idea that we had connections so high up in the Soviet military leadership! Well, then our business is definitely doomed to success! However, gentlemen officers are waiting for us! Come on, come on!
We entered a dimly lit, cold room. There was no heating, and everyone was sitting in outerwear. Obviously, the emigrant leaders did not live here, but only used the house for a temporary meeting. On either side of the entrance stood two gloomy people of Mongoloid appearance — I believe Buryats from Semyonov's personal guard, and maybe even Japanese agents. There were four people sitting at the table — Foss, Semyonov and two men unknown to me, apparently also high-ranking White officers. The Headman began a conversation:
- So that's what you are, it turns out... You have been leading us to this moment for almost two years, and I have never seen you yet. Well, everything happens for the first time.
Semyonov's gaze was terribly arrogant and distrustful. Foss, who was familiar with me, looked friendlier, but clearly fawned over the Headman. Rodzajevskij and I sat down at the table, and Semyonov continued:
- We don't have much time, Mr. Nikolin (he specifically singled out the bourgeois address "mister" in his voice, hinting that I am no longer a "comrade"). Report what your side has decided.
- I hope we're on the same side, General, — I replied, keeping my composure, — Before I begin, I would like to clarify what will be the available number of Emigrant troops by the beginning of the operation on the night of November 30th to December 1st? Without this data, we cannot adjust the vital part of the plan.
- Not very much, but hopefully enough, — Foss replied, — With Mr. Ataman from Manchuria, almost three hundred sabers came by different paths. About fifty more officers have reached Chita at various times, not all of them are armed, but we are working on it. There is also support from the locals — another three hundred or three hundred and fifty Cossacks and Buryats from the surrounding areas. In two weeks, I undertake to provide them with weapons, equipment and horses. Thus, on the first day of the operation, the Emigration can help you with forces of 2 cavalry squadrons, about seven hundred sabers.
- Seven hundred people is excellent, almost a full-blooded cavalry regiment, — I replied gratefully, — How can I guess, they will come under the command of Mr. Ataman?
- Of course! — Semyonov snapped, — That's why I'm here!
- Also, up to a hundred activists of the All-Russian Fascist Party crossed the border with me, there are armed and combat-trained among, — Rodzajevskij joined in, — We will be ready to fulfill any order.
- I understand you. So, gentlemen officers, our plan:

TOP SECRET​

ОПЕРАЦИЯ "ЖАР-ПТИЦА"
(OPERATION FIREBIRD)
0000 3011—0112 1937​

​

The first stage of the All-Russian Liberation Uprising (V.O.V**): Operation "Firebird".

**Vserossijskoje Osvoboditel'noje Vosstanije.​

The main objectives of the operation: seizure of full control over the city of Chita and the control center of the Trans-Baikal Military District, the interception of command authority, control over the Chita section of the Trans-Siberian Railway, the transition to a large-scale phase of the operation (code name: "Dawn").

The key points, the capture of which should take place in the evening and at night on November 30, 1937, are recognized:

At the southern (urban) site of the operation:

• The central districts of Chita, including the headquarters of the Trans-Baikal Military District, the regional executive committee and the regional party committee, the city executive committee and the city party committee, other military and administrative buildings of the central administration.
• To the west: an airfield with aircraft based on it.
• To the east: the railway station, adjacent tracks and oil storage, as well as the only strategically important crossing over the Chitinka and Ingoda rivers.
• The districts of the city northeast and southwest of the center are supposed to be taken under control by loyal forces even before the start of Operation Firebird.

At the northern (suburban) site of the operation:

• A secret reserve command post of the Trans-Baikal Military District with adjacent fortifications and buildings.
• A fortified observation post of the reserve command post, which controls the road in the north direction.
• Kashtak town, adjacent settlements and villages.
• The garrison village (vojennyj gorodok) of Chita is supposed to be taken under control by loyal forces even before the start of Operation Firebird.

Semyonov looked approvingly at the map and papers.
- These goals are well known to us and have been discussed in advance, it is hardly possible to object to anything here. However, how will the control over the riverine part of Chita, the railway district and the military village be ensured?
- Our people are now in every way "processing" the commander of the 93rd East Siberian Rifle Division, Kombrig Alexej Timofejevich Meshkov. He should be arrested by the NKVD in the coming months, and therefore he has nothing to lose. Of course, the whole division will not go over to our side, but he will be able to take control of one of the rifle regiments — the 129th, since it is stationed right in the garrison village. The 51st and 266th rifle regiments of this division will be deliberately removed from the city under the pretext of exercises.
- Hopefully, this will give us the military village, — Foss nodded, — And what about the Chita itself?
- Shaposhnikov took Komandarm Vatsetis, the current commander of the district, on the hook. He is a former Tsarist officer, a very ambitious careerist, but now he is also one of the targets of Stalin's repressions. Having got Vatsetis, we will be able to quickly deploy reserve units stationed in Chita — the 80th rifle and 10th tank regiments. They are just located in the eastern and railway parts of the city. So we will get 3 key points of the operation even before it starts.
- I would like to believe that, but there's not much hope. Such as Vatsetis have already betrayed Russia once — they can clearly do it again, — Semyonov snorted gloomily.
It was ironic to hear words about betrayal from a man who served the Japanese during the Civil War, but it was clearly not worth starting this conversation now. I continued the with the plan.

The operation is supposed to be carried out in two phases with the use of three combat groups, each up to a brigade in numbers and a separate ambush regiment. The total number of available forces: up to ten thousand men. Geographically, the tasks of the operation are supposed to be carried out in three sections: northern (suburban), south-western and south-eastern (urban).

During the first phase, it is critically important to defeat possible enemy reinforcements (the Red side) and eliminate their resistance. With a certain successful combination of circumstances, it is assumed that part of the enemy forces will transfer from these reinforcements to the loyal forces (the White side).

During the second phase, it is supposed to break up the enemy's available forces and seize control of all the above-mentioned targets.​

Northern (suburban) section​

The forces involved in the northern section are as follows:
A Separate Ambush Regiment of Cossack and Buryat cavalry (commander: Lt. General G.M. Semyonov) — moving to the place of operation from the countryside north of the area of future hostilities.
As part of the Northern Tactical Combat Group (commander: Kombrig A.T. Meshkov) — the 129th Rifle Regiment, the 128th Howitzer Artillery Regiment of the 93rd East Siberian Rifle Division

The first phase:
On the highway leading from Chita to the northern part of the region, a blocking ambush is organized, whose task is a sudden attack without warning on the moving columns of the Red side: the 51st Rifle Regiment of the 93rd Rifle Division and attached troops returning from exercises. On the part of the enemy, the presence of armored vehicles is possible. The 1st and 3rd battalions of the 129th Regiment block the highway and slow down the head of the column, a Separate Ambush Regiment from the north hits the rear of the column and surrounds it. If possible, trophy weapons, ammunition, vehicles and equipment of the enemy are to be captured, enemy manpower is imprisoned if possible. With a successful combination of circumstances — to lure them to your side for further participation in the operation.
From the 3rd battalion of the 129th Regiment to command a detachment with heavy weapons (numbering up to a reinforced company) in order to capture an observation post on the bank of the Chitinka. Light reconnaissance forces are expected from the Red side. Special attention should be paid to ensuring that the observation post does not have time to report the attack to the District Headquarters.
The 128th Howitzer Artillery Regiment begins firing at previously known coordinates, intending to hit the guards of the hidden command post of the Headquarters of the Trans-Baikal Military District and disable the 315th Separate Signals Battalion of the Reds in order to exclude the dissemination of information about the beginning of the operation and not to raise the alarm.

The second phase:
After the defeat of the northern column with possible reinforcements, the 1st battalion of the 129th Regiment returns to Chita, the 3rd battalion is fixed at the observation post. The lightest and most mobile units of the Cossacks of the Ambush Regiment cross the river and attack Kashtak, while others join the 1st battalion and move to Chita to support our forces.
The 2nd battalion occupies the command post of the District Headquarters, after which it also attacks Kashtak. The 128th Howitzer Artillery Regiment is departing towards Chita to support our forces.​

- You are not offering me a very enviable role, Mr. Nikolin, are you? Some kind of robber raid, and then the capture of an unnecessary village, — Semyonov said impudently.
- Mr. General, you will still have the opportunity to enter Chita on a white horse. You must understand that your seven hundred cavalrymen must be used in the best way and with the least losses. They are unlikely to be suitable for heavy urban battles, and what could be better for the Cossacks than a dashing rear raid?
- I agree with Viktor, Grigorij Mikhailovich, it sounds reasonable, — Foss stood up for me, — Does Konstantin Vladimirovich have any additions to the plan?
- My people may try to stop or detain the column, for example, under the pretext that their car broke down or they are driving a herd, — Rodzajevskij suggested, — Then the enemy will not only stop the cars, but also lose all vigilance, after which it will be much easier to "cover" him.
- That's a good idea, — I agreed, — Let's continue.​

South-western (urban) section
​

The forces involved in the south-western section are as follows:
As part of the Western Tactical Combat Group (commander: Komandarm I.I. Vatsetis) — 1st and 3rd battalions of the 80th Reserve Rifle Regiment, 100th Artillery Regiment of the 93rd East Siberian Rifle Division, 10th Reserve Tank Regiment.
Optionally supported by: Trans-Baikal Military District heavy artillery forces (all 152-mm batteries combined), part of the Eastern Tactical Group.

