Under the Southern Cross - a semi-interactive Imperial Brazil AAR

[Lyonessian]

Bem-vindos! It's with great honour and anticipation that I present this new AAR to all. Under the Southern Cross is set in the Victoria 2 timespan, beginning in 1831, regarding all the interesting social, political, military and artistic transformations of the era in the Empire of Brazil.

This AAR is a semi-interactive one. What does that mean? Well, it's written just like a regular AAR, specifically one within the "History Book" format, a classic of these forums. However, there are some points of inflection that come up frequently during the history of any peoples or nations, and Imperial Brazil is no different; and that is where I'm willing to give you, the readers, a say! After most, or even every update, I shall present a situation or question, put it in context, and offer you choices relating to it. Your interactive role will be simply to vote on your preference; this author shall tally votes and make public their results after a quick waiting period, and work out this information and its outcomes within the update, in a manner I judge to be historically plausible and/or too interesting and fun to pass up.

In order to keep this AAR within sense and following its primary purpose, however, I have consciously decided to enforce a rule preventing IC (in-character) posting. I find fully interactive AARs amazing, I participate and have participated in various ones; however, I could not manage a full IAAR properly for time and other reasons. Which does not take anything away from this very project, mind you: I find the myriad stories one can narrate in Imperial Brazil to be fascinating (and I hope they also become so, for you the readers). Hence, I have decided to start this project within these limitations.

So, as a general reminder, I'm stating this explicit rule:

The posts in-thread must be limited to commentary and questions as readers of the AAR. There are no IC posts in the mechanics of this AAR. Player interaction is done exclusively by voting on the options presented.

As readers, then, you are invited to present comments and questions as you wish, just like you would in a normal AAR, of course following the everlasting principles of common decency, virtual sociability, appreciating the resident author most faithfully and respecting the forum rules and all that jazz.

The idea behind this AAR was born out of my recent, deeper studies into Imperial Brazilian History, and a re-reading of my 2016 attempt at sort-of the same theme, available in this thread. For IRL reasons of too much work, I abandoned that project back then, and have since acquired much more knowledge on the subject. I'd like to thank here my Imperial History professor for solving some of my weirdest doubts and providing invaluable insight on a multiplicity of topics, as well as, in the forum community, DensleyBlair and 99KingHigh, whose writing styles for AARs I take on as direct inspiration.

I hope this project turns out to be consistent, provide some valuable content and fun joint participation and readership.

Viva a Pátria!

Semi-Interactivity approved by Mr. C on 5 July, 2020 ​

 

[Lyonessian]

What follows is, for reference and whichever purposes, a quite abridged version of the Constitution of 1824, plus alterations to simulate what it was in our start date of 1831. The historical context on which it stands, and the issues it both tries to resolve and brings up by itself will be tackled in our first update. The original version of the 1824 Constitution includes 179 articles plus a 35-article Bill of Rights, so you see the problem there. I decided to make this "redux" version maintaining the general disposition of things, the main ideas behind the document, and kept in all the saucy and spicy bits. In the meantime between now and our first update, I guess a good exercise is to take a look at it and just wonder how much things have the possibility to go notoriously well or horribly wrong...

POLITICAL CONSTITUTION OF THE EMPIRE OF BRAZIL
25 MARCH 1824​

D. Pedro I, by the Grace of God, and Unanimous Acclamation of the Peoples, Constitutional Emperor and Perpetual Defender of Brazil, makes known to all Our Subjects, that by request of the Peoples of this Empire, united in the Chambers, we make it observant this Constitution upon this Empire.

I. The EMPIRE of Brazil is the political association of all Brazilian citizens. They form a free and independent nation, which does not admit binds and ties to any other nation under Union, Federation or whichever form that opposes its Independence;
II. Its territory is divided in Provinces, in the ways they are currently drawn, and which can be subdivided as per the good of the State;
III. Its government is a Hereditary Monarchy, Constitutional and Representative;
IV. The ruling dynasty is that of D. Pedro I, current Emperor and Perpetual Defender of Brazil;
V. The Roman Catholic Church remains the religion of the Empire. All other religions shall be permitted with their domestic services and cults, or private, in homes destined to them, without an exterior form of temple;

OF BRAZILIAN CITIZENS​

Brazilian Citizens are defined as:
I. Those born in Brazilian territory, whether free or slave, even if of foreign parents, unless such parents reside in Brazil under service of their native land
II. Those born of Brazilian fathers on a foreign nation
III. Those born in Portugal and its territories who had established residence in Brazil at the time of the nation's independence, on the condition they have agreed to it expressly, or tacitly by continuing to reside therein

One may lose their rights as a Brazilian Citizen:
I. If naturalised in a foreign nation
II. If accepting employment, pension or honours from a foreign government without the consent of the Emperor
III. If banished from Brazil by sentence

Political rights may be suspended by virtue of physical or moral incapacity or by prison sentence, as long as its effects last.

