I guess my goal in writing this is to show people how to play Timurid, with the hopes that others will agree that the hordes are really quite interesting. I would love a mod that made every nation a horde, although the ability to build boats would be a nice modification (how can that be done?). Surely, after capturing half the world, the horde would have captured enough ports to build some simple boats??? Seriously, rather than forcing the horde to not build boats, I think a better change would be to start them at a tech level of 1.
Anyways, this is my third attempt at world conquest with Timurid, and my first attempt at an AAR. Previously, I played with Castille and France, but I really don't enjoy the normal play of Eu3. Infamy sucks (the popup spam and irrational auto-revolts), and its incredibly boring to sit between wars waiting for infamy to decrease. Speeding up the game just gives me a headache, and I have no desire to play diplomacy against computer opponents. I absolutely despise royal marriages, because the idea of selling my daughters is rather distasteful. However, I really want to conquer France, starting in Samarkand. Everyone should try this! Its like a solitaire form of chess. How quickly can you capture London?
During my first attempt with Timurids, I focused on military advantages (morale, discpline, etc), but by 1440 I was running into serious money problems, and started over. During my second game, I was initially doing well with money (national tax, bank, etc), but by 1420 I was overwhelmed with war exhaustion, and once again money became a problem. However, on my third attempt, I finally discovered the minting slider! Why should I care about inflation? Now things seem to be going very well.
Anyways, my strategy is simple enough: slide toward centralization (maybe I should just go for military stuff, but I would like to have a somewhat stable economy), and my first adviser is a +18 stability, which I think is probably the best starting adviser Timur could hope for. Strategically, the idea is simple: 1) Mamluks, 2) Ottomans, Arabia, and India, 3) everyone else.
==============================================================================
During the summer of 802, the great emir of Samarkand made a fateful decision. During the past three decades, he had established a massive empire, extending nearly three thousand kilometers in width, with approximately seven million inhabitants. He thus ruled over the third largest economy in the world, surpassed only by the Mongolian Khanate and the Chinese Ming. From Samarkand, trade routes extended extending west to Alexandria, east to Nanjing, north to Astrakhan, and south to Hormuz. Around the world, armies preserved their food within barrels of Timurid salt, and navies valued the durable Timurid sail. Fur, gold, grain, wine, and fish... the economy of his realm was marred by only one troubling dilemma. Every year, more than a hundred tons of silver would evaporate, consumed by the vast army which defended this realm.
Either Timur could dissolve the army and abandon his army, or he could strike out against his enemies and force them to surrender their wealth. After much reflection, the khan dramatically announced that he would no longer accept the planned succession of his favourite grandson, Pir. Currently serving as the governor of Kandahar, Pir was accused of secretly negotiating a peace with the Hindus, for which he would supposedly be rewarded with the Hindu province of Multan. Acknowledging Pir's service during the wars, Timur allowed Pir to admit his guilt and retain both his life and his fortune. However, the imperial citadel would subsequently answer to a new governor, and Pir was barred from the succession. This news took two days to spread across the empire, relayed by trained needletails (Hirundapus caudacutus).
Instead of Pir, Timur declared that his successor would be a different grandson, Khalil, the son of a disgraced general, Miranshah. This young man was a ruthless administrator, and Timur knew that he would crush rebellions without mercy. Indeed, Khalil had demonstrated his merit in India, for which he had been rewarded with the governorship of Fergana. As for the alcoholic Miranshah, merciful Timur decided to release him from prison, forgiving Miranshah for the failure to capture Bagdad in 801. Subsequently, Miranshah was dispatched to command the eastern army, while Timur took personal command of the larger western army. Now that Miranshah was fighting for his son's legacy, Timur hoped that the general's performance would improve.
Before Timur rode west, executive authority was given to the philosopher Alijahagir, who began implementing a police of "stable centralization". As Timur had calculated, the empire would be bankrupt within five years. Avoiding this would require an army of tax collectors, and a vast imperial bureaucracy. Of course, such grand schemes are not easily implemented, and Alijahagir received a sizable hiring bonus, approximately eighteen tons in silver. Subsequently, the viceroy would also receive a salary of seven tons per year. Of course, Timur made it quite clear that he expected a substantial return on this generous investment.