The first phase:
The reserve forces of the Trans-Baikal Military District are located in this direction, which should be activated by Komandarm Vatsetis. He is tasked with capturing the Chita airfield as soon as possible and preventing any plane from taking off from it. It is assumed that snowy weather and poor night visibility will not allow this to be done. The Red side does not have serious forces in the area of the airfield: majorly, parts of the NKVD troops and airfield guards, collectively up to a battalion. They are supposed to be countered by a coordinated attack by the 100th Artillery Regiment of the 93rd Rifle Division and the 10th Reserve Tank Regiment from the White side. After the defeat of these troops, it is planned to seize aircraft, balloons and air defense weapons, including the 5th Separate Air Fefense Battalion and the 25th Separate Air Ovservation Battalion. The 4th Signals Air Detachment is particularly dangerous, it should become a priority target of the first phase.

The second phase:
Immediately after the capture of the airfield, the reserve rifle battalions are involved in the battles to capture key objects of the city, the 100th Artillery Regiment switches to their support. The 10th Reserve Tank Regiment is redeployed west of the airfield and the city limits and covers the railroad leading to our flanks. Komandarm Vatsetis moves his headquarters to the Railway district of the city and announces to all troops of the Trans-Baikal Military District to immediately obey his orders and ignore any third-party orders, especially those coming from the NKVD. It is important that by this time the reserve command post has already been disabled, and officers disloyal to us from the headquarters of the Trans-Baikal Military District could no longer interfere with the implementation of the plan.
​

​

​

- These "reserve regiments"... Are they reliable? They must be completely untrained and poorly armed people. The military reform of this Shaposhnikov of yours on the transition of the Red Army from the territorial to the personnel recruitment principle has just begun. Do we have any guarantees that these young recruits will not drop their weapons or turn them against us at all? — Semyonov asked skeptically.
- That is precisely why they will be so scared of their officers that they will not dare to do anything against their orders. They don't understand anything about politics. We will explain to them that a coup is taking place, that the NKVD is trying to seize power. In addition, they will not be assigned the most difficult combat tasks, there is even a possibility that we will be able to occupy the airfield without a single shot. I wouldn't worry about that, Mr. Ataman.
- Will we have tanks from the very beginning? — Foss asked briskly, — This will seriously help the case!
- Yes, but, unfortunately, there are few tanks in the reserve regiment, in fact it is rather a battalion. Tanks are very outdated, first of all, the MS-1 model, a few T-26 and the like. However, the enemy will not have even those.
- Let's hope so. So far, everything sounds quite reasonable. Go on, Victor, — one of the people I didn't know at the table spoke for the first time — He spoke Russian not too bad, but with a noticeable accent. "Now I finally understand what kind of people they are," — I thought.

South-eastern (urban) section
​

The forces involved in the south-eastern section are as follows:
As part of the Eastern Tactical Combat Group (commander: Kombrig L.A. Govorov) — 2nd battalion of the 80th Reserve Rifle Regiment, Trans-Baikal Military District combined heavy artillery, Peschanka tank school combined battalion.
Optionally supported by: 128th Howitzer Artillery Regiment, part of the Northern Tactical Group.

The first phase:
The south-eastern direction is the weakest militarily, since it occupies a vulnerable position across the river. Kombrig Govorov has one reserve battalion here and a training tank battalion from Peschanka drawn to our side. The main task of the first phase is to establish control over the crossing, primarily over the automotive bridge. Then it is necessary to quickly strike at the units of the 266th Rifle Regiment of the 93rd Division arriving in the city, and, as well as in the northern sector, if possible, try to transfer them to the White side or capture their men and equipment. This can be done relatively simply due to the fact that these formations are transferred by rail. Then, having gained a foothold on the south bank of the river, the troops of the Eastern Tactical Group should attack the oil tank farm to the east of the city center. Throughout the first phase, Brigade Commander Govorov, as the chief of artillery of the district, also has to coordinate artillery support for other areas.

The second phase:
According to the situation, the forces of the training tank battalion and the 2nd reserve rifle battalion of the 80th Regiment should either coordinate their efforts with the Western Tactical Group in capturing oil depots or join the cleanup of the city center, including the operation to neutralize and capture the 3rd Separate Air Defense Battalion covering the city of Chita and the headquarters of the Trans-Baikal Military District.
​

​

All three tactical groups should eventually unite in the city center and simultaneously leave their rearguards on the suburban periphery, after which full control over the city of Chita should pass into the hands of the command of the All-Russian Liberation Uprising. Operation "Firebird" should be completed by midnight on December 1, 1937, the reserve deadline for the end of the operation is no more than two hours. At 0200 on December 1, regardless of the state of affairs on Operation Firebird, the commander of the Trans-Baikal Military District Vatsetis and the Coordinator of the Operation Headquarters Shaposhnikov give a joint order to launch Operation "Dawn".​

Developed by:
Govorov, Svechin, Vatsetis, Shaposhnikov

Agreed:
Semyonov​

- That's all, in fact, — I said, — As you understand, Mr. Lieutenant General, you must sign this version of the plan and bring it to your men, as well as to all the leaders of Emigration who will later join Operation Dawn. Do you have any comments or questions?
- No, — Semyonov did not smile once during the entire time of my report, — I will only note that the issue of the supreme command was never agreed with the emigrant side.
- What confuses you, sir? Shaposhnikov is the Chief of the General Staff of the Red Army, it is quite natural for him to lead the operation at least during its launch. The basis of the forces of the uprising will be yesterday's Soviet units, so...
- So we will raise this issue at the first vote after the start of the operation, — the Headman interrupted me gloomily, — I am not going to obey Stalin's commanders, sorry. This is an operation in the name of saving Russia, which was being prepared for years by the Emigration, and to which the "comrade commanders" joined only in fear for their own skin. Don't get me wrong, Nikolin, we really appreciate that even in Soviet Russia there were people who did not forget about their duty as officers, but since we are all "White" now, I will very keenly demand that the leadership of the operation does not leak alone to yesterday's "Red". You would not have been able to organize anything without the huge contribution of foreign military intelligence, and we provided it. We have come to reclaim our homeland, we are not poor relatives who can be pushed into the background and simply arrange a Soviet coup d'etat instead of the Russian national revolution. Is that clear?
I wasn't in a position to contradict him. Without his signature, the operation could not begin.
- Of course, Mr. General.
- That's nice, —Semyonov nodded to me in response, — Give me your paper, I'll sign it. And I'll go prepare my people for the operation. Ko:geki dzyu:ten-wa doko des'ka? Sore-ni hejryoku dzujbun aru-no ka?***

***Where is the direction of the main strike planned? Is there enough strength for this? (Russian-accented Japanese).​

​

It looked like at least one of the sullen guys standing at the door was really Japanese. Semyonov deliberately switched to a foreign language, believing that I did not understand what he was saying. It was a mistake. The "bodyguard" nodded, but I decided to show in advance that I understand Japanese and not compromise the situation:
- Semyōnofu-sama, arigatō gozaimashita. Go shinpai naku, dō itashimashite. Sayonara!****

****Mister Semyonov, many thanks. Don't worry, you're welcome. Goodbye! (Japanese).​

General disposition of the Operation Firebird​

It seemed that the Headman did not expect such a turn, and for the first time that unpleasant day I felt relieved. It became clear to me that Semyonov had his own hidden affairs with the Japanese, and the general himself, because of his disregard for the officers of the Red Army, almost got into a puddle. His Japanese curators will clearly notice this. Smiling at everyone present, I left the safe house. There was one last unresolved issue. Grodis, the head of intelligence.

As I have already said, it was necessary to go to Grodis literally a couple of days before the "X hour". Otherwise, he could become a very big problem in the event of his refusal. On November 29th, when all the preparations had already been completed, I decided on the last recruitment, which should have been carried out for our cause. How many have there been already? Shaposhnikov, Govorov, Vatsetis... Until now, I still managed to attract Soviet commanders to the side of the uprising, but Grodis was clearly from a different stock. This Latvian revolutionary was very different from all the high-ranking Soviet military whom I had to lure to our side before: he was not an elite in the Empire, but became one only in the Soviet Union. Shaposhnikov and Vatsetis were high-ranking officers in the Old army, Govorov fought on the side of Admiral Kolchak, but Grodis owed absolutely everything to the Soviet government. Julij Iosifovich owed Shaposhnikov a lot, but by no means everything, and without him the Trans-Baikal Military District could not have become the center of the All-Russian uprising. There were no other options. I invited him to meet at the training ground in Peschanka. There, as always, I was met by a smiling Lieutenant Brezhnev — I already called him Lyonya. The young tankman still had no idea what role his training tank battalion would play in the coming events. Colonel Grodis was not surprised that I chose such a remote and isolated place for the meeting — after all, I, like him, was engaged in intelligence, and it was necessary to discuss things that were clearly not the most open to the public. He was late. Brezhnev and I had time to discuss the prospects for the development of Soviet tank technologies when Grodis finally arrived at the training ground.
- Major Nikolin? — the pale face of Grodis did not express any special emotions, — I'm sorry I'm late. Now there are big exercises, a lot of work. It's not so easy to get here from Chita.
- It's okay, Comrade Colonel! Come on, there's a nice secluded caponier here. I wanted to discuss with you the latest summary regarding data on Japan's actions in China, something doesn't add up here, and Boris Mikhajlovich would very much like to discuss this...
Confusing Grodis, I showed Brezhnev that he could be free, and took the colonel with me to a closed remote building that served as a caponier for the tank range.
We talked for about an hour, and at the end I decided to put the cards on the table:​

- I'm engaged in high treason with aII means avaiIabIe to me. Can I count you in?

