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Seeing as there has been no business requiring attention except the dissolution of Parliament, I should remind everyone that calling for dissolution is the prerogative of the king. If we are to have elections, William should say so. Contrariwise, he should probably also make his objections heard.
 
A Letter to the His Majesty, by God's Grace, King of England, Scotland, France, and Ireland, Prince of Orange, Count of Nassau etc., Stadholder of Holland, Zeeland, Utrecht etc., Captain- and Admiral-General of the United Netherlands

- In relation to Parliament -

Your Majesty,

It is likely that, despite Your Majesty's present deployment, Your Majesty has heard word that some members of Parliament have requested that the present sitting be dissolved. To this I must object, for the dissolution during such perilous times seems a silly directive. Having served this House for only three years, and completed all matters Your Majesty has requested, it is perhaps more in the interests of our national weal that this Parliament is preserved until the proper time to go to elections. Indeed, this government has proved effective in matters that we deemed necessary and important to Your Majesty and Your Majesty's subjects. And should there be whispers that the Government does not command the confidence of the Commons and Peers, I would point my humble perception towards our recent bills, which were approved overwhelmingly in both Houses and have proved a great success - including the achievement of a treasury surplus. And thus, as Your Majesty's humble servant, I implore your regal character to withhold any present inclination towards dissolution, as this government has served for short time, and yet, with much success.

Your Subject,
SIDNEY GODOLPHIN, BARON RIALTON
 
It is with great sadness that I hear the arguments of various honourable and right honourable colleagues and even of the Other Place, for all do not adress the issue at hand, not that the Cabinet has lost the confidence of this House or the Other Place, no, the sudden exodus of honourable members both opposite and beside me, which has left this House unable to fulfil its tasks with the lack of representation and cooperation on which the House and indeed this Cabinet rely. Once this House has been dissolved and a new general election has been held, the House is, in my opinion, more than able to scrutinize the Cabinet and assist His and Her Majesty in the war against the Kingdom of France, who despite popular consensus with the honourable members against the dissolution of the House, will not, cannot and should not be defeated by one Parliament and one Cabinet.

- The Rt. Hon. Treasurer of the Navy, Admiral of the Fleet Edward Russell
 
From Restoration to Referendum
A Political History of Modern Scotland


by Sir Alexander Blair of that Ilk



The Revolution and its Aftermath: 1688–1693


The Rejection of the Stuarts and the Arrival of William
When William of Orange landed at Torbay in November 1688, the English crown was his immediate goal. Scotland, however, was afforded no isolation from the turmoil of the English regime change, and would soon come to experience its own period of upheaval as the Scots and their politicians came to terms with the reality of the Williamite regime.

Straight away, amidst rumours of Orangist plots in Edinburgh, the Stuart regime's Lord Chancellor of Scotland the Earl of Perth fled to his castle and then quit the country. People of the city marched on Holyrood and desecrated the Catholic items and iconography in the abbey, later burning an effigy of the Pope as the anti-Catholic sentiment grew. In a clear act of protest against the Stuart regime's anti-Covenanter policies, the heads of executed Presbyterians mounted on the city walls were taken down.

This would prove the rough extent of Scottish involvement in the Revolution. James fled the country on the 23rd of Decemberm toppling the Stuart regime with his flight. Most members of the Scottish Privy Council soon travelled to London to swear their loyalty to the new Dutch king, and in early January 1689 asked him to assume the responsibilities of Scottish government. It is interesting to note of this that these councillors were not by any means anti-Stuart. Indeed, most were allies of the former king keen to ingratiate themselves to the new monarch out of a desire to maintain their offices. I. B. Cowen labels these people as "reluctant revolutionaries", and it is a fitting title; Scotland was forced to abandon a Stuart regime whose existence was far more deep rooted than in England. Whilst the majority did not rail against the loss with too great a vigour, Edinburgh never quite accepted William (and, to a lesser extent, Mary) as they had done their predecessors.