Having consulted with Timur, Alijahagir oversaw a transition during which the thirty-nine provincial administrations would become governed by trusted members of the royal family. Instead of an anarchic horde, Timur hoped to rule over a primitive federal system, with a centralized bureaucracy. However, these changes were unpopular with the displaced traditional elites, who had previously enjoyed near autonomy. The first of many revolts thus began in Khuzestan, where the deposed governor Aliabbas refused to accept the reforms of Alijahagir. Although the imperial fortress at Ahvaz remained loyal to Timur, Aliabbas besieged this citadel with an army of ten thousand. These rebels were hoping that Timur might be crushed between the Mamluks, Jalayirids, and Osmanli, who could muster a combined force of nearly sixty thousand. If the western army were thus defeated, Aliabbas intended to reform the ancient Persian empire, which had been destroyed more than seven hundred years before.
On Safar the 14th, Timur took command of the western army, which mustered fifty thousand. This force was concentrated between Lake Van and Erzurum. Twenty-five hundred kilometers further east, Miranshah commanded the smaller eastern army. Previously, when Timur had governed from Samarkand, he had employed two of his veteran regiments as a royal guard. Over time, after prolonged ceremonial service, these formations had grown weak and uncertain. Now that the khan had gone west, these hapless troops began marching southeast, toward the army of Miranshah.
Upon reaching Lake Van, Timur announced that he would temporarily abandon the northwestern provinces, marching with his entire army into the southern deserts. The primary objective was Bagdad, but Timur had no intention of stopping there. His goal was to smash both the Jalayirids and the Mamluks. Subsequently, after annexing their territories, he planned to return north and confront the Osmanli. The western army was divided into three columns. In the center, thirteen thousand marched four hundred kilometers southwest, from Lake Van to Deirezzur. Along the eastern flank, another thirteen thousand advanced south, to Mosul. Finally, along the western flank, twenty-five thousand marched southwest from Erzurum, through the mountains of Mus. Here, they would be only briefly delayed by the mountain tribes. Afterward, the western flank would eventually reach Arraqqah, a hundred kilometers northwest of Deirezzur. Timur would then continue moving south, defeating his enemies before they could concentrate their forces.
Simultaneously, the eastern army sought to engage the Tughlaqs of Delhi, before they could unite with the lesser Hindu armies. Although Timur had defeated the Hindus in 801, slaughtering more than a hundred thousand, this ancient enemy was already preparing for renewed conflict. Miranshah was thus concentrated at Quetta, with somewhat less than twenty-five thousand troops. He ordered six thousand northeast, toward the city on the frontier, Peshawar. Here, they would hopefully lure the army of Delhi. Meanwhile, twelve thousand troops marched north from Quetta toward Ghazni. Should the Tughlaqs approach Peshawar, Miranshah could then concentrate by marching east from Ghazni, crossing the mountains between Gardez and Khost. Finally, six thousand troops would remain in reserve at Quetta.
On Rabi the 2nd, the first phase of Timur's plan was complete, with the central column of the western army arriving at Deirezzur, which they began to besiege. Meanwhile, scouts reported that the Jalayirids army had marched east, toward the fortress of Khorram. Clearly, they hoped to find common cause with the rebel army at Ahvaz. Although this aggression was troubling, Timur was pleased that the Jalayirids had attacked prematurely, without waiting for the Mamluks. Meanwhile, in the east, Miranshah reported that he was making progress, with twelve thousand troops at Ghazni. Subsequently, in order to reduce attrition, he would disperse this force by moving half of the army further north, to Kabul.
On Rabi the 7th, Timur's eastern column reached Mosul. Meanwhile, the western column reported that they had collected two thousand ears, from those who had foolishly attempted to blockade their passage. Having briefly considered an advance toward Khorram and Ahvaz, Timur was determined to find the Mamluks, and was thus preparing to advance upon Damascus. Leaving the mountain fortress at Mus behind, the western column was thus ordered to continue south, after splitting into two columns: toward Arraqqah and Aleppo. Simultaneously, the eastern column was ordered to leave two thousand troops at Mosul, with the other ten thousand marching southwest to the oasis of Rutba. Finally, from the north, reports indicated that the northern barbarians were already besieging Erzurum and Yerevan. Timur pitied those who would thus die, waiting in vain for the arrival of an army which was nearly five hundred kilometers away.