Grodis inclined his head as if nodding, looked at me appraisingly, but without saying a word, turned around and headed for the exit of the caponier.
I've never killed a man before. I've never had to do anything like this before. I clumsily pulled that old Nagant out of my pocket.
- Julij Osipovich!
He didn't turn around.
I pulled the trigger. And then again. Grodis fell forward, hitting his face on the armored door of the caponier, after which his body quietly slid down. For a few minutes I just stood in a panic, not knowing what to do, but then, as if by magic, everything returned to normal. Alarmed cadets were already running to the caponier's building. Of course, Lyonya was with them. I opened the door myself and showed them the dead body.
- Comrades cadets! That's why the command requires you to remain vigilant! Colonel Grodis, the chief of intelligence of the district, has just tried to recruit me into the ranks of the Fascist-White Guard bourgeois conspiracy! Everyone can be an enemy of the people! Treason is everywhere and everywhere! Be vigilant, be merciless! Lieutenant Brezhnev!
- I, Comrade Major!
- To take away the body and urgently deliver it to Chita.
- I... but... Aye, Comrade Major!
Of course, the Chekists would be interested in the murder of Grodis, but they no longer had time to figure out what was happening. The Colonel made his choice. Just like me. What else could be said here?
​

Colonel Julij Grodis​

Grodis was dead, and Shaposhnikov temporarily ordered Vatsetis to appoint me chief of intelligence of the district. Then everything was like in a dream. The next day, all I remember is that in the evening — I can't even say at what time, shooting started all over the city, which subsided only after midnight. Shaposhnikov ordered me to keep my head down and stay with him. Seconds seemed like minutes, and minutes seemed like hours. We were sitting in a pre-determined protected bunker that could become our grave if something went wrong. At one hour and thirteen minutes in the morning, finally, the desired signal sounded on the radio. Operation Firebird was completed. Chita was under our control, Operation Dawn was to begin. I only remember how Shaposhnikov gave me some paper in my hands and ordered me to urgently run to the communication center. I had to announce that the uprising had begun, after which Vatsetis, who had decided to join us, had to get in touch. The last bridges were burned. In less than two years, I became an adventurer, a spy, a traitor, and finally a murderer. When I got to the radio station, Vatsetis was already sitting there, waiting for his finest hour. I remember what struck me about him then. A uniform with Tsarist shoulder straps. The ambitious man was so lovingly preparing for a coup that he suddenly remembered his service in the Old army. However, I had no time to comment on the behavior of the district commander. At exactly two o'clock in the morning, in a terribly unsteady voice, after the signalman's command, I, trying to be as firm as possible, spoke into the microphone:
- Vnimanije! Segodnya, 1-go dekabrya 1937-go goda, vojennoje polozhenije ob'javleno v Chite, i, s Bozh'jej pomosch'ju, vo vsej Rossii!*****
​

*****Attention! Today, the 1st of December of 1937, a state of war is declared in Chita, and, with God's help, in all Russia!​

​

​

End of Volume I
Thanks for reading and stay tuned!
Продолженіе слѣдуетъ — To be continued​

 

[Forster]

Well that's a cliff hangar.

 

[Captured Joe]

I am surprised the conspirators even bother with recruiting the Latvians, and even more that Vatsetis decided to join them! It probably saved his skin though.

Very exciting!

 

[Khanconette]

I am surprised the conspirators even bother with recruiting the Latvians, and even more that Vatsetis decided to join them! It probably saved his skin though.

Very exciting!

Thanks!

Well, yeah, he didn't have much choice. And as I've also mentioned above, this man was bitterly offended by the fact that he turned from commander-in-chief of the Red Army into a minor general. As for Grodis, it was vitally important for Shaposhnikov to control the intelligence of the Trans-Baikal District at least until the moment of the uprising — Grodis would hardly have supported the uprising (and now we know this for sure), but his personal loyalty to Shaposhnikov could have been much better for this scenario than having a completely independent person in this post.

 

[Khanconette]

Volume II: The Darkness

Chapter 10: Gathering Forces

Preface
Tracking the fates of the characters previously mentioned (fictional characters are marked in italics)
​

Viktor Larionov, a White Guard spy and terrorist: shortly before the uprising began, he returned to the Soviet Union and began preparing subversive and sabotage operations.
Dmitrij Nezhilov, an officer of the General Staff of the Red Army, Viktor's neighbor in a communal apartment: he knew nothing about the uprising, shortly before it began, he had expressed condolences to Viktor about the arrest of his father.
Leonid Govorov, brigade commander of the Red Army, former White officer: recruited by Viktor, took part in the uprising as chief of artillery of the Trans-Baikal Military District.
Pavel Perov, Viktor Nikolin's stepbrother, White émigré, spy: intends to cross the western border of the USSR and take part in the operations of the uprising.
Aleksandr Svechin, Soviet military theorist, secret agent of the "Whites" at the headquarters of the Red Army: organized support for the uprising from Moscow. He is waiting for imminent arrest (another one) by the NKVD and does not intend to escape.
Boris Shaposhnikov, chief of the General Staff of the Red Army, former Tsarist officer: recruited by Viktor, became the "think tank" of the uprising, disguising the preparations for it as large-scale Soviet military exercises in Siberia.
Vsevolod Merkulov, Soviet party leader, former Chekist: was used by the conspirators to disorganize the NKVD, arrested Jagoda and Jezhov. Now he is the right hand of the current head of state security, Lavrentij Berija.
Klavdij Foss (Claudius Voß), a White Guard officer, the head of the "Inner Line" spy-terrorist network: became Nikolin's main partner in organizing Russian emigration for the uprising. Arrived in Transbaikalia for personal participation in upcoming events.
Konstantin Rodzajevskij, publicist, politician, leader of the "All-Russian Fascist Party" in Harbin: blackmailed Nikolin, enlisted his support in exchange for political promises, arrived in Transbaikalia to participate in the uprising and promised the participation of his organization's members in battles and sabotage.
Andrej Vlasov, Soviet officer, colonel of the Red Army: shortly before the uprising, he was sent as a military adviser to the Chinese Communists to participate in the civil war and combat operations against the Japanese. Thus Shaposhnikov got rid of one of the Stalinist officers of his staff.
Grigorij Kulik, Soviet commander, chief military adviser in Spain ("General Cooper"): after the defeat of the Republican forces in the civil war, fell out of favor with Stalin, but was not privy to the details of the conspiracy and at the time of the uprising remains loyal to the Soviet regime.
Leonid Brezhnev, young Communist party administrator, serves as an armored troops' lieutenant: he met Nikolin at the Peschanka training ground near Chita, managed to become his friend. Unwittingly he became an accomplice in concealing the murder of Soviet intelligence officer Julij Grodis, following Nikolin's order. He does not suspect the details of the plot, but his training tank unit must take part in the uprising.
Grigorij Semyonov, White Army general, headman (ataman) of the Trans-Baikal Cossack host, émigré leader of Manchuria: arrived in Chita personally and was ordered to take part in a Cossack raid during the "Operation Firebird" (the initial phase of the uprising in Chita). Had a tough and incredulous talk with Nikolin, there he demonstrated that he was cooperating with Japanese intelligence. He clearly wants to take leading positions in the leadership of the uprising.

Deceased characters, mentioned in the previous volume (fictional characters are marked in italics)
​

Marija Nikolina-Perova, Pavel's mother and Viktor's stepmother: died in Belgrade in 1934 due to tuberculosis, knowing of her death from Pavel was a big shock for Viktor.
Arkadij Nikolin, old Bolshevik revolutionary, supporter of the Bukharinite faction, Viktor's father: for quite a long time he survived in the internal party struggle thanks to old connections and a good reputation, but in the end he inevitably became a victim of repression. Arrested in October 1937 and soon shot. Before his death, he was able to learn from Viktor that Pavel had forgiven him for his betrayal.
Nikolaj Skoblin, White Guard officer of the Kornilov Shock Regiment, one of the intelligence officers of the émigrés: turned out to be a double agent who worked for the USSR and organized the kidnapping of General Kutepov. He fled to Spain, where took part in the Civil War. Liquidated by Larionov or Perov, which made it possible to break the connection between the White emigration and Soviet intelligence.
Ivan Gryaznov, Jakov Rubinov and Mikhail Tsyupko, Soviet officers commanding the Trans-Baikal military district: all of them were arrested and executed before the uprising, what helped the conspirators to install their men to the key posts of the district which had been chosen as the operation's HQ.
Artur Artuzov (Arturo Fraucci), Soviet military intelligence leader, Nikolin's former superior: despite the successful work of Soviet foreign intelligence, including the outstanding performance of Sándor Radó, Richard Sorge, Kim Philby and Harro Schulze-Boysen, he was expected to be recognized as a traitor and an enemy agent, after which he was arrested and shot.
Vasilij Oschepkov, Soviet spy and martial artist: without his own knowledge, was used by the organizers of the conspiracy to create a cell on Sakhalin (allegedly to fight against the Japanese). Despite his services to the NKVD in the creation of Sambo wrestling, he was arrested and died in prison awaiting trial (most likely, he died under torture).
Jan Berzin (Jānis Bērziņš), Bolshevik revolutionary, one of the founding fathers of Soviet intelligence, the last boss of Nikolin: arrested at the end of November 1937, literally on the eve of the uprising. He did not take part in its preparation, but may have been framed by White emigrants. He was shot on the day the uprising began.
Julij Grodis (Jūlijs Grodis), a former Latvian rifleman, head of intelligence (Leningrad and then Trans-Baikal military districts): being a confidant of Shaposhnikov, he was at the same time a staunch supporter of the communist regime. Nikolin was unable to recruit him to participate in the uprising and was forced to kill him with a shot in the back at the Peschanka tank range.
Purged Soviet commanders (mentioned by the game):
By "The Trial of the Generals": Mikhail Tukhachevskij (Deputy People's Comissar of Defense), Vasilij Blyukher (C-n-C in the Far East), Aleksandr Jegorov (Chief of the General Staff), Vitalij Primakov (Cavalry), Kirill Moskalenko (Artillery).
In other purges: Dmitrij Lelyushenko (Armored Troops), Gordej Levchenko (Navy), Maksim Purkajev (Infantry), Sergej Gorshkov (Navy).