As reluctant as many were, however, they were not recalcitrant. Of all contenders, James emerged as the ultimate catalyst of Scottish conversion to the Williamite option when he contacted Jacobite members of William's convention parliament in Edinburgh to inform them that their continued participation in William's parliament would be considered as illegal and treasonous. The sizeable Jacobite minority subsequently exited the convention and allowed William's supporters, led by the Marquess of Hamilton, to prosecute a revolutionary settlement virtually unopposed.

The settlement, when it came, was almost unanimously acclaimed and comprised legislation very similar to that formulated by the English parliament in Westminster. The two key documents, the Claim of Right and the Articles of Grievances, declared that James had vacated the throne through his actions and further denounced his policies, ensuring a Protestant succession of the throne and denying Catholics the right to hold public office. Episcopalianism was also denounced as ineffective, having previously held the support of James, and the Scottish parliament was given freedom of debate and control of finances. Discussion of a union of the crowns proved abortive after the English rejected the idea. Controversially, the Scottish settlement held that the Edinburgh parliament was the supreme governing body in the kingdom, much to William's distaste, and would go on to be the cause of many disputes between those in Edinburgh and Westminster.


Jacobite Resistance, and William's Battles with Parliament and the Kirk
James' decision to wage war against William in Ireland inspired many of the Highland clans to conduct their own rebellions in support of the deposed monarch. Many Highlanders felt little loyalty to the new king, and maintained loyalty to James as adherents to what soon became known as Jacobitism. The Scottish Jacobites were first led by the Viscount Dundee, who engineered a military defeat of William's forces at Killiecrankie on the 27th of July 1689. Although it led to William proroguing his Edinburgh parliament, the victory proved indecisive as Dundee was killed. The leaderless Jacobites were routed and finally dispersed at Dunkeld the next month, leaving the military resistance to William's reign to the Irish. Some clans abandoned the cause altogether, most notably those who met at Tulloch in October 1690.

In Edinburgh, William's supporters were providing the new king with plenty of political resistance as the crown and parliament engaged in a series of constitutional disputes over the stipulations of the Revolutionary settlement. William's government was first led by the returned exile George Melville, later the first Earl of Melville, who appointed sole Secretary of State in 1689. Melville's rival John Dalrymple, 1st Earl of Stair, a former supporter of James VII, was appointed William's Lord Advocate. The two would ultimately lead their respective factions into a stalemate that dominated and disrupted William's first parliament.

William was able to appoint his own ministers, but parliament blocked finances and rejected his attempts to appoint judicial ministers, ensuring that the law courts would not open until some time after the Revolution. William's opposition comprised a sizeable bloc (some estimates placing its control of parliament as high as 60 per-cent) and was known as "the Club", its membership mostly drawn from the shires. The Club were opposed to episcopalianism and the Committees of Articles – small groups within parliament charged with the duty of drafting legislation for the approval of the other members, usually packed with men loyal to the crown and therefore a means of keeping parliament under royal control.

The stalemate was eventually broken in mid-1690 when the so-called "Montgomery Plot", an abortive attempt to restore James, was discovered. The aftermath saw the ruination of most members of parliament with Jacobite sympathies, and so allowed Melville to resolve the issue of episcopacy, which was abolished in June. William was also provided with financial supply after a resolution over the Committees of Articles was reached, which were maintained as part of a compromise between William and his ministers. In a further show of support for co-operation between factions in parliament, Stair was appointed as joint Secretary of State in 1691.

The General Assembly of the Kirk, meanwhile, remained prorogued until November 1690. When it finally convened, it was with an overwhelming majority of Presbyterians – all from south of the River Tay. Over 200 Episcopalians had already been purged in the interim between the fall of the Stuarts and the convention of the Assembly. Around 180 more would be ejected from their posts for refusing to say prayers for William and Mary. Even by 1692, the Assembly refused to reinstate Episcopalians who swore loyalty to the Williamite regime as the Kirk remained bitterly divided. William, however, was more tolerant, and in 1693 issued an Act of Indulgence granting loyal Episcopalians the ability to return to the Kirk after many parishes had been left for long periods without ministers. Whilst not at all radical, this was about as far as the Williamite religious settlement would go.