On Rabi the 28th, Miranshah reported that his forces had reached Peshawar, with reserves at Kabul, Ghazni, and Quetta. Unfortunately, in the south, one of the petty Hindu sultans had crossed the border, besieging the port of Karachi. Miranshah noted that the Tughlaqs did not appear to be responding, and inquired as to whether he should turn south and relieve the garrison at Karachi. Timur ordered Miranshah to stay at Peshawar and conquer the city. If that did not convince the Tughlaqs to march west, then Miranshah was ordered to continue toward Delhi, besieging Multan and Lahore. Karachi would thus be sacrificed by the same logic which doomed Erzurum and Yerevan.
On Rabi the 31st, the eastern column reached Rutba, although the oasis was firmly defended by the Mamluk citadel. Leaving behind a garrison to besiege this position, the eastern column was directed further west, toward Damascus. At this point, dispatches began to refer to this as the southern column. Of course, this raised the question of whether the central column should be redefined as the northern or eastern column. In order to resolve this confusion, Timur began referring to his formations by geographic designations. Consequently, the southern column became the army of Damascus, the central column became the army of Deirezzur, and the western columns were referred to as the armies of Aleppo and Arraqqah. Likewise, similar designations were employed in the east.
On Rabi 32, Timur announced that during the month of Rabi, he and his successors should attempt to provide an assessment of the regime's situation, which would be distributed to each of the provincial governors. Within the first of these reports, undoubtedly prepared by Alijahagir, Timur estimated that the imperial government would be bankrupt within three years. This may have been a deliberate exaggeration, intended to provoke premature rebellions, from those who believed that the government was weaker than it actually was. He thus noted that taxation produced approximately one hundred and five tons of silver per year, resulting in an annual deficit of twenty-five tons. In this regard, Timur noted that his "most valuable province" was Hormuz, where the taxation of spice merchants was generating more than thirteen tons per year. Finally, the strength of his military was estimated at 79'000 within the eastern and western armies, 39'000 within the provincial garrisons, and 53'000 in training.
On Raby 10, Timur unexpectedly died, leaving the western army under the command of an emir. His last words were written to his grandson Khalil, "Rule by the sword, or die by it." Within days, the entire empire was destabilized by socioeconomic instability. Brigands roamed the desert highways, and angry mobs protested in the streets. There was an unprecedented wave of crime and corruption, and the imperial garrisons could not maintain order. Indeed, with a mere thousand troops per citadel, the khan's direct influence was severely limited.
In most of the provinces, the populace felt a grudging sense of loyalty, borne out of fear. However, in Khuzestan, they joined Aliabbas. The citadel at Ahvaz was thus surrounded by a mob of more than thirty thousand men, women, and children. With the armies in enemy territory, and the populace revolting, the new khan was expected to mount his horse and take direct command of the war. This is surely what Timur would have done. However, although the supporters of Aliabbas denounced Khalil as a coward, the new khan understood that he was needed in the capital, where he might rule with his wife's counsel.
Ominously, on Raby 35, scouts located the Osmanli army, more than three hundred kilometers west of Ezurum. The new commander of the western army was Abusaad, who decided to continue with Timur's original plan, and he therefore ignored this northern enemy. Indeed, he ordered the army of Deirezzur to move south toward Damascus, joining with the column Rutba. Nevertheless, this was not a man with Timur's intellect, and the imperial history concludes, "He was competent, but not distinguished." Surely, on Raby 45, Abusaad must have doubted the wisdom of Timur's strategy, as reports arrived that Aliabbas had captured the citadel at Ahvaz. There was still no sign of the Mamluks. Nevertheless, Abusaad ordered the advance to continue south from Aleppo, toward Beirut, in order to envelop Damascus. Meanwhile, the army of Arraqqah was moved west to Aleppo, in order to avoid excessive attrition within the desert. Fortunately, it did not appear that Aliabbas had any intention to march beyond Khuzestan.
It was not until Raby 56, when the Mamluks were finally spotted, marching toward Damascus with twenty-four thousand. Approaching the city with just seventeen thousand, a lesser general might have panicked, ordering his armies to immediately converge upon Damascus. However, Abusaad wanted the Mamluks to advance. Therefore, he ordered his western armies to remain along the coast, waiting until the Mamluks were closer before he closed the trap. On Jumaada 4, with the Egyptian army marching north between Amman and Damascus, Abusaad ordered his armies to converge upon Damascus.