​

Room 101
Location Undetermined
Time & Date Undetermined, 1950​

— How did you convince the soldiers to take part in this coup and the subsequent civil war? The motivation of the former Whites and the Soviet officers intimidated by the repressions is understandable, but it was a meager ratio of your forces, while the bulk of the combatants on your side had to be ordinary Red Army soldiers?

— It really was a huge problem. For the first few days, we simply deceived most of the soldiers, telling them that there was a coup, some kind of interior sabotage, that Comrade Stalin was being overthrown by external enemies, and so on. And it was only when the first battles with the Red Army began, and the soldiers realized that they now had no other way out, that we revealed our cards.

— So for the first few days there were no tricolor flags, White officers, Orthodox chaplains, slogans from the Civil War?

— Not quite. Of course, they took place among the Emigration units. But to the last we tried to separate yesterday's Soviet units from the former White Guards. I repeat, we had to make a common, united army out of them by "loosely sewing" all these differences together.

— Were there any Red Army units that immediately supported you?

— Yes, there were also such, but only few. Mostly those dominated by Cossacks and Siberians. There were also ethnic minorities offended by the Soviet government. Well, and also those units where they loved their commanders so much, that, by and large, it didn't matter who to fight with, the main thing was fighting under their command.

— As a result, what did you call this crazy conglomerate of incompatible troops?

— Armija Spasenija Rossii*

*Army of Russia's Salvation​

Confused Red Army soldiers hearing new orders during the first days of Operation Dawn
​

Chita
Chita Region, RSFSR, USSR
December 1, 1937, 02:15​

​

I remember the first hours after the end of the "Firebird" just as badly. After my cursory address on the radio, Vatsetis entered the game and began to read out a long, prepared speech in a good, commanding voice. It is unlikely that any of the half-asleep soldiers who were alerted at two o'clock in the morning could take it seriously, but this did not bother the Komandarm. Pompous and self-confident, he ordered all units and subunits, both belonging to the Trans-Baikal Military District and temporarily stationed there for the duration of the exercises, not to accept any orders other than those emanating from the district headquarters. It's funny that in the first hours of the operation, most of the Red Army soldiers did not even suspect anything — it seemed to them that this was just a new task of the exercises.
- You will recognize representatives of the legitimate military and civil authorities in the Trans-Baikal Military District by the white armbands, white ribbons and other insignia they wear. Identification marks in the form of white crosses are applied to cars and other vehicles of the Trans-Baikal Military District. Stay calm and don't leave the barracks. Further clarifications will be given in the very near future. Glory to Russia! Komandarm Ioakim Vatsetis.
The radio broadcast was over.
- Did you really have to talk about the glory of Russia at the end? — I asked gloomily, — If the soldiers guess too early that we have started a White Guard coup, they will simply raise us to bayonets.
- You from the intelligence always want to do everything in the dark. Stop disguising yourself already! It's time to act! — Vatsetis replied, — We need to distribute responsibility and command duties before dawn. Is Boris Mikhajlovich already at the district headquarters?
- Yes, of course.
- Then let's go!
We left the radio station and raced in an official car towards the secret command post, recently taken by troops loyal to us (first of all, the 129th Rifle Regiment). Chita left a strange impression. On the one hand, the city was terribly frightened and literally roused by the shooting, which did not stop for several hours. On the other hand, now, in the dead of night, it seemed to freeze in a daze. The streets were very deserted, only occasionally we met one or another military patrol — we knew by the white armbands that they were "ours". On one of the streets we noticed a large column of soldiers who were walking in an unknown direction. Vatsetis ordered the car to stop, leaned out of the window and shouted:
- Who are they?
- Prisoners, Your Excellency! Almost an entire battalion surrendered without a single shot being fired!
- Take them to the guardhouse! If they want to, let them immediately come to our side! Whose will you be yourself?
- Ataman Semyonov's!
- Got it! S Bogom!
The car continued to move. "Semyonov's Cossacks. In Chita. Again. They are escorting Red Army's imprisoned soldiers. Madness!" — Vatsetis muttered aloud. I myself did not believe in what was happening, which, nevertheless, was more than real. At two hours and twenty-seven minutes on December 1, 1937, the very meeting that was to determine the entire future fate of Russia began at Shaposhnikov's headquarters.
​

First prisoners of the 2nd Russian Civil War
​

I was one of the first to enter the Komandarm's office. Shaposhnikov was visibly nervous, and was very glad to see me.
- Viktor! Great, good to see you again. I heard your message on the radio station. I suppose you don't mind staying on as the head of intelligence of the Trans-Baikal Military District?
- I would be honored.
- The documents on your emergency promotion to colonel have already been prepared, I will sign them after the meeting. However, we are now facing a very difficult battle... I can't imagine how we will be able to share areas of responsibility with the "Whitecaps".
He used a rather insulting expression from the Civil War — "belyaki". It was clear that Shaposhnikov was still a Soviet commander and clearly did not consider our "colleagues" from Emigration to be his own.
Vatsetis, Govorov and several other important officers of the Trans-Baikal District, who supported the uprising, followed me. Shaposhnikov took the floor:
- Comrades... or should I already say "Gentlemen"? Anyway, we have very little time before the representatives of the émigrés arrive here. According to the information of Major Nikolin, at the moment there is only one major leader of them in Chita — the notorious ataman Semyonov. He had the opportunity to arrive at the beginning of the operation from the territory of Manchuria the fastest way possible, and even managed to form the first units to participate in Operation Firebird. Major Nikolin, how many soldiers does the emigrant side have?
- About seven hundred sabers, if we are talking about Trans-Baikal Cossacks, locals and officers who managed to arrive in Chita, and about a hundred more people of Rodzajevskij.
- Who? — Vatsetis asked.
- The leader of the Russian Fascists in Manchuria, a very ambitious politician. He's been involved in our preparations since the first days, — I replied.
- Fascists... Where can we go without them.... I knew we'd come to this, — Govorov said gloomily.
- Leonid Aleksandrovich, unfortunately, we are not in a position where we can elect allies. And, in fact, that's exactly what I wanted to talk to you about. I repeat, we have very little time, — Shaposhnikov returned the conversation to its previous course, — If Major Nikolin's information is correct, then now we have a huge advantage — Semyonov and his supporters have, at most, a thousand soldiers in Chita, while we have almost ten thousand.
- So we can impose our conditions on them and take a central role in leading the operation! — Vatsetis said confidently.
- Unfortunately, Ioakim Ioakimovich, I doubt it. And you seem to be, too, judging by your appearance.
Shaposhnikov hit where he needed to. All of us were still wearing Soviet military uniforms with scarlet collar tabs, only white armbands and ribbon bows spoke of our participation in the uprising. Vatsetis, on the other hand, unstitched the Red Army insignias and sported with the shoulder straps of a colonel of the Tsarist army — it was a mystery where he managed to get them from. Did he really keep it since the revolution?​

Vatsetis in his gloryhunting outfit​

- The fact is that we are inferior to the "Whites" in the main thing. In the political and intelligence component. If we are talking about soldiers and weapons, then naturally we are in the overwhelming majority, but without intelligence and special services we will be like blind kittens, and no one except Emigration will be able to provide us with this. Our entire coup was being prepared with the huge, decisive participation of foreign intelligence services, and they are ready to work only with the "Whites". Moreover, the vast majority of military intelligence and NKVD officers, of course, will remain loyal to Stalin. Therefore, all operations behind enemy lines and "on the invisible front" will again depend on the émigrés. Finally, we do not have civilian specialists and administrators at all to organize the work of our rear and life in the liberated territories. Only White émigrés have such cadres, since most of the Soviet party officials who make up the former civil administration will be arrested. And I am silent about the supply of finance, weapons, equipment and everything else from America, Japan and other countries. In short, we will not be able to dictate our terms to Semynov and others like him, even though we have dozens of times more bayonets. We will have to negotiate with them, — Shaposhnikov gave very disappointing arguments.
- Gentlemen officers, instead of counting our chicken before they hatch**, let's realize what is happening at the moment. The easier it will be to negotiate with the "Whites" when they arrive, — Govorov said reasonably.​

**Delit' shkuru neubitogo medvedya (literally: divide the skin of the not-yet-killed bear).​

- I agree with Leonid Aleksandrovich, — Shaposhnikov nodded, — So, here is the map of the current state of affairs. Immediately after the end of Operation Firebird, Operation Dawn was launched, namely, the seizure of power in the eastern part of Siberia and the Far East, mainly along the line of the Trans-Siberian Railway. So far, the sign of the transition to our government...
- What is it called by the way? — Vatsetis asked.
- So far, we have come to the "Military-Civil Administration of Siberia" — VGAS (Vojenno-grazhdanskaja administratsija Sibiri). By prior agreement, we will subsequently create a coalition "Provisional All-Russian Government" with the Whites. So, the sign of the transition to our side is white stripes and armbands. The identification mark of the vehicles is a white equilateral cross. We don't take off the Soviet flags yet, but we tie a wide white ribbon on the flagpole. By the middle of the morning, the following zone should be under our control — the Komandarm spread out a map in front of us.
​