Economic Decline and the Onset of Famine
Political stagnation after the Revolution, whilst resolved in a relatively timely manner, a series of factors outside the control of Edinburgh saw that economic torpor was not far behind. An Aristotelian convergence of events as diverse as French protectionism and volcanic eruptions in Indonesia ensured that by the 1690s Scottish land was not producing the required amounts of harvest. As a prelude to what would later known as the "seven ill years" (a reference to the famine predicted by Joseph in the Book of Genesis that was not entirely accurate; famine was present in Scotland at most for about five years, starting from 1693) many Highland landowners were forced to up profits and enclose their land, leaving many crofters in poverty. The creation of the Agricultural Society in 1690 was designed to stimulate innovation in agricultural practice, which had become outdated and detrimental by the end of the century. Under the headship of Lord Dingwall, the Society did see success in the breeding of the Angus cow in 1691, but remained unable to combat wider problems. For much of the rest of the century, the Highlands were wracked by privation.

[...]
 
The Baron Wigan stands before the House of Commons, making a rather undue guest speech. A similar speech (though replacing the English Parliament with the Scottish Parliament) was delivered by the Baron Wigan on his behalf in Edinburgh.

"Men ay thes Hoose, Ah come tae ye wi' a plea. Mah coontrymen ur dyin'. Famine in th' North has left tay mony deid, an' a situation if brewin' 'at coods easily be corrupted by th' whims ay foreign powers an' ideals. Ah request 'at thes Hoose woods assist me in creatin' an' passin' a bill towards assistin' th' guttin' an' homeless oan a body time deal. Thes main sae mah haem an' mah coontrymen frae a waur fate 'en Ah daur say in guid company. While Ah hae dain mah bit, an' will dae mair, Ah pleid 'at thes Hoose will wark wi' mah Place in order tae end thes horrid affair afair it comes tae pass wi' stoatin destruction. If thes is truly a fair coexistence ay kingdoms under god, ye wulnae abandon us tae uir fate"
 
While the death of fellow Scots may be a heavy burden to bear for Lord Wigan, his Scottish Peers and Members of Parliament, I do not support the measures proposed by Lord Wigan, for these measures will not facilitate in the coexistance and equality of the Kingdoms, for it would demand from the English Crown to function as a patron for the Scottish people, something that would, in practice, expand the influence of Whitehall to large parts of Scotland which were affected by the Famine, I can understand that this is a very old ambition of our Kings and indeed this House to expand its influence to Scotland, however, we must not forget that both Scotland and England are independent nations, with independent governments, who are responsible for the welfare of the nation, if we support these measures, we would negatively affect the independence of the Kingdom of Scotland and we would take away the responsibility of the Scottish Parliament in Edinburgh for the Kingdom of Scotland. which will not facilitate the coexistance of the Kingdom of England and the Kingdom of Scotland, which Lord Wigan wants, and the equality the Kingdoms need. It would, as I have stated before, create a patronizing system rather than a equal one which would ultimately create an ineffective government in Edinburgh, which will not feel responsible for Scotland, and a strain on the English treasury.

- The Rt. Hon. Treasurer of the Navy, Admiral of the Fleet Edward Russell
 
Mr Speaker,


I disagree entirely with my Right Honourable Friend from Launceston. If a man's house is on fire, one does not refuse him water because he should have his own supply.



The Rt Hon Thomas Milnes, PC MP
 
Mr. Speaker,

I do wish to inform my Right Honourable Friend from Cardiff that the Scots cannot base their agricultural economy on subsidies from a government that is not theirs. During times of food shortage, one could import from countries where surpluses are evident and the prices are low or use intermediaries from various trade companies to import food for them. This is a Scottish problem and we cannot and should not solve it with English capital, for the best solution is the lowering of tariffs on grain and other needed resources to keep prices on an acceptable level, which, I hopefully needn't remind the House, falls under the jurisdiction of the Scottish Parliament.