On Jumaada 5, Khalil received word the Hindus were finally marching upon Peshawar, with twelve thousand. The situation here was analogous to that further west, although there were only five thousand troops at Peshawar, another eighteen thousand were situated nearby. In both cases, using tactics perfected by Timur, the smaller army would act as bait, posting itself within defensible terrain. Done properly, even a relatively small force could withstand a prolonged siege, allowing the other armies to arrive. On Jumaada 29, Miranshah ordered his armies to converge upon Peshawar. It was this simple formula which became the basis of modern warfare.
On Jumaada 42, Miranshah reported that he was pursuing the Hindus toward Multan, as they had withdrawn in order to avoid being trapped at Peshawar. On Rajab 26, Abusaad reported that he had won a great victory at Damascus, slaughtering nearly fifteen thousand Mamluks. Although the western army had incurred more than twenty thousand casualties, their demoralized enemy was retreating toward Amman, outnumbered two to one. On Ramadan 10, Khalil was delighted to learn that there had been a revolt in Karachi. Although the rebels denounced his own leadership, they also refused to submit to the Hindus, and they were thus fighting the army of sultan Alishersamma. Shortly thereafter, Abusaad was victorious at Amman, and he began to disperse his army across the Levant, hunting down the remaining Mamluk regiments. Subsequently, on Shawaal 1, Miranshah also claimed victory, noting that the Hindu army was now retreating toward Peshawar, having been prevented from returning to Multan.
On Shawaal 11, it was noted that Aliabbas was finally marching from Ahvaz toward Tehran. Clearly, the western army would have to move east in order to deal with these rebels. Meanwhile, the Jalayirids were also becoming a problem, sacking Khorram and marching north toward Hamadan and However, it was first necessary to finish eliminating the Mamluks, whose regiments were scattered between Karak and Sidon, desperately attempting to avoid battle. On Shawaal 20, Khalil confronted the provincial governors, reminding them that their only hope of survival was through allegiance to the regime. Through a combination of threats and coercion, the khan was able to extract nearly two hundred tons of silver from the ruling families, promising to repay them with the wealth of their enemies. For a time, the empire would thus be free from economic concerns, although the longterm situation remained problematic. Of course, such demands were not popular, and Khalil was forced to compromise by agreeing to temporarily lower the annual tax.
On Safar 14th, Miranshah declared that the eastern situation was essentially resolved. Although the Hindus had managed to rescue a portion of their army, Delhi was clearly going to be unable to defend Peshawar, which Miranshah vowed to annex. However, twenty thousand rebels had risen up in Herat and Kandahar...
Anyways, this is my third attempt at world conquest with Timurid, and my first attempt at an AAR. Previously, I played with Castille and France, but I really don't enjoy the normal play of Eu3. Infamy sucks (the popup spam and irrational auto-revolts), and its incredibly boring to sit between wars waiting for infamy to decrease. Speeding up the game just gives me a headache, and I have no desire to play diplomacy against computer opponents. I absolutely despise royal marriages, because the idea of selling my daughters is rather distasteful. However, I really want to conquer France, starting in Samarkand. Everyone should try this! Its like a solitaire form of chess. How quickly can you capture London?
During my first attempt with Timurids, I focused on military advantages (morale, discpline, etc), but by 1440 I was running into serious money problems, and started over. During my second game, I was initially doing well with money (national tax, bank, etc), but by 1420 I was overwhelmed with war exhaustion, and once again money became a problem. However, on my third attempt, I finally discovered the minting slider! Why should I care about inflation? Now things seem to be going very well.
Anyways, my strategy is simple enough: slide toward centralization (maybe I should just go for military stuff, but I would like to have a somewhat stable economy), and my first adviser is a +18 stability, which I think is probably the best starting adviser Timur could hope for. Strategically, the idea is simple: 1) Mamluks, 2) Ottomans, Arabia, and India, 3) everyone else.
==============================================================================
During the summer of 802, the great emir of Samarkand made a fateful decision. During the past three decades, he had established a massive empire, extending nearly three thousand kilometers in width, with approximately seven million inhabitants. He thus ruled over the third largest economy in the world, surpassed only by the Mongolian Khanate and the Chinese Ming. From Samarkand, trade routes extended extending west to Alexandria, east to Nanjing, north to Astrakhan, and south to Hormuz. Around the world, armies preserved their food within barrels of Timurid salt, and navies valued the durable Timurid sail. Fur, gold, grain, wine, and fish... the economy of his realm was marred by only one troubling dilemma. Every year, more than a hundred tons of silver would evaporate, consumed by the vast army which defended this realm.