​

- Chukotka and Kamchatka will absolutely remain under the control of Stalin's forces, the NKVD has completely outplayed our cells in that region. For the rest, I hope we will be able to implement a strategy to bring all the territories of the Soviet Union under our control along the line to the west of the Tuvan border. Another critical issue that will need to be resolved during Operation Dawn is the Pacific Fleet. We very much hope to take it under our control, but we have not achieved this guarantee. It may be necessary to improvise or block the fleet in the harbor.
- If everything goes well, we will control gigantic territories, — said Vatsetis, who had been involved in the conspiracy later than everyone else.
- Yes, but you need to understand that in fact almost everything north of the Trans-Siberian, with the exception of Yakutia, is only nominal control that has no strategic significance. But knowing the experience of the Civil War, battles will be fought there too... In short, we do not need to directly control all these humongous expanses, it is enough to gain a foothold along the Trans-Siberian railway, in Jakutsk, Kemerovo and a number of other large cities. This is an achievable task. Hard, but doable. So do not be deceived by the size of a giant spot on the map, in fact, we get a territory with very small industry, low population density, difficult climatic conditions and acute dependence on external supply. It will be cut off from Moscow for us, so the ports of Vladivostok and Okhotsk remain — the supply from foreign powers will be of critical importance for us.
- I had already been attacking from Siberia to the west once, — Govorov smiled sarcastically, meaning his service for Kolchak, — Those days it ended very badly.
- It means that we cannot repeat the previous mistakes, — Shaposhnikov said confidently.
​

Operation Dawn expansion plan​

Levels of control priority:
Level-1 (purple) — to be captured on Day X — key points: Trans-Siberian railroad, Jakutsk, Okhotsk and Nikolajevsk;
Level-2 (green) — to be captured in a week after Day X;
Level-3 (yellow) — to be captured in a month after Day X, including West Siberian and Chukotka-Kamchatkan frontlines;
Level-4 (red) — no permanent control required.

​

- Well, I see. I think it would be most reasonable to send units from the White Guards to the Chukotkan direction and establish control over the wastelands of the Arctic part of Siberia. There, their lack of numbers and armament will not play a decisive role, and in addition, they will have less contact with the local population, still loyal to Stalin, as well as with parts of our army from yesterday's Red Army soldiers, — Govorov suggested.
- This is reasonable, Kombrig, but the elite units of the Whites clearly will not agree to act in the rear areas. In any case, our main headache will be the mutual integration of these two armies, — Vatsetis summed up, — Nikolin, what information do you have about who the émigrés will offer as leaders?
- Prior to the operation, the following was agreed upon: The part of the Russian white emigration that sympathizes with us and has decided to use its forces in the operation will be divided into three "bureaus". At first, two were supposed to be — European and Pacific, but the contradictions between Denikin and Krasnov led to the fact that now we have the Paris, Berlin and Harbin groups. Consequently, Denikin, Krasnov and Semyonov will argue for leadership in the Emigration, but Krasnov refused to come to Siberia, referring to the fact that this climate is no longer for his years.​

- Poor fellow, he'll freeze, — Govorov snorted sarcastically, — What does he propose to do then?
- The "Berliners" are in full favor of sabotage and guerrilla-terrorist actions behind enemy lines. Denikin considered this unacceptable, but we rather have to agree with Krasnov — Stalin is so superior to us economically that we simply cannot cope without sabotage in the rear, even if civilians suffer. So Ataman Krasnov took over the leadership of the headquarters of this guerrilla war in the western part of the country.
- Regarding Krasnov, I am very confused by his pro-German views and possible Cossack separatism, — Shaposhnikov remarked thoughtfully.
- You're not the only one, Boris Mikhajlovich, but we don't have much choice. Nevertheless, the Berlin "bureau" of the Emigration would be too rash if it did not send any of its commanders to Siberia. Most likely, the interests of Krasnov and the radical part of the "European" Whites will be represented by Sergej Vojtsekhovskij. He is currently serving in the Czechoslovak army, but will retire from it. He is a very experienced and talented commander, known to us from the leadership of the Czech legions during the Civil War. General Aleksandr Rodzyanko also adjoins Krasnov, although he is not under his direct command, being transferred from America.
- Is this the one who could not take Petrograd?
- Yes, once the commander of the North-Western Army of the Whites, — I nodded, — It would also be reasonable to consider Andrej Shkuro and Pavel Bermont-Avalov as emissaries of Krasnov.
- Both are the most notorious scoundrels, especially Shkuro. But without him, as I understand it, we will not be able to establish contact with the Kuban Cossacks? — Shaposhnikov asked.
- I suppose so. And then, as you said yourself, we are not in a position to choose our allies right now.
- Well, yes, well, yes...
​

The "Berliners"
​

- Will Denikin send someone else? Vatsetis asked.
- Vladimir Sidorin has so far given his consent from the "Paris" bureau, if we mean important generals. This is an intelligent commander, a Don Cossack and a military engineer. However, during the Civil War there was a scandal with him because of the failure of the evacuation of Novorossijsk, he was demoted and even sentenced to hard labor, but there was no one to execute the sentence... We also contacted Vasilij Ivanis, one of the leaders of the Kuban Cossacks, but have not yet received a response from him.
- It turns out that the Paris wing will be in the minority. Well, I hope Denikin's authority is enough to balance the hotheads of the Krasnovites.
​

The "Parisian"
​

- Now let's talk about the Harbinites. Semyonov...
- Comrade Komandarm, there... you won't believe... — Shaposhnikov's terrified orderly flew into the room.
- Glazov, calm down, — Boris Mikhajlovich said wearily, — What happened?
- He arrived at the checkpoint... I'm not drunk, I swear! Ataman Semyonov! Would you order... arrest him?
- Alas, — Shaposhnikov smiled sadly, — Invite him.
- And the weapon?
- Let him keep it.
Semyonov barged into our meeting quite defiantly. He was wearing a field uniform, but all decorated with orders and medals of countless countries, from the Russian Empire to Manchukuo, with shining silver shoulder boards. On the shoulders of the Headman rested a giant fur coat, thrown in the manner of a cloak. The image was complemented by an expensive ornate saber (with St. George's ribbon on it) and some kind of foreign pistol (possibly a Japanese Nambu) in a belt holster. Semyonov was closely followed by Foss and Rodzaejevskij, with whom we had already met the day before.
- Gentlemen! — the Ataman mockingly addressed us in a "bourgeois" way, — I dare to report, Lieutenant General, the Headman of the Trans-Baikal Cossack host Grigorij Semyonov has arrived!
He clicked his heels ostentatiously, clearly mocking us.
- Welcome, Grigorij Mikhajlovich, we've been waiting for you, — Shaposhnikov took on the role of a welcoming host, — Glazov, take the fur coat from the general.
- Thank you! — Semyonov heeded his papakha and smoothed the hair on the rapidly balding crown, after which he sat down at the table and signaled his "retinue" to sit next to him.
- This is Captain Foss, an officer of the Bulgarian army and the head of our intelligence in Europe. He represents here the Western circles of Foreign Russia, which have not yet had time to arrive at the scene of action.
- I am a major in the Bulgarian army, but I prefer to use the old Russian rank, — Foss smiled sweetly. Sometimes it was impossible for this intelligent man to even think that he was commanding spies, terrorists and saboteurs.
- And this is Konstantin Rodzajevskij, my... friend. A representative of our civil administration in Harbin.
- And concurrently the leader of the Russian fascists, — Vatsetis decided to demonstrate his awareness.
- Ah! Wait, wait, wait... Colonel... I know your face for some reason! — Semyonov was clearly reveling in the moment, resembling an actor of a provincial theater, — Exactly! How could I forget! — he slapped his forehead, — Colonel Vatsetis, commander of the Latvian riflemen! Well, those ones to whom our Sovereign Emperor promised freedom from the Germans, and for this they betrayed him and rushed to protect Comrade Lenin...
- Gentlemen, please, we are clearly not here for the past, we don't have time for it, — I tried to stop any disputes as soon as possible, since Semyonov was clearly running into it, — I believe Ioakim Ioakimovich put on the uniform of a colonel of the Imperial Army as a sign of reconciliation, as a reminder of your shared past with him.
- Our common past ended in 1917, in this I agree with the Ataman, — Vatsetis noted coldly, — And I am unlikely to explain anything about betrayal and wearing one uniform or another to a man who did not share the fate of his friends, Kolchak and Ungern, and lived quietly in Manchuria to this day...
- That's it, gentlemen, really enough! — Shaposhnikov said conciliatingly, — The dawn is near, and we have not yet distributed the powers. The decisive stage of the operation is about to come. Grigorij Mikhajlovich, please tell us your requirements.
- The requirements are extremely simple, — Semyonov looked around the room, — Of all those present, I trust only mister Govorov and mister Nikolin, with all due respect. However, I am well aware that our, — he stressed this word, clearly referring only to the Whites, — troops are just beginning to deploy in the Amur region and Primor'je, while only small detachments have already crossed the border. Therefore, I will not demand any decisive command posts until the arrival of all interested military and civilians, including from Europe and America. I agree with this scenario: Mr. Shaposhnikov exercises supreme leadership, Mr. Vatsetis leads the Trans-Baikal Military District, and in all cities that will soon be occupied by the troops loyal to us, your people will command. At first.
- But there's obviously a catch, right? — Govorov asked.
- You are absolutely right, Poruchik*** Govorov, — Semyonov deliberately used only pre-Soviet ranks and titles, which is why he addressed Vatsetis as "colonel"​