- The Rt. Hon. Treasurer of the Navy, Admiral of the Fleet Edward Russell
 
Mr Speaker,


I wish to inform my Right Honourable Friend from Launceston that there is no question of subsidies forming the basis of a new Scottish economy. Certainly not in my argument, and, as best as I can discern, neither in the statement made to the House by the Lord Wigan. The Honourable Lord asked for help. He did not ask for some radical upheaval of Edinburgh's fiscal policy.

We have, thanks to the initiatives of the Right Honourable First Lord of the Treasury, a considerable budget surplus. Whilst we are currently bound to commit this to the war, I would argue that this might be overlooked in this case. Of course, it could be argued that helping our Scottish friends would be contributing to the war effort in any case; it hardly does to have our allies dying of want before they reach the Netherlands.


The Right Honourable Thomas Milnes, PC MP
 
Mr. Speaker,

I do wish to apologise to my Right Honourable Friend for Cardiff, for I did not inform him the House that the help we would send would to Scotland would be best described as a subsidy, but to prevent futher confusion, I will use the term "help". I wish to ask my Right Honourable Friend whether the fiscal policy of Edinburgh needs support from London, since no proof has been provided for a fiscal need for the outcry by the Honourable Lord, which means that hasty and vast help provided by London would only distort the Scottish Agricultural Status Quo, which, at the moment, could easily be solved by the lowering of Scottish tariffs on needed resources. This interventionism, proposed by the Honourable Lord, would only hurt the Scottish agricultural economy, which, due to the help provided by London, could result in various problematic scenarios, depending on the way this unneeded help is provided by the House.

I also wish to join my Right Honourable Friend in congratulating First Lord of the Treasury Lord Godolphin with delivering this substantial surplus.

- The Rt. Hon. Treasurer of the Navy, Admiral of the Fleet Edward Russell

 
The Baron Wigan makes another address to Parliament.

"Ah shaa nae stain by as mah fowk starve. Th' Sassenach main dither an' delay, but Ah shaa nae. Ah shaa depart immediately fur Auld Reekie tae assist mah coontrymen as is mah duty as a Laird ay th' realm. Others main seek tae abandon us, but we shaa nae abandon uir ain."

Immediately after, the Baron Wigan leaves England for Edinburgh, becoming again the Lord Dingwall.
 

((I am sorry to say, but I have to resign due to a lack of time))

((But I spent my day at work writing you an IC))