OF THE POWERS OF THE STATE​

There are four recognized powers, delegated to its holders by the Nation, under this Constitution: the Legislative Power, the Executive Power, the Judiciary Power and the Moderating Power. The representatives of the Brazilian Nation are the Emperor and the General Assembly.

OF THE LEGISLATIVE POWER​

The Legislative power is composed of two Chambers: the Chamber of Deputies and the Senate. The entirety of both Chambers is designated as the General Assembly, its powers delegated under Imperial Sanction.

The Chamber of Deputies is elected and temporary, with 102 seats apportioned by population between the provinces. Deputies must be Brazilian men in full exercise of their political rights, over the age of 25, with annual income exceeding the sum of 100$000 (a hundred mil-reis). Its privative competencies are:
I. Initiatives on laws of Taxation and Revenue, and the production of an annual budget
II. Initiatives on laws of Military Recruitment, its features and limits
III. Authorising the contraction of loans and other means of payment of the public debt
IV. Administration over the National Property (this includes all "virgin lands" in the territory)

The Senate is elected by province with life tenure, and composed of 56 seats, with each province electing to it half the number of Deputies it elects to that Chamber. Each Senator is elected by a triple closed list, with the totality of the lists being appointed by the Emperor. Senators must be Brazilian men in full exercise of their political rights, over the age of 40, of unblemished reputation, following the Roman Catholic religion and with annual income exceeding the sum of 800$000 (eight hundred mil-reis). Its privative competencies are:
I. The calling and dissolving of the General Assembly under Imperial Sanction
II. The swearing-in of members of the General Assembly by oath to the Emperor
III. The passing of judgement on inadequacies by officials of the General Assembly, the State Ministry, the Privy Council or the Imperial Family
IV. The review, followed by acceptance or rejection and request to redress, of laws initiated in the Chamber of Deputies
V. The resolution of questions over dynastic succession

Each Legislature is to last for 4 years, with a Speech from the Throne conducted annually on the 3rd of May. The meetings of the Chambers are public under all circumstances, except in extraordinary sessions as befits the judgement of the State and its representatives. No Senator or Deputy may be arrested under any authority without the permission of their respective Chamber, unless in flagrant act which would ensue capital punishment. All matters on laws put before the General Assembly are to be decided by open vote within the respective Chamber, requiring a single majority.

OF THE EXECUTIVE POWER​

The Emperor is the head of the Executive Power, exercising it through his Ministers of State. The Ministry's competencies are:
I. Call for a new General Assembly to begin meetings at the start of each Legislature
II. Nominate Catholic bishops and provide ecclesiastical benefits
III. Nominate magistrates at all levels, as well as Crown officials in the provinces
IV. Nominate and remove commanders of the armed forces
V. Nominate ambassadors, diplomatic corps, missions and envoys
VI. Formalize treaties of alliance with foreign nations
VII. Declare war, upon communication with the General Assembly

OF THE JUDICIARY POWER​

The Judiciary Power is independent, and composed of Judges of Law and Judges of Peace within Civil and Criminal Courts. Judges of Law are appointed by the Emperor under life tenure, with the possibility of relocation as mandate the needs of the law; Judges of Peace are elected under the suffrage requirements and process of elections to Municipal Councilmen.

Judges of Law preside over trials and resolve matters under active litigation; Judges of Peace preside over arbitration and resolve matters after reconciliation has been attempted by the parts.

At the Court in Rio de Janeiro there shall exist a Supreme Court of Justice, composed of Judges of Law appointed to it on the criterium of antiquity of service. The Supreme Court of Justice shall adjudicate over matters of jurisdiction and competence between Provincial Courts.

OF THE MODERATING POWER​

The Moderating Power is the keystone of political organisation, delegated privatively to the Emperor as Supreme Chief of the Nation. The person of the Emperor is inviolable and sacred; he is subject to no responsibilities. The competencies of the Moderating Power are:
I. Nominate Senators
II. Proclaim the annual Speech from the Throne
III. Sanction or veto the laws originating in the General Assembly
IV. Dissolve the Chamber of Deputies under the necessities of the State, on condition of immediate calling upon a new Legislature
V. Nominating and dismissing Ministers of State and magistrates
VI. Pardoning those convicted of sentences and conceding amnesty

OF THE GOVERNANCE OF THE PROVINCES​

There shall be a President in each province, under appointment by the Emperor, and serving at their pleasure. Each province shall compose a General Council, to be elected on the same occasions as the Chamber of Deputies. The General Councils may not discuss or promote legislation concerning the general interests of the Nation or of any other province, nor initiatives on Taxation and Revenue, for which there shall be produced inquiries and requests to the Chamber of Deputies instead. The resolutions of the General Councils must be sent directly to the Executive Power, by means of the President.

OF ELECTIONS
​

Elections of Deputies, Senators and members of the General Councils are conducted by indirect suffrage, comprised of a Parish Election and a Provincial Election.

Suffrage in the Parish Elections is given to all Brazilian men over the age of 25, born or naturalised, except for those married and those enrolled in the armed forces, Catholic clergy or bearing university degrees. Parish Electors select Provincial Electors whom shall cast direct votes for the aforementioned offices.

Suffrage in Provincial Elections is given to Brazilian men over the age of 25, born as freemen and with annual income over 100$000 (a hundred mil-reis). Provincial Electors cast their votes for the General Councils, the Chamber of Deputies and the Senate.

Bestowed upon the nation on the 25th of March, the Year of Our Lord of 1824, the 3rd of Independence and of the Empire,

​

 

[Lyonessian]

[reserved]

 

[Idhrendur]

This should be interesting.

 

[DensleyBlair]

Will follow along!

 

[Lyonessian]

CHAPTER ONE
THE SOUND OF SILENCE​

The sound of silence, so they say, can sometimes be deafening.

In April 7th, 1831, this thunderous sound descended upon Brazil. In the Court at Rio de Janeiro, the Emperor and Perpetual Defender of Brazil, Dom Pedro I, has voluntarily abdicated from his throne in favour of his only son, the Prince Imperial Pedro de Alcântara, then aged 5. It is said that the Emperor's eyes were teary as he delivered his last decree to major Frias Vasconcelos, in the late night, saying: "I retire to Europe, leaving a country I loved, and still do". The same morning, the former Emperor boards a British ship, along with his consort Dona Amélia and his older daughter, Dona Maria. He leaves in Brazil the Prince Imperial, as well as his three older sisters, Januária, Paula and Francisca. At age 32, the first Emperor of Brazil left behind the land he proclaimed independent, never to return.

The abdication of Pedro I of Brazil, Aurélio de Figueiredo, 1911​

The factors which led to the bittersweet ending of Pedro's tenure as the Emperor of Brazil are complex, and weave into the fabric of the nation, its society and its unresolved contradictions - some of them going as far back as the three centuries since the first Portuguese permanent settlements arose in these tropical coastlines.

Since the apex of the Age of Enlightenment, in those years which led to the French Revolution, the Portuguese Empire had been thrown into a whirlwind of opposite forces. The Crown's unabashed reaction against the newfound values of political rights and the emancipation of the Third Estate - emblazoned upon the victory of the "English faction" at Lisbon's court - was counterweighted by the necessity of appeasement towards the population at large, or, at the very least, that of the social sectors which provided Portugal's historical source of material wealth: the mercantile classes, traders, the urban bourgeoisie, and the professionals, such as lawyers and shopkeepers, whose own incomes depended on the patronage of the former. As the 19th century rose, Queen D. Maria I became mad, and the wheels of State were taken by the hands of Prince-Regent D. João VI, whose favour swung inbetween the court parties as a pendulum, unable to commit to a course of action.

When the Napoleonic forces reached Portugal's borders during the Peninsular War in 1807, the unspeakable happened: in the number of 12,000 to 15,000, royals, senior officials both civil and military, notables of the Empire, physicians, priests, judges and servants boarded British ships in the Lisbon docks and sailed to Brazil. The fleeing of the Court to Rio de Janeiro would introduce another wedge into the already unstable edifice of Empire: as the axis of power swayed from Europe to the Americas, so would the expectations and powerholders change. Brazil became a matter to be resolved.

Embarkation of the Royal Family to Brazil, Nicolas Dellerive​

The Crown's position as it related to Brazil had been at a historical low point in regards to their relationship. The immense and only partially settled territories of Portuguese America had been granted the status of an ultramarine province since 1549, however the Crown's hold on its fiscal and trading privileges made the State of Brazil remain in a status of dependency in relation to Lisbon. The instruments of governance in Brazil, namely, a bureaucratic system focused on the expansion of productivity by alignment with a landowning class, had produced a stratified society. While much less informal than the one perceived in the Spanish American domains, it discriminated on race and perceived status; the latter, greatly informed by wealth. In order to pursue the economic objectives of Lisbon, Brazil became a major player in the international slave trade, bringing in roughly 4 million enslaved Africans during the colonial period. The slaves formed the backbone of Brazilian economy, its labour power and reserve; the landowners and slaveholders were its driving forces and filled the position of mediation between Brazilian interests and the Crown through offices in public administration.

However, as the 18th century drew to a close, a noticeable difference in the social composition of Brazil became evident. Due to the influx of heavy waves of Portuguese immigration owing to the discovery of gold mines in the Captaincy of Minas Gerais in 1688, along with the opportunity of riches for adventurers from elsewhere in the Old World, two demographic dynamics changed, straddling along with them new aspirations and necessities. First, the centre of population of Brazil changed on a southward path, as cities grew around the mines and routes of communication and transportation improved between the core mining regions and the capital of the state in Rio de Janeiro, the busiest harbour in the territory. Second, in these same regions there was the clear development of a urban middle class who would fill, politically, the role of the European bourgeoisie in the tropics. This social class was not directly tied to the land or the use of slave labour, although their incomes still relied on the maintenance of the traditional economic arrangement. They were lawyers, doctors, low-ranking officers in military and police commissions, holders of secretariat in public offices, parish priests, and many others. They were typically of European descent, with some level of admixture from Native and African ancestry. They, sometimes, belonged either to the extended families or client networks of the local landowners, providing a level of comfort, but, most significantly, the opportunity of receiving higher education in Europe.

Panorama of Vila Rica, Armand Pallière, 1820​

As the generations of men in such classes grew, as they studied to Coimbra, Lisbon or Paris and came back to their surroundings, the contradictions grew. The Enlightenment ideals professed in taverns and literary circles of the universities were brought into shock before the conditions of Brazilian society, in which the threats to values of freedom, reason and autonomy were much less veiled than those of European cities. The barefoot slaves crowded the urban streets, the landowning class monopolized the instruments of political power, and the ever-present eye of the Crown - under the reforms of the enlightened absolutism of the Marquis de Pombal - tightened its reins around all of them, as the gold reserves were diminished, the local economy pushed into multi-year crises, and the Portuguese reaction to their European threats was translated into greater fiscal austerity and oversight.

The straw was about to break. They rose in conjuration in Minas Gerais in 1789, wishful of autonomy under the Empire! Their leaders betrayed, arrested, exiled or hanged by the authorities. They called the populace to insurrection in Bahia in 1798, demanding even more: a Republic! Emancipation to the slaves! Their fate, not so different from the mineiros. The Suassuna family conspired to take over the Captaincy of Pernambuco on the northeast in 1801, they cried separation! They were arrested, but their seeds had been planted.

And then the storm seemed to pass, with relations stressed and the situation all but stable. But now the King and Court were coming to Brazil. Their arrival proved to be a revolution in the organisation of the territory, mostly felt in the capital. The influx of people and the requirements of new institutions, buildings, services, amenities, it all turned Rio upside down. The Bank of Brazil was founded that same year of 1808, providing a financial modernization of all processes which integrated Brazil to the larger world; it was followed by a decree permitting the establishment of manufactories in Brazil and opening the ports to foreign trade, feats then unheard of. Upon the raising of Brazil as a Kingdom, united with Portugal and the Algarves, in 1815, the next step on the walk towards independence had been taken. The United Kingdom annexed the Cisplatine province in 1816. The Pernambuco Revolution, inspired by 1801, rose in 1817, seeking a republican state; their plans thwarted within 3 months. The Congress system had been solidified in Europe, and Napoleon sent to St. Helena; things seemed back to normal.

In August of 1820, the earth shook once more under the perceived stability of the United Kingdom. Liberal insurrectionists rose in Porto, calling for the end of absolutism, their plans brought to fruition by the establishment of the Cortes in Portugal, seeking to draw a new constitution. The King was called back to the homeland; he would oblige in 1821, leaving his heir Pedro in Brazil, hoping to control this realm stretched over the Atlantic. It was not to be. The Portuguese Cortes had, under some level of metropolitan concern, recognized the autonomy of Brazil as a Kingdom, which would therefore allow for Brazilian representation within the Cortes. This was not accepted by the most reactionary elements among the Portuguese seats, who formed a coalition strong enough to vote for the resubmission of Brazilian provinces under the Portuguese government. As they did so, they mocked the Prince Regent in Brazil, reducing his powers and commanding his return to Lisbon.

Session of the Cortes of Lisbon, Oscar Pereira da Silva, 1922​

This would not do, as they soon discovered. It was, again, Pernambuco who first rose in rebellion against the local authorities in September 1821; this would be followed by Bahia, Maranhão and Piauhy in the north. In Rio, the Prince Regent called a ceremony to declare he would disobey the Cortes and remain in Brazil; there were skirmishes between loyalist Portuguese troops and Brazilian autonomists near the Glória hill. Pedro nominated José Bonifácio de Andrada, a liberal nationalist naturalist and scientist, who had been an observer of the French Revolution in Paris, as his chief minister, thus declaring a yet unspoken, but imminent outcome: that Brazil would be transformed quickly that same year of 1822. The deputies from São Paulo, until then vigorously combatting the Portuguese reaction in the Cortes, simply abandoned their seats and sailed back to Brazil. In September 7th, 1822, the final act drew to a close. Upon being notified that the Cortes had annulled every decree by the Prince Regent and the Bonifácio government, Pedro gave out the call of Independence himself, at the Ipiranga creek just outside São Paulo. He resigned his right as heir to the throne of Portugal to be acclaimed, that same evening, as he entered São Paulo in procession, as the Emperor of Brazil.

The ties which bound Brazil to Portugal had been loosened, never again to mend. Now the hard work of establishing their victories and governing this nation-continent would begin. Seeking to consolidate the regime, Emperor D. Pedro I called for a Constituent Assembly which congregated in 1823, composed of notables of the political and intellectual elites of 14 provinces. By his side, the Emperor had Bonifácio as the elder statesman and "Father of Independence"; however a most unusual opposition would present itself soon. It came under the leadership of Antonio Carlos Ribeiro de Andrada, Bonifácio's own brother, who presented a constitutional proposal, complete with 272 articles, establishing a liberal regime with clear limitations to the monarch's power. Andrada's faction then followed this with a proposal on the freedom of the press. The Emperor called for the Assembly to reconvene on the following day. The following day, there were artillery positioned on the streets around the Assembly Hall; it was dissolved formally by the Emperor, who studied the proposal, eliminated the most liberal articles, created the Moderating Power and gave out a Constitution in the same manner of a Charter, in 1824. The first response was telling: in Pernambuco the local authorities denied submission to the "autocratic charter" and launched a separatist revolution proclaiming the Confederation of the Equator. The central government responded in the same measures; rebellion and reaction dragged on until November 1824, with the victory of Brazilian forces.

Through the rest of the 1820's, the primary contention in the Empire was over the contradictions disposed in the constitution and how the figure of the Emperor had acted on its construction and enforcement. While the document gave out a legal framework suiting the traditional needs of local powerholders, who had now the institutions of the General Councils and the municipal authorities over which to employ their political capital, it also made these instruments subservient to the central state's executive power, therefore, under the purview of the Crown. The establishment of a relatively autonomous bicameral legislature, particularly that of the Chamber of Deputies, was considered an overture to a more liberal form of government; however the effectiveness of its decisions depended on the healthy relationship and communication with the appointed Senate and its senators-for-life, and all of the legislature still fell under the judgement of the Moderating Power, that is, the Emperor himself. The level of melding values provided by the Constitution of 1824 - centralist and decentralising, absolutist and liberal, charter in enforcement and constitution in composition - provided instability to the Empire, in which no greater political initiative could be deemed appropriate or inappropriate without the letter of a judge of law in its approval, or the personal counsel with the Emperor himself to let his interpretation be known.

The social tensions grew during those years. The matter of the Portuguese citizens who remained in Brazil, but whose loyalties were doubted by whichever reason there may be, was one focal point. A certain section of the population, mostly comprised of Portugal-born urbanites whose incomes depended on trade and foreign arrangements, became notoriously reactionary during the latter part of the 1820's, their political representation condensed on a "Portuguese party" in the Deputies. In 1826, after the death of King João VI in Portugal, the Emperor relocated to Lisbon for a month to be crowned and immediately resign, in order to support and bolster his daughter's claim as Queen Maria II against his brother, D. Miguel, who was nominated as Regent. The faction supporting Miguel's claim was also reactionary in its own faction; this made the Emperor be equally concerned over the matter of Portuguese succession and his duties as present Emperor of Brazil, thereby raising more doubts among liberals and inviting the rumours of conspiracy between the Portuguese-born in Brazil and the Emperor himself with his "Atlantic" concerns. Fear of authoritarianism and submission to foreign interests rose; it grappled the liberal middle classes and the intellectual elites alike. On the background, in foreign affairs, Brazil had secured Portuguese and British recognition for its independence and then involved itself in the Cisplatine War, which ended with defeat and the declaration of independent Uruguay in 1828. The loans contracted with British financiers to fund the repression of the Confederation and the Cisplatine War plunged the Brazilian economy into a debt crisis, over which various strategic investment plans within the nation had to be rolled back.

In order to fight the concurrent crises, the only measures to be taken were a choice between open repression or the adoption of a liberalizing political framework which would satisfy the most immediate needs for participation in the process. Elections in 1825 were tightly controlled under the wealth voting system, returning a Chamber of Deputies already made up of powerholders with few stakes on the national debates unless they directly threatened the production or exports from their owned estates. In 1826, deputy Vasconcelos from Minas Gerais began a minor crisis in the Assembly upon requesting open accountability from the Ministry of State, which was carefully granted. The heavy hand which had stretched over the Empire, and Pedro I's attitudes, which lent credence to the calls of authoritarianism that came from the popular and middle classes, had been slowly opened up.

Líbero Badaró​

The system seemed to be slowly relaxing under the early pressures, until the assassination of Líbero Badaró in November 1830. Badaró, an Italian journalist, was one of the most outspoken critics of the Emperor and of any attempts to impose authoritarian power structures over the Brazilian government; the men arrested for his killing in São Paulo, four German nationals, were partisans of the reactionary Portuguese faction, though no involvement by the Emperor or any minister of State could be proven. This was hardly a setback: months later, upon discovery of the incident by the press and its widespread publication, liberals around Rio rallied against the perceived incoming repression, and took to the streets during the early evening of March 11th, 1831, when the Emperor returned to the capital after a trip to Minas Gerais. They clashed with a rival mob of the Portuguese faction, willing to demonstrate popular support for the Emperor in the midst of a legitimacy crisis. The mobs met in the streets surrounding the Imperial Palace; the Portuguese faction danced and sang in support of the arriving Emperor, as the Liberals jeered and began the cry of "Death to foreigners!". Soon the ceremony turned into pandemonium; the mobs attacked each other with sticks, throwing rocks and most notably glass bottles. It was the first spectacle of public violence Rio had seen in a long time, and it happened right before the eyes of D. Pedro I. The incident, known as the "Bottle-Smacking Night", made it clear to everyone in the government that the divisiveness over the figure of the Emperor had reached terrible heights, and, if prolonged, could hurt the legitimacy of the monarchical principle itself.

Condemned to weigh carefully between his own private wishes and the very concrete threats of public opinion, Pedro tried his utmost. For the next few weeks, he attempted to put together a Moderate government which could settle the divisions in the Chamber and at least rein in public manifestations. This was not to pass, for the Portuguese faction then raised their voices in opposition. He tried to appease them by appointing some notorious Portuguese figures to ministries. This led to an upheaval in the Army barracks of São Cristóvão, whose Brazilian Liberal officers rallied a mob to protest at the Acclamation Grounds, just opposite the Imperial Palace. It was symbolic: the same grounds which housed the popular acclamation of his father as a Portuguese King, back in 1808, now protested against him as the Emperor of an independent Brazil in 1831. It was the night of April 6th, 1831, and major Frias de Vasconcelos entered the Palace to notify the Emperor of the unruly crowds. When he returned there, in the small hours of the night, a tired and defeated Pedro handed him his abdication decree, said goodbye to the sleeping Prince Imperial and readied his belongings for the journey to Europe.

View of the Largo do Palácio at the day of the acclamation of João VI, Jean-Baptiste Debret, 1839.​

Thus, on the early morning of April 7th, 1831, the streets of Rio de Janeiro were quiet. Merchants and slaves took to the streets for early morning errands. Housewives in tenements and small houses strung out their clothes to dry. Children sat observing the passersby, some readying for school, most awaiting for their daily chores. Ships disappeared over the horizon to those watching by the harbour, no one particularly attentive to them or their tripulation, for now. A five year-old blond boy slept peacefully on a vast bed in the Palace of Boa Vista. None of them knew it yet, but the deafening sound of silence fell over Brazil.

SOURCES
Alberto da COSTA E SILVA (org.), A History of the Nation of Brazil (1808-1830): Colonial crisis and independence
Lília Moritz SCHWARTZ, Heloísa Murgel STARLING, Brazil: A Biography​

***​

Our first update! Feel free to comment and suggest. The first Question will be presented soon, at most tomorrow.

 

[ThaHoward]

Nice, will be following this!

 

[Crimson Lionheart]

Not very often that you see a Brazil AAR, will be following

 

[Michaelangelo]

I've decided to tag along for the ride and see where Brazil ends up. Hopefully it involves Portugal becoming part of Brazil.

I admit that I don't know much about Brazilian history, so it was to interesting to get the background leading up to the eventual gameplay.

 

[DensleyBlair]

A very engaging sweep through the arc of Brazil's history up until the start of the game. Hopefully the young Emperor will have better fortunes than his father.

 

[Lyonessian]

I thank kindly all of you who have already joined in for the ride. I intend on responding to your comments and queries individually as we go on. Your participation will be required soon - I have the first Question ready.

I have wondered, though, on how to give you some other vital information for our story regarding the basic info on Brazil, 1831. I have decided on presenting a map which details our provinces and giving a quick overview of their geo-socio-historical status as of now. I will append it to this post shortly, and the first Question will follow.

EDIT: Here it is.

Brazil, 1831​

Population: ~5,3 million
Area: ~7,9 million km^2 (slightly smaller than 2020's contiguous U.S.)

Economy: export-oriented monocultures in large estates (government land-grants requiring 1/6 of annual income in taxes), mostly sugarcane, tobacco and cotton; cattle ranching on the countryside; core mining regions in Minas Gerais export gold and diamonds, with smaller quantities of iron; various small manufactories and workshops in Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo.

Demographics (rough estimate): 45% Pardo/mixed/multiracial (European, Native Brazilian, African), 35% White Europeans, 20% African. Remote Native Brazilian populations, numbers impossible to estimate. Slaves represent 23-27% of total population. Catholics are 98% of total population, with syncretic elements involving Afro-Brazilian beliefs amidst enslaved population in some regions.

*Cisplatina has been made into the independent State of Uruguay in 1828​

Gameplay-wise, the most important provinces to take into account, in order of population:

1. Minas Gerais: setting of the most influential Liberal revolution of colonial times in 1789, driven into economic recess after diminishing returns from the core mining regions. Internal strife between the mining, urban east and the ranching, rural west prevents unified mineiro action on the national debates. Mineiro cities boast of the largest amount of one can call a "Brazilian petite-bourgeoisie" owing to the Portuguese waves of immigration in the 18th century, though with economic downturns many have relocated to the capital in pursuit of wealth and prestige.

2. Rio de Janeiro: site of the Imperial capital, one of the most prosperous provinces, the river valleys on Rio's countryside contain some of the largest estates in the nation, producing a strongly conservative and centralizing political elite. Traders and shopkeepers bolster the embryonic petite-bourgeoisie, along with bureaucrats in service of the Court. Slaves are over 40% of the population; yet politically invisible.

3. Bahia: site of the first capital, Salvador, still the second largest city in the nation after Rio. A vast state with progressive occupation of its countryside, Bahia was home to the first educational, ecclesiastical and financial institutions in Brazil. This ancient occupation has produced a political elite with a strong regionalist character with Moderate sympathies as per the national fates. Bahia has the largest proportion of people of African descent, yet not the largest proportion of slaves; black freemen have become a class on their own.

4. Pernambuco: represents the most autonomist, liberal and revolutionary politics of the age, having been the stage for insurrection in 1801, 1817 and 1824, as well as being the first province to revolt during the independence wars. The centre of old Dutch Brazil, the coastal capital of Recife and its sister city of Olinda boast the largest college and theological seminary in Brazil, progressive urban planning and a teeming port with intense connections to the Antilles, Africa and Portugal, though it has been hit by global economic crises in recent decades.

5. São Paulo: contains the important urban centre of São Paulo and the Santos harbour by the coast; successive inland expeditions have driven out indigenous populations and established extensive coffee plantations. Most of the state's land area is, however, still sparsely populated and exploited for economic ends. The homeland of José Bonifácio, it has been already perceived by the national press as a bastion of liberal politics, owing to support for the Andrada faction.

 

[Lyonessian]

QUESTION ONE​

IN LATE MORNING, SILENCE BREAKS. ALL THE PAPERS SEND OUT NOTICE: THE EMPEROR ABDICATES! D. PEDRO IS GONE!

The General Assembly rushes to the halls; the matter of Regency must be solved! Those outside the capital have limited time to hurry and catch up on the news. The Senate conducts a lightning-speed vote: a Provisional Triune Regency is elected. Its members:

Francisco de LIMA E SILVA, 46, from Rio, military officer and veteran politician, commanded a brigade against the Confederation of the Equator in 1824; sits with the Moderates, but his political capital is particularly tied to his military service.​

​

Nicolau de Campos VERGUEIRO, 53, Portuguese-born, Coimbra-educated lawyer, notable landowner and ally to the Liberal Andrada faction; sits with the Exalted, the most liberal faction presently represented in the legislature.​

​

José Joaquim Carneiro de Campos, the Marquis of CARAVELAS, 63, conservative intellectual from Bahia and member of the Privy Council, wrote articles for the Constitution of 1824, and is considered heir apparent to Bonifácio; sits with the Conservatives, however rejecting the excesses of the "Portuguese faction".​

The Prince Imperial and his sisters have been made aware of the current situation; the confused children are quickly surrounded by trusted staff and statesmen within the Imperial Palace. The child-Emperor Pedro II is presented two days later to the JOYOUS crowds in the Acclamation Grounds! After the presentation, they retreat to the outskirts of Rio, to the Palace of São Cristóvão, where the Prince Imperial is to be tutored by José Bonifácio himself, on orders and confidence from the former Emperor.

The Palace of São Cristóvão, a peaceful retreat two hours' walk away from central Rio
​

Two months later, on the 12th of June, the Provisional Regency convenes at the Imperial Palace. The most urgent measures have been taken: trusted ministers dismissed by Pedro I are restituted to their prior positions, foreigners under suspicion are dismissed from the military corps, and political prisoners have been granted amnesty. New elections are called for September, to provide legislative stability and legitimacy. However, the matter of the Permanent Regency is to be solved immediately; the Executive cannot be held under fickle and temporary conditions.

Under the Constitution of 1824, this Permanent Regency shall serve for the period of 4 YEARS, and is to be held, ideally, by a DIARCHY chosen among the sitting Senators. There may be provisory regents who maintain the position permanently, or not; who knows? This is the first experience Brazil has with it!

Each man in the Provisional Regency has their own AGENDA. Each one holds but one similar thought: whatever the results of this dramatic struggle in the Palace halls, it has a chance to solve our problems, lead this young nation to peace at last, or bring upon our first truly national chaos! COMBINATIONS are thrown from one side of the room to the other; a declaration of willingness to compromise; the vetoing and suggesting of notables. BONIFÁCIO is in São Cristóvão, he cannot be our saving light right now. The decision will be made with one of these men PREVAILING, if only partially, over the others.

The debate is INTENSE! Who is the Regentmaker?

Model vote:
Regentmaker: Lima e Silva/ Vergueiro/ Caravelas

The vote will extend for three days until July 11th, 4PM GMT. Have at it!

 

[DensleyBlair]

Hmm. A critical decision indeed. I think I’d like to see Caravelas in control of proceedings.

 

[Michaelangelo]

Regentmaker: Caravelas

I feel the conservative choice is best for the preservation of the monarchy during the regency. Relying on a candidate too tied to the army could cause complications, and a liberal would be more likely to weaken the institution of the monarchy.

 

[Idhrendur]

Regentmaker: Caravelas

 

[JoeWho]

Caravelas!

 

[99KingHigh]

(Good call with Caravelas)

 

[Cloud Strife]

Lima e Silva; better to encourage the loyalty of the military during these times.

 

[Crimson Lionheart]

Regentmaker: Caravelas

Simply because going with a more conservative option seems like the best chance for the safety of the monarchy and to preserve stability within the country.

 

[Qwerty7]

I will give some love to Vergueiro