***Lieutenant (in Tsarist and White armies).​

- The catch is that this is primarily an uprising to save Russia, and not your asses from the hands of Stalin's executioners, — he raised his tone slightly, — And therefore, as soon as Generals Denikin, Vojtsekhovskij, Rodzyanko and others arrive, as well as civilian and political specialists from the Emigration, a Provisional All-Russian government will be formed, and we will clearly not concede in it.
- So, the Emigration agrees to postpone the issue of the distribution of leading posts? This is very reasonable, thank you! — Shaposhnikov replied stoically, — For my part, I ask you to take command of all the Cossack and emigrant units that are now under our control.
- I'm already in command of them, — Semyonov replied just as brazenly, — But thank you, Colonel Shaposhnikov! I would also like to state that in the very near future, in addition to Mr. Rodzajevskij, military leaders loyal to me will arrive here: Generals Kos'min and Nechajev. Both of them are veterans not only of the Civil War, but also of numerous military conflicts in China, especially General Nechajev. I am sure they will be a great help to us. Please make sure that they are received with all due respect.
Semyonov's intrigue was clear and simple. Kos'min was a fascist closely associated with Rodzajevskij, who, perhaps, himself longed for military glory and would obviously have imposed himself to command something. However, without a real military education and experience, the fascist leader would hardly have succeeded, and he understood this perfectly well. Therefore, Kos'min, already familiar to me from Harbin, was supposed to become Rodzajevskij's "shadow", his Sancho Panza. As for Nechajev, it was clearly an interesting approach. They had far from the best relations with Semyonov, moreover, Nechajev had served in the Chinese army, and Semyonov was a protégé of the Japanese. However, recently Nechajev was far from any real business, he went through several surgeries and even lost his leg. Apparently, Nechajev had to swallow his pride and go to a peace with Semyonov in order to still participate in the Russian "reconquista". Semyonov on his side needed Nechajev because the latter had very strong combat-ready units in Inner Mongolia and East Turkestan.
- Grigorij Mikhajlovich, of course, we will be glad to see them. Let's drink to our common victory, after which I order everyone to leave for combat posts. Operation Dawn is beginning, — Shaposhnikov said calmly.
We quickly overturned the glasses brought by the orderly Glazov in advance, after which we left the staff bunker. There was to be a continuation of the Merlaison Ballet.
​

The "Harbinites"
​

The meeting, we can say, was a success. We still had a few hours to make the final preparations before Moscow wakes up and realizes that we have unleashed a full-scale civil war. Until that moment came, that is, during the rest of the night and the beginning of the morning, I had to head an improvised "analytical department" of Shaposhnikov's headquarters and provide a full report on what forces we could have at the beginning of large-scale hostilities. Considering that we finished Operation Firebird only by two o'clock in the morning, and the meeting at the district headquarters lasted until almost three, we had no more than ten hours left for the start of Operation Dawn and the capture of the Trans-Siberian Railway along with Jakutsk, Okhotsk and other important cities. I had to be quick. However, first of all I hurried to the Chita airfield. There I had to meet a very unusual guest, whom I had seen in Europe at one of the air shows. It was the legendary Russian ace pilot Janchenko, who lived in America, one of the heroes of the World War. This outstanding man decided to change the quiet and safe work in the Sikorsky Corporation to the element of air combat and agreed to fly to Chita on his own, deciding to travel across the Pacific Ocean from America. Fortunately, the airfield was captured relatively quickly and almost bloodlessly, but there was night darkness, frost and snow. Nevertheless, Janchenko was considered an ace for a reason — when his plane reached the runway, I just left for the airfield. The tanks of the 10th Reserve Regiment carried the guard there. I showed my ID and a white armband, after which I went to meet Vasilij Ivanovich. In my pocket was a document signed by Shaposhnikov, according to which he agreed to appoint a hero of the Great War as an aviation inspector of the Trans-Baikal Military District.
​

Janchenko during the Great War
​

So, what could we collectively expect in the near future. It was clear that, given the gigantic expanses of Siberia and the weak patency of cars and other equipment, the cavalry, oddly enough, would regain its decisive importance on the battlefield. The White émigrés were real experts in the use of cavalry, especially when it came to Cossacks, so here the seemingly outdated views of the White Guards on military affairs, on the contrary, could play a positive role. In this regard, we decided to focus on two types of cavalry formations — light and heavy cavalry. The first was to solve local roles and influence the supply of the enemy, and the second was to participate in offensive breakthroughs. Consequently, the organization was as follows: light cavalry (mainly consisting of Cossacks and local Siberian peoples) relied on the so-called mounted brigades. To be honest, it was cannon fodder on horseback — nothing but small arms, sabers and lances, but it was precisely such groups, which included 6 squadrons of up to 6,000 men (in fact, of course, almost all of our divisions were manned at best by 50-60%) that could prove themselves well in the vast expanses Siberia with almost complete lack of supply.
​

​

According to preliminary plans, we could deploy up to twelve such brigades, and one went over to our side directly from the Red Army — the Buryat-Mongolian horse brigade. It was also planned to form two more mixed brigades with mainly Buryat horsemen — Barguzin and Baikal ones. The 42nd Reserve Rifle and 37th Reserve Cavalry Regiment of the Trans-Baikal Military District were to serve as the basis for them. The Altai and Siberian Tatar brigades also belonged to the "ethnic" formations. The latter was intended to be formed on the basis of the 76th Reserve Rifle Regiment of the Siberian Military District. Then came the Cossacks: the Amur Brigade (86th Reserve Rifle Regiment), the Yenisei and Irkutsk brigades (recruited from the local population), the Yakut Brigade (in addition to Russian Cossacks, many natives also served in it). In the Trans-Baikal district, the Trans-Baikal Cossack brigade (the 21st Reserve Cavalry Regiment) was deployed, in the Siberian Military District — which is logical, the Siberian brigade (based on the armament of the 82nd Reserve Rifle Regiment). Finally, from the staff of the 85th Reserve Rifle Regiment of the Separate Far Eastern Army (in fact, the name for Far Eastern Military District), we deployed the Ussuri Cossack Brigade.
​

List of Mounted, or Horse Brigades
​

A more "elite" type of light cavalry were the so-called "Manchurian" mounted brigades formed by the Emigration abroad, and not from the local and Cossack population on Soviet territory. They also numbered 6 saber squadrons, but also had an artillery battalion for 12 horse guns and, in general, much more heavy weapons. These were the people of Nechjaev and Semyonov, a rather formidable force.
​

"Manch'zhurskaja Konnitsa" — Manchurian Cavalry​

The Émigrés, of course, could not provide many soldiers, so only three such brigades (again, not reaching the full-blooded 6000) were sent: "Semyonovskaja" (Semyonov's Own) Cossack Brigade, which was recruited from the Cossacks of Manchuria and Three Rivers, the "Baron Ungern" Mounted Brigade, recruited from the White Guards of Inner and Outer Mongolia and East Turkestan (named after Roman Fyodorovich Ungern von Sternberg, the legendary half-crazy White monarchist general who had restored Mongolia's independence) and the most well-trained and armed of them all — the Asano Brigade. The latter were regular servicemen of the Manchukuo Army, led by Japanese officers and specially trained to fight the Soviet authorities. It was at the same time the most powerful and the most unreliable White Emigration unit for us, because we did not doubt their loyalty to the Japanese, but had very big questions about their loyalty to us.
​

​

Servicemen of the Asano Brigade (Asano Butai), the most well-known Russian formation of the Kwantung Army​

Next, it should be said about the heavy cavalry. It was formed mainly from regular Soviet mounted formations, with minimal addition of soldiers and officers from White Emigration or volunteers. Due to the obvious shortage of artillery and other heavy weapons, it was also mostly a purely small-firearms unit, but still not completely. Regular cavalry was already a division-sized of about 10 thousand soldiers (which was never achieved in practice), i.e. 10 squadrons (nine purely mounted and one on cars, motorcycles and armored vehicles), as well as a cavalry artillery division of 12 guns. Such a division was already suitable not only for pursuing the enemy and disturbing actions on the flanks and in the rear.
​

We hoped to count on 9 cavalry divisions (of course, not full-blooded) — we simply did not have more at our disposal. Shaposhnikov really did not want confusion and problems with communication, so he strictly forbade calling regular divisions in the chaotic manner inherent in the Civil War. Therefore, all divisions received strict laconic numbers from one to nine, only in the first, in which the proportion of former White Guards was the highest, they were given an honorary name in remembrance of General Fyodor Keller, the "first saber of the Empire" and one of the commanders who refused to recognize the abdication of Nicholas II. Of course, the soldiers themselves, mostly yesterday's Red Army men, found out that they were named after a monarchist general much later. These divisions were formed according to the following principle:
1st "Kellerovskaja" — based on the 15th Cavalry Division (Trans-Baikal Military District);
2nd — based on the 8th Cavalry Division (Separate Far Eastern Army);
3rd — based on the 22nd Cavalry Division (Trans-Baikal Military District);
4th — based on the 16th Cavalry Division (Siberian Military District);
5th — based on the 23rd Cavalry Division (was transferred to Transbaikalia for exercises from the Kiev Military District);
6th — deployed from the 6th Cavalry Brigade and reserve cavalry units in Transbaikalia;
7th — based on the 24th Cavalry Division (was transferred to Siberia for exercises from the Belorussian Military District);
8th — based on the 26th Cavalry Division (was transferred to Transbaikalia for exercises from the Kiev Military District);
9th — based on the 31st Cavalry Division (Separate Far Eastern Army).​