480px-Coat_of_arms_of_Sir_Thomas_Howard%2C_2nd_Duke_of_Norfolk%2C_KG.png

A Letter to His Majesty the King
- On Obatining Lettre de Marque -
- Atria regum hominibus plena sunt amicis vacua -
Your Majesty,
Although it is often said that the courts of kings are full of men but void of friends, Your Majesty knows well that he may count the members of the Family Howard amongst his truest friends and most loyal confidantes. Indeed, it is on account of the amity between us that I venture in this letter to dispense with the frivolous formalities and proceed directly to the purpose of this message.​
Trusting that Your Majesty’s education, [even if provided by Reformed preachers rather than Jesuit instructors], has been such as to furnish a Prince of Orange with some familiarity with St. Augustine’s comparison of pirate and emperors -- Your Majesty, I imagine, will appreciate with some mirth the suggestion that his Calvinist tutors would encourage the reading of works such as On Grace and Free Will by the Bishop of Hippo – some distinction is necessary, particularly in these times of war, to differentiate between the criminal activity of piracy and the legitimate action of privateering.​
Convention has recognised the lettre de marque as the legal instrument whereby such a distinction is established. Indeed, in many cases, the difference between a pirate and a privateer rests in no small measure upon possession of a piece of paper. The former, a pirate, granted swift execution for his crimes, and the latter, a privateer, entitled to treatment as a prisoner of war – all based upon a letter.​
The Honourable East India Company has secured numerous such letters for her vessels operating in the Orient, and has by these documents secured those seas from Your Majesty’s rivals whilst simultaneously safeguarding the crewmen who serve aboard the many sailing ships that ply the waters of Hindoostan.​
But it is the matter of the war with France which remains foremost in my mind. In order to render to Your Majesty whatsoever assistance in prosecuting to completion the quarrel with King Louis – indeed, to resist with every sinew the hegemonic ambition of the French – I have commissioned, equipped and maintained a ship-of-the-line, the Sophia, with the intent to engage the enemy.​
Prior to such an engagement, however, certain considerations vis-à-vis the legality of such actions must be examined. In keeping with the tradition of Sir Francis Drake – who served under my ancestor, Charles Howard, against the Spanish – the disruption of the enemy merchant marine as well as the capture of enemy vessels remains a profitable and beneficial undertaking.​
Nevertheless, it would be unseemly for a nobleman, most especially the foremost in the peerage, and of nearest proximity to the Blood Royal, to engage in the crime of piracy. That is, if the activity were to be regarded as piracy. Alternately, if the attack and capture of enemy vessel by private individuals were to be sanctioned by the Crown it could no longer be regarded as a violation of the law, but as an exercise of rights granted under the law. These rights find expression in the aforementioned letters of marque.​
I therefore submit for Your Majesty’s consideration a request that I, as captain of the Sophia am granted such a letter.


Your Faithful Servant,
NORFOLK
 
Seeing as Sneakyflaps' resignation puts us in an interesting position (both of itself and because of other, uncontrollable factors to be explained below) I thought I'd give those of you still here an indication of my plans going forward.

I had decided prior to the departure of our William that I would be ending the game in 1702 – with the king's death. This, largely, came in the face of my own personal need to keep this relatively concise and manageable, as well as a broader feeling that going any further would be unsustainable at this point.

In regular circumstances, I'd simply respond to the absence of a William by advertising for a new player to fill the role, who could then keep us going until the game's end in nine turns' time. At this precise moment in time, however, I'm not really in a position to do so.

Tomorrow morning, I'm off abroad – where I'll be spending the next two weeks. Internet isn't a problem, though time likely will be. Therefore, this means that we'll have an effective two-week hiatus regardless of how we continue. Going on the current trend in participation, I'm wary of this as I'm not at all sure that a fortnight of inactivity will be healthy for the game in the long term.

With this in mind, I can see two available options. First: we resume things in two weeks time and try and continue until 1702 with a new William (assuming one can be found.) Second: we take this Aristotelian convergence of events as a sign that the game is untenable, and after the imposed hiatus I'll write up an epilogue for those who wish to give their characters closure. No doubt there are other options, but these are my two main streams of thought.

What do you all think? I'd like to hear people's views before coming to a decision. After all, it's not just my game. To aid you in your thinking, I should mention that discussions for a new game are underway. This will (I hope) be much more accessible than this one, set in the UK post-WWII.

Thanks for your consideration,

DB
 
Well I for one am completely on board with continuing the game after a two week hiatus. :p
 
I too wish to continue this game after its hiatus
 
I've never been one for Aristotelian philosophy, but a post-WWII UK game sounds terribly intriguing. I'm all for ending this game and beginning anew in two weeks' time.
 
d299285r.jpg

Name: Edward Rich; 6th Earl of Warwick, 3rd Earl of Holland
Date of Birth: 19th February 1644
House: The Lords
Religion: Anglican
Biography: Edward Rich was born into a family that was, ironically, rich. He was the first of two sons and had an elder sister named Teresa. His father was a harsh man and Edward suffered from many beatings. Edward had little interest in politics at school, instead he excelled in writing. When he left school at 17 Edward knew what he wanted to do, he would go to France and study at the University of Paris. From there he would begin a career as a famous author. His dreams were shattered when his father Robert died after a bout of illness and he was forced to join the House of Lords. Considered dim-witted by his associates Edward stumbled into politics with no ideas, no affiliation and no potential.
 

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