Either Timur could dissolve the army and abandon his army, or he could strike out against his enemies and force them to surrender their wealth. After much reflection, the khan dramatically announced that he would no longer accept the planned succession of his favourite grandson, Pir. Currently serving as the governor of Kandahar, Pir was accused of secretly negotiating a peace with the Hindus, for which he would supposedly be rewarded with the Hindu province of Multan. Acknowledging Pir's service during the wars, Timur allowed Pir to admit his guilt and retain both his life and his fortune. However, the imperial citadel would subsequently answer to a new governor, and Pir was barred from the succession. This news took two days to spread across the empire, relayed by trained needletails (Hirundapus caudacutus).
Instead of Pir, Timur declared that his successor would be a different grandson, Khalil, the son of a disgraced general, Miranshah. This young man was a ruthless administrator, and Timur knew that he would crush rebellions without mercy. Indeed, Khalil had demonstrated his merit in India, for which he had been rewarded with the governorship of Fergana. As for the alcoholic Miranshah, merciful Timur decided to release him from prison, forgiving Miranshah for the failure to capture Bagdad in 801. Subsequently, Miranshah was dispatched to command the eastern army, while Timur took personal command of the larger western army. Now that Miranshah was fighting for his son's legacy, Timur hoped that the general's performance would improve.
Before Timur rode west, executive authority was given to the philosopher Alijahagir, who began implementing a police of "stable centralization". As Timur had calculated, the empire would be bankrupt within five years. Avoiding this would require an army of tax collectors, and a vast imperial bureaucracy. Of course, such grand schemes are not easily implemented, and Alijahagir received a sizable hiring bonus, approximately eighteen tons in silver. Subsequently, the viceroy would also receive a salary of seven tons per year. Of course, Timur made it quite clear that he expected a substantial return on this generous investment.
Having consulted with Timur, Alijahagir oversaw a transition during which the thirty-nine provincial administrations would become governed by trusted members of the royal family. Instead of an anarchic horde, Timur hoped to rule over a primitive federal system, with a centralized bureaucracy. However, these changes were unpopular with the displaced traditional elites, who had previously enjoyed near autonomy. The first of many revolts thus began in Khuzestan, where the deposed governor Aliabbas refused to accept the reforms of Alijahagir. Although the imperial fortress at Ahvaz remained loyal to Timur, Aliabbas besieged this citadel with an army of ten thousand. These rebels were hoping that Timur might be crushed between the Mamluks, Jalayirids, and Osmanli, who could muster a combined force of nearly sixty thousand. If the western army were thus defeated, Aliabbas intended to reform the ancient Persian empire, which had been destroyed more than seven hundred years before.
On Safar the 14th, Timur took command of the western army, which mustered fifty thousand. This force was concentrated between Lake Van and Erzurum. Twenty-five hundred kilometers further east, Miranshah commanded the smaller eastern army. Previously, when Timur had governed from Samarkand, he had employed two of his veteran regiments as a royal guard. Over time, after prolonged ceremonial service, these formations had grown weak and uncertain. Now that the khan had gone west, these hapless troops began marching southeast, toward the army of Miranshah.
Upon reaching Lake Van, Timur announced that he would temporarily abandon the northwestern provinces, marching with his entire army into the southern deserts. The primary objective was Bagdad, but Timur had no intention of stopping there. His goal was to smash both the Jalayirids and the Mamluks. Subsequently, after annexing their territories, he planned to return north and confront the Osmanli. The western army was divided into three columns. In the center, thirteen thousand marched four hundred kilometers southwest, from Lake Van to Deirezzur. Along the eastern flank, another thirteen thousand advanced south, to Mosul. Finally, along the western flank, twenty-five thousand marched southwest from Erzurum, through the mountains of Mus. Here, they would be only briefly delayed by the mountain tribes. Afterward, the western flank would eventually reach Arraqqah, a hundred kilometers northwest of Deirezzur. Timur would then continue moving south, defeating his enemies before they could concentrate their forces.
Simultaneously, the eastern army sought to engage the Tughlaqs of Delhi, before they could unite with the lesser Hindu armies. Although Timur had defeated the Hindus in 801, slaughtering more than a hundred thousand, this ancient enemy was already preparing for renewed conflict. Miranshah was thus concentrated at Quetta, with somewhat less than twenty-five thousand troops. He ordered six thousand northeast, toward the city on the frontier, Peshawar. Here, they would hopefully lure the army of Delhi. Meanwhile, twelve thousand troops marched north from Quetta toward Ghazni. Should the Tughlaqs approach Peshawar, Miranshah could then concentrate by marching east from Ghazni, crossing the mountains between Gardez and Khost. Finally, six thousand troops would remain in reserve at Quetta.