List of Cavalry Divisions​

After cavalry, it would be reasonable to discuss mechanized and armored units. Oddly enough, we had quite a lot of them — firstly, before the uprising, all the Siberian and Far Eastern garrisons were decisively reinforced with tanks to repel possible aggression from Japan and China, and secondly, a lot of tanks were driven to the very "Big Exercises" that we used as a cover for the beginning of the uprising. Thus, we were even able to deploy at least some sufficient number of tanks to organize full-fledged mechanized formations, which was undoubtedly extremely important in the upcoming battles. Of course, we could not be called an "army of machines", but we still had something. Shaposhnikov decided to bring together all the tanks, armored vehicles and spare cars available to us and evenly distribute them into mechanized brigades consisting of 2 tank regiments (4 battalions total) and a reinforced mechanized regiment (6 battalions). They were not supposed to have their own artillery due to the general shortage — it was assumed that there would be enough tank and armored car guns. At full strength, the brigade was to consist of 6,000 motorized infantry and up to 240 tanks (a giant figure that could say the decisive word on the battlefield, but in practice was unattainable. For comparison, a tank brigade of the Red Army numbered only 93 tanks, but it could well put them on the battlefield, unlike us).
​

Many accused Shaposhnikov of gigantomania and that he was creating excessively saturated tank formations, which would be much more useful to create many mobile separate tank battalions, but he was adamant, stating that only such armored fists could break through the defense of the Reds. Thus, we were able to form only 5 mechanized brigades, the 1st of which was named after General Denikin, who had not yet arrived at the front. Denikin was the first White general who actively used British tanks during his "march on Moscow" — though without achieving much success. The cadres for the formation of the brigades were as follows:
1st "Denikinskaja" — based on the 15th Tank Brigade + volunteers and White émigrés with experience of the Spanish War (Trans-Baikal Military District);
2nd — based on the 42nd Tank Brigade (Separate Far Eastern Army);
3rd — based on the 37th Tank Brigade (Trans-Baikal Military District);
4th — based on the 43rd Tank Brigade (Separate Far Eastern Army);
5th — based on the 48th Tank Brigade (Separate Far Eastern Army).

All other tank and mechanized units of the Red Army that came under our control had to be disbanded and put all their equipment at the disposal of these five brigades.
​

List of Mechanized Brigades

T-26 (Russian Vickers Mk E) with improvised "White Cross" insignia in the snows of Siberia​

Turning to the infantry, it should be noted that, of course, it was the most massive type of our troops. There was almost no shortage of infantry weapons, and we expected to deploy fully-fledged infantry divisions. According to our calculations, there should have been more than twenty of them. However, we were afraid of a shortage in another aspect, namely in manpower, and therefore, according to the calculated indicators, our infantry division did not reach the strength of ten thousand bayonets. It was supposed to consist of three infantry regiments (9 battalions in total) and an artillery division of 36 guns (in practice, it usually turned out to be 12 or 24). All these divisions were to be specifically called "infantry" (pekhotnaja) in order to distinguish them more easily from the Soviet "rifle" (strelkovaja) ones.
​

So far, it turned out that we would be able to deploy 27 infantry divisions. The first, as it was already established, received an honorary name — the name of General Kutepov, one of the main heroes of the White Movement and commander of the legendary "colored" regiments. Of these 27 divisions, five were quite fresh, formed literally on the eve of the "big Siberian exercises" — it was easiest for us to establish control over them. In general, the alignment was as follows:

1st "Kutepovskaja" — formed on the basis of the 3rd Rifle Division, as well as White Guards and volunteers (Separate Far Eastern Army);
2nd — formed on the basis of the 12th Rifle Division (Separate Far Eastern Army);
3rd — formed on the basis of the 21st Rifle Division (Separate Far Eastern Army);
4th — formed on the basis of the 22nd Rifle Division (Separate Far Eastern Army);
5th — formed on the basis of the 36th Rifle Division (Trans-Baikal Military District);
6th — formed on the basis of the 26th Rifle Division (Separate Far Eastern Army);
7th — formed on the basis of the 93rd Rifle Division (Trans-Baikal Military District) — the very division that conducted "Operation Firebird" and therefore received the "lucky" number;
8th — formed on the basis of the 32nd Rifle Division (Separate Far Eastern Army);
9th — formed on the basis of the 34th Rifle Division (Separate Far Eastern Army);
10th — formed on the basis of the 35th Rifle Division (Separate Far Eastern Army);
11th — formed on the basis of the 39th Rifle Division (Separate Far Eastern Army);
12th — formed on the basis of the 40th Rifle Division (Separate Far Eastern Army);
13th — formed on the basis of the 71st Rifle Division (Siberian Military District);
14th — formed on the basis of the 46th Rifle Division (transferred to Transbaikalia for exercises from the Kiev Military District);
15th — formed on the basis of the 57th Rifle Division (Trans-Baikal Military District);
16th — formed on the basis of the 82nd Rifle Division (transferred to Siberia for exercises from the Ural Military District);
17th — formed on the basis of the 91st Rifle Division (Siberian Military District);
18th — formed on the basis of the 94th Rifle Division (Trans-Baikal Military District);
19th — formed on the basis of the 59th Rifle Division (Separate Far Eastern Army);
20th — formed on the basis of the 102nd Rifle Division (Siberian Military District, new formation);
21st — formed on the basis of the 107th Rifle Division (Siberian Military District, new formation);
22nd — formed on the basis of the 66th Rifle Division (Separate Far Eastern Army);
23rd — formed on the basis of the 114th Rifle Division (Trans-Baikal Military District, new formation);
24th — formed on the basis of the 105th Rifle Division (Separate Far Eastern Army);
25th — formed on the basis of the 92nd Rifle Division (Separate Far Eastern Army);
26th — formed on the basis of the 114th Rifle Division (Trans-Baikal Military District, new formation);
27th — formed on the basis of the 152nd Rifle Division (Trans-Baikal Military District, new formation).
​

From mountain riflemen and reserve rifle regiments, as well as the most persistent soldiers originally from Siberia, we were able to create something like an elite infantry division with a priority of supply — the Siberian Rifle (Mountain) Division. It consisted, according to the plans, of 3 rifle regiments (9 battalions in total), a mountain Jaeger regiment (2 battalions), a full-fledged separate artillery division (36 guns) and a sapper battalion. All this splendor almost made it possible to call such divisions "guards". They numbered almost 12 thousand bayonets and we really hoped for the special reliability and effectiveness of such formations. Formally, these divisions were intended for operations in the mountains, but in practice the riflemen would hardly have encountered a lot of such a landscape in Siberia, so in fact it was just the elite of our infantry.​

Mountain Division​

There were few mountain rifle formations in Siberia and the Far East, so we were able to create 4 Siberian Rifle Divisions, the first of which was named after the "Ice March" or "Ice Campaign" (Ledovyj Pokhod) — one of the epochal operations of the Civil War (interestingly, enough there were two different "Ice Marchs" — one in Kuban and one in Siberia). The basis for the divisions from the first to the fourth were the Soviet 98th (Transbaikalia, transit from the Far East), 79th (Far Eastern Army), 28th (Transbaikalia, transit from the North Caucasus) and 101st (Siberia) mountain rifle divisions.
​

List of Siberian Rifle Divisions​

As for the White Guards, in addition to joining the Cossack and regular army units, they also formed several divisions of the so-called "Old Guard" (Staraja Gvardija) — the formations dating back to the elite divisions of the Civil War, such as the "colored regiments" (Kornilovskij, Markovskij, etc.). Only émigrés and volunteers served in them, there were no former Red Army soldiers in their ranks, and former Soviet officers were only from those who had previously served in the Tsarist or White armies. From the point of view of the military structure, these brigades or divisions seemed silly to me — they did not have a unified structure, but in general they were reduced to two foot and one horse regiments, an artillery battalion of 12 or 24 guns and various auxiliary services. This strange combination did not really allow the use of the "Old Guard", or, as they were more officially called, volunteer divisions, either as regular infantry or as normal cavalry, not to mention the fact that there were always not enough White émigrés and volunteers to fully bring them to the desired combat strength in more than 9,000 bayonets.
​

The migration was able to field only three divisions of this class, but according to their assurances, all these were exclusively elite formations. They were named, like the former White Guard divisions of the Civil War, in honor of famous commanders. But the names of Kornilov, Markov, Drozdovskij and others were replaced then, in 1937, primarily by Siberian and Far Eastern leaders of the White Movement, since now the war was primarily fought not in the south of Russia, but in Siberia. Thus, three volunteer divisions received the names of Generals Annenkov (the infamous leader of the Siberian partisans, one of the most frightening commanders of the Civil War), General Kappel' (traditionally considered the best commander of the entire Kolchak army) and General Pepelyajev — the last-standing leader of the White Movement, who fought in Yakutia until the very 1923. Pepelyajev was still alive by that moment, but he was arrested back in August and was waiting for his imminent execution in Novosibirsk. By naming the division after him, the White Guards were actually saying goodbye to him in advance and gave him the last honor.
​

​

Anatolij Nikolajevich Pepelyajev under arrest. The general who fought the longest in the Civil War.
The brother of Viktor Pepelyajev, prime minister in the government of Aleksandr Kolchak, who had been executed together with the Admiral in 1920.
​

Finally, Rodzaejvskij's people remained. The brazen Fascist did not deceive me, and fulfilled his part of that blackmailing deal. The Fascist Party of Harbin and its friendly radical youth Russian organizations from all over the world, such as the "Brotherhood of Russian Truth", also sent their detachments to the Far East and Siberia. They were called "druzhina" in honor of the armies of the Old Russian princes of the medieval era, something like a personal retinue. On paper, these "druzhinas" looked quite impressive — more than 9500 volunteer and ideologically motivated soldiers, 6 rifle battalions, and, most importantly, three mobile battalions on trucks (mostly Japanese Type 94 or civilian ones). There were even a number of improvised armored cars. However, in fact, no "druzhina" numbered such a number of soldiers, and the presence of mobile detachments of this fascist militia, combined with slow infantry, deprived these brigades of movement speed, turning their trucks and armored vehicles into a burden rather than an advantage. But as with the volunteer divisions, we had no special power over the detachments of the V.F.P. —the All-Russian Fascist Party, and therefore we were forced to be grateful at least for such military assistance.
​

The Fascists were able to field 5 brigades. In total, this should have given us almost 50 thousand soldiers, but, of course, they simply did not have that much at their disposal. The radicals barely had thirty thousand bayonets in their ranks, and I hoped that Shaposhnikov would simply disband them and distribute their forces to other divisions and brigades, especially those in need of motor transport. However, deep down I understood that we needed Rodzajevskij and his Manchurian and Japanese connections desperately, and we would not take such a political step. So we had to put up with the presence of this militia. Each "druzhina" had a unique name, as follows:
On the basis of the main, Harbin branch of the V.F.P, the druzhinas "Constantine" (named after the leader of the party), "Vanguard" and "Saint Princess Ol'ga" were created. In the second brigade there mainly served members of the "Vanguard of Fascist Youth" and other youth organizations and fraternities, and in the third there were even women from the female wing of Rodzajevskij's party — although, of course, they were a minority.
On the basis of the "Brotherhood of Russian Truth" and other similar emigrant organizations, another unit was created, named after the Saint Prince Vladimir — the baptist of the ancient Russian state.
Finally, Russian Fascists from America created their own formation called "Anastasius" — in honor of their own leader, Anastasij Vonsyatskij.
The Fascist soldiers looked spectacular in their black uniforms and were able to goose-step beautifully on parades, but only time and the real military situation could show what their real fighting qualities were.​

List of Fascist militia "druzhinas"​

Such were all the forces available to us. 12 Cossack and mounted brigades, 3 "Manchurian" mounted brigades, 9 cavalry divisions, 4 mountain rifle divisions, 27 infantry divisions and 5 tank brigades. The fate of our aviation and navy remained unclear, but we hoped that we would not be left without the sky and the sea in the end. In addition, there were also 3 White Guard volunteer infantry divisions and 5 fascist militia brigades. Nominally, it was a rather formidable force with an estimated strength of almost half a million people, but in fact we barely reached three hundred thousand, the lion's share of whom were yesterday's Red Army fighters, whose loyalty we had every reason to doubt. The future was more than hazy, but the Rubicon had already been crossed. With these three hundred thousand, whose numbers we still hoped to increase due to further mobilization, prisoners and a larger flow of foreign volunteers, we had to defeat the largest army in the world — the Stalin's war machine.
​

Khabarovsk
Far Eastern March, RSFSR, USSR
December 1, 1937, 07:40
​

Major Kozhevnikov, commander of the security battalion of the headquarters of the Separate Far Eastern Red Banner Army, was furious. His battalion was alarmed for some reason and raised to the "standby order" three times, starting at three o'clock in the morning. Communication with Moscow was lost, and strange contradictory messages were received from Chita. Finally, at almost eight in the morning, he and his men at last received some meaningful orders. His assistant, Lieutenant Bugaj, saluted the commander and said:
- Comrade Major. Another standby order!
- In ancient Greece, you wouId have been kiIIed for this. Lucky for you we've evoIved. AssembIe the men.
When the battalion was assembled again (with all imaginable and unthinkable curses), a car with a messenger drove up. Bugaj ran up to it and took a paper with a new radio telegram in his hands. Not understanding anything, the lieutenant, nevertheless, reported its contents to Kozhevnikov:
- Arrest orders, Comrade Major. For Levandovskij, commander of the Separate Far Eastern Army and Statsevich, First Secretary of the Far Eastern March committee of the Party. Do we arrest them both?
- I would hate to find out I'm being taken advantage of.
- You really think it's a coup?
- Of that I am certain. What I can't say is which side we're on. Come with me.
Kozhevnikov's car, followed by trucks with soldiers of the security battalion, was approaching Karl Marx Street (formerly Murav'jov-Amurskij's one), where the Dal'krajkom of the VKP(b)**** was located in the building of the former city Duma.​

****All-Union Communist Party (of the Bolsheviks) — Vsesojuznaja Kommunisticheskaja Partija (bol'shevikov).​

The battalion commander quickly ran out of the car and went up to Statsevich's office. The "master" of the Soviet Far East was already waiting for him, just in case, laying an ampoule with cyanide on his cheek. In the hands of Georgij Mikhajlovich was a telephone receiver of a special government communication. Statsevich was not a professional revolutionary, he was a fairly young party official who joined the ranks of the Communists only in 1917. And yet, he understood that something terrible had been happening in the city for several hours — something that he, as the main communist of Khabarovsk and the entire Far East, might not survive. Statsevich quickly said into the phone: "I'm ready to be connected."​

The door opened, and Kozhevnikov appeared on the threshold.

- Comrade First Secretary?
- What can I do for you, Major?
- My battaIion has an order to bIockade the administrative quarter and pIace you under arrest.
- Are you a dedicated Communist, Major?
- Yes, Georgij Mikhajlovich.

Statsevich motioned Kozhevnikov to pick up the phone. The major carefully picked it up, put it to his ear and suddenly turned cold.

- Major Kozhevnikov here. HeIIo?

- Vi uzynajotæ moj golos?*****

*****Do you recognize my voice? (Georgian-accented Russian).​

Kozhevnikov almost turned into stone:

- Yes, Comrade Stalin!
- Then listen to me very carefully. l want these traitors taken alive.
- Aye, Comrade Stalin!

Statsevich glanced at the completely crushed major with a satisfied look:

- You heard what he said. The Leader wants the traitors taken aIive.

Khabarovsk. Karl Marx street, 17.​

Chita
Chita Region, RSFSR, USSR
December 1, 1937, 11:30
​

By noon, we were informed about the seizure of control in most settlements of the Trans-Siberian Railway and from Okhotsk. While there was no news from Jakutsk and the Pacific Fleet, but Vladivostok was already under our control as a whole. The Whites began mass transfer of their Cossack, volunteer and other units across the border. They were even able to take control of some border crossing points on their own even before us. So far, oddly enough, everything has been going pretty well. Not understanding what was happening, soldiers of the Red Army and the NKVD troops in the absolute majority simply surrendered or even went over to our side. The huge distances of Russia at the moment played into our hands — it took Moscow ten whole hours to realize the full scale of the chaos that was happening and finally put the troops on alert: but it turned out that in addition to Chukotka and Kamchatka, everywhere east of Tuva it simply had almost none of these combat-ready troops. At noon on December 1, the Red Army command tried to contact us for the last time — after that, radio communication was cut off. It was a historic moment.
​

The Chita military communications hub resembled an awakened hornet's nest:
"Yes, comrade commander, I understand your concern, but this is an emergency. The commanding officer at the 21st Rifle Division, pIease."

"I need a decision, Major. TeII your men that acts of vengeance wiII not be toIerated."

"Why hasn't anyone occupied the Primorskij Radio Committee broadcasting station?"

"Can I speak to the commanding officer in Barnaul, pIease?"

"We represent a different form of government. I'd be carefuI who you said that to. LoyaIty to the Party isn't what it used to be."

"And, Osip. Thank you. You've made the right decision.
79th Division is ours."

"- HeIIo, Khristofor? Our men in the transport offices have secured the raiIway communications network, but there are repeater stations..."

"Yes. I give you my word. Thank you. Give my best to your famiIy.
He's with us!"

At 12:00, the radio ether in the command post exploded:
"Chita, answer me! Chita, answer me! Report the situation. How to understand "state of war with God's help in all of Russia"? What does it mean "not to obey orders other than from the Trans-Baikal Military District"? What the hell about white armbands and crosses? What the hell is going on in there anyway? Street battles and skirmishes are reported all over the Trans-Siberian Railway! Lost contact with the command of the Separate Red Banner Far Eastern Army! Are you out of your mind there at all? Chita, do you copy?"

The response to this radio broadcast was not words, but artillery volleys. The second Civil War in Russia has begun.
​

​

Продолженіе слѣдуетъ — To be continued​

 

[Captured Joe]

The effort you put into giving all units "flavorful" names is impressive! Also I suspected you'd mod in extra commanders when you mentioned Vatsetis' shoulder-boards. Vojtsekhovskij will be a very valuable addition to the roster. As for the others... they already seem ready to rip eachother to pieces! They probably aren't the types to learn from the mistakes of the past.

 

[Khanconette]

The effort you put into giving all units "flavorful" names is impressive! Also I suspected you'd mod in extra commanders when you mentioned Vatsetis' shoulder-boards. Vojtsekhovskij will be a very valuable addition to the roster. As for the others... they already seem ready to rip eachother to pieces! They probably aren't the types to learn from the mistakes of the past.

Thanks!

Well, I'd call this "soft-modding" or, perhaps, editing, since all these commanders are only those characters that are found in the base game but for one or another reason not available for White Russia (its stock generals' roster is horrific to be honest ), so yeah, I've added some for more diversity and storytelling purposes.

Regarding their positions — yes, that would definitely become a problem. But, I guess, now they have faced the fact that they are minority in terms of actual military power, and that would definitely lead to some compromise with the ex-Soviets. And I also hope that Viktor would try his best to save the day at least a bit

 

[Forster]

It will be interesting to see how the reds respond.

 

[Captured Joe]

Well, I'd call this "soft-modding" or, perhaps, editing, since all these commanders are only those characters that are found in the base game but for one or another reason not available for White Russia (its stock generals' roster is horrific to be honest ), so yeah, I've added some for more diversity and storytelling purposes.

So, no chance of Boris Shteifon showing up, I guess.

 

[Khanconette]

So, no chance of Boris Shteifon showing up, I guess.

Well, maybe as a story character

 

[Historywhiz]

This is really quite lovingly done.