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The Fourth Anglo-Chinese War (1869—1870)

As preparations for war began in the second half of March 1869, the Qing government began mobilizing units from the north and other regions to the southern border with India. In the midst of reorganizing the army and defending the northern frontier from further Russian actions, the border with British India had been neglected, especially after Britain’s intervention on the side of China during the war.

Britain seemed to have learned from its previous failures since 1856 (the last time that Chinese and British troops faced each other on the battle field) and unlike thirteen years ago it was clearly prepared, with over 150,000 troops in multiple armies entering Chinese territory by the end of March. The few Chinese