On Rabi the 2nd, the first phase of Timur's plan was complete, with the central column of the western army arriving at Deirezzur, which they began to besiege. Meanwhile, scouts reported that the Jalayirids army had marched east, toward the fortress of Khorram. Clearly, they hoped to find common cause with the rebel army at Ahvaz. Although this aggression was troubling, Timur was pleased that the Jalayirids had attacked prematurely, without waiting for the Mamluks. Meanwhile, in the east, Miranshah reported that he was making progress, with twelve thousand troops at Ghazni. Subsequently, in order to reduce attrition, he would disperse this force by moving half of the army further north, to Kabul.
On Rabi the 7th, Timur's eastern column reached Mosul. Meanwhile, the western column reported that they had collected two thousand ears, from those who had foolishly attempted to blockade their passage. Having briefly considered an advance toward Khorram and Ahvaz, Timur was determined to find the Mamluks, and was thus preparing to advance upon Damascus. Leaving the mountain fortress at Mus behind, the western column was thus ordered to continue south, after splitting into two columns: toward Arraqqah and Aleppo. Simultaneously, the eastern column was ordered to leave two thousand troops at Mosul, with the other ten thousand marching southwest to the oasis of Rutba. Finally, from the north, reports indicated that the northern barbarians were already besieging Erzurum and Yerevan. Timur pitied those who would thus die, waiting in vain for the arrival of an army which was nearly five hundred kilometers away.
On Rabi the 28th, Miranshah reported that his forces had reached Peshawar, with reserves at Kabul, Ghazni, and Quetta. Unfortunately, in the south, one of the petty Hindu sultans had crossed the border, besieging the port of Karachi. Miranshah noted that the Tughlaqs did not appear to be responding, and inquired as to whether he should turn south and relieve the garrison at Karachi. Timur ordered Miranshah to stay at Peshawar and conquer the city. If that did not convince the Tughlaqs to march west, then Miranshah was ordered to continue toward Delhi, besieging Multan and Lahore. Karachi would thus be sacrificed by the same logic which doomed Erzurum and Yerevan.
On Rabi the 31st, the eastern column reached Rutba, although the oasis was firmly defended by the Mamluk citadel. Leaving behind a garrison to besiege this position, the eastern column was directed further west, toward Damascus. At this point, dispatches began to refer to this as the southern column. Of course, this raised the question of whether the central column should be redefined as the northern or eastern column. In order to resolve this confusion, Timur began referring to his formations by geographic designations. Consequently, the southern column became the army of Damascus, the central column became the army of Deirezzur, and the western columns were referred to as the armies of Aleppo and Arraqqah. Likewise, similar designations were employed in the east.
On Rabi 32, Timur announced that during the month of Rabi, he and his successors should attempt to provide an assessment of the regime's situation, which would be distributed to each of the provincial governors. Within the first of these reports, undoubtedly prepared by Alijahagir, Timur estimated that the imperial government would be bankrupt within three years. This may have been a deliberate exaggeration, intended to provoke premature rebellions, from those who believed that the government was weaker than it actually was. He thus noted that taxation produced approximately one hundred and five tons of silver per year, resulting in an annual deficit of twenty-five tons. In this regard, Timur noted that his "most valuable province" was Hormuz, where the taxation of spice merchants was generating more than thirteen tons per year. Finally, the strength of his military was estimated at 79'000 within the eastern and western armies, 39'000 within the provincial garrisons, and 53'000 in training.
On Raby 10, Timur unexpectedly died, leaving the western army under the command of an emir. His last words were written to his grandson Khalil, "Rule by the sword, or die by it." Within days, the entire empire was destabilized by socioeconomic instability. Brigands roamed the desert highways, and angry mobs protested in the streets. There was an unprecedented wave of crime and corruption, and the imperial garrisons could not maintain order. Indeed, with a mere thousand troops per citadel, the khan's direct influence was severely limited.
In most of the provinces, the populace felt a grudging sense of loyalty, borne out of fear. However, in Khuzestan, they joined Aliabbas. The citadel at Ahvaz was thus surrounded by a mob of more than thirty thousand men, women, and children. With the armies in enemy territory, and the populace revolting, the new khan was expected to mount his horse and take direct command of the war. This is surely what Timur would have done. However, although the supporters of Aliabbas denounced Khalil as a coward, the new khan understood that he was needed in the capital, where he might rule with his wife's counsel.
Ominously, on Raby 35, scouts located the Osmanli army, more than three hundred kilometers west of Ezurum. The new commander of the western army was Abusaad, who decided to continue with Timur's original plan, and he therefore ignored this northern enemy. Indeed, he ordered the army of Deirezzur to move south toward Damascus, joining with the column Rutba. Nevertheless, this was not a man with Timur's intellect, and the imperial history concludes, "He was competent, but not distinguished." Surely, on Raby 45, Abusaad must have doubted the wisdom of Timur's strategy, as reports arrived that Aliabbas had captured the citadel at Ahvaz. There was still no sign of the Mamluks. Nevertheless, Abusaad ordered the advance to continue south from Aleppo, toward Beirut, in order to envelop Damascus. Meanwhile, the army of Arraqqah was moved west to Aleppo, in order to avoid excessive attrition within the desert. Fortunately, it did not appear that Aliabbas had any intention to march beyond Khuzestan.
It was not until Raby 56, when the Mamluks were finally spotted, marching toward Damascus with twenty-four thousand. Approaching the city with just seventeen thousand, a lesser general might have panicked, ordering his armies to immediately converge upon Damascus. However, Abusaad wanted the Mamluks to advance. Therefore, he ordered his western armies to remain along the coast, waiting until the Mamluks were closer before he closed the trap. On Jumaada 4, with the Egyptian army marching north between Amman and Damascus, Abusaad ordered his armies to converge upon Damascus.
On Jumaada 5, Khalil received word the Hindus were finally marching upon Peshawar, with twelve thousand. The situation here was analogous to that further west, although there were only five thousand troops at Peshawar, another eighteen thousand were situated nearby. In both cases, using tactics perfected by Timur, the smaller army would act as bait, posting itself within defensible terrain. Done properly, even a relatively small force could withstand a prolonged siege, allowing the other armies to arrive. On Jumaada 29, Miranshah ordered his armies to converge upon Peshawar. It was this simple formula which became the basis of modern warfare.
On Jumaada 42, Miranshah reported that he was pursuing the Hindus toward Multan, as they had withdrawn in order to avoid being trapped at Peshawar. On Rajab 26, Abusaad reported that he had won a great victory at Damascus, slaughtering nearly fifteen thousand Mamluks. Although the western army had incurred more than twenty thousand casualties, their demoralized enemy was retreating toward Amman, outnumbered two to one. On Ramadan 10, Khalil was delighted to learn that there had been a revolt in Karachi. Although the rebels denounced his own leadership, they also refused to submit to the Hindus, and they were thus fighting the army of sultan Alishersamma. Shortly thereafter, Abusaad was victorious at Amman, and he began to disperse his army across the Levant, hunting down the remaining Mamluk regiments. Subsequently, on Shawaal 1, Miranshah also claimed victory, noting that the Hindu army was now retreating toward Peshawar, having been prevented from returning to Multan.
On Shawaal 11, it was noted that Aliabbas was finally marching from Ahvaz toward Tehran. Clearly, the western army would have to move east in order to deal with these rebels. Meanwhile, the Jalayirids were also becoming a problem, sacking Khorram and marching north toward Hamadan and However, it was first necessary to finish eliminating the Mamluks, whose regiments were scattered between Karak and Sidon, desperately attempting to avoid battle. On Shawaal 20, Khalil confronted the provincial governors, reminding them that their only hope of survival was through allegiance to the regime. Through a combination of threats and coercion, the khan was able to extract nearly two hundred tons of silver from the ruling families, promising to repay them with the wealth of their enemies. For a time, the empire would thus be free from economic concerns, although the longterm situation remained problematic. Of course, such demands were not popular, and Khalil was forced to compromise by agreeing to temporarily lower the annual tax.
On Safar 14th, Miranshah declared that the eastern situation was essentially resolved. Although the Hindus had managed to rescue a portion of their army, Delhi was clearly going to be unable to defend Peshawar, which Miranshah vowed to annex. However, twenty thousand rebels had risen up in Herat and Kandahar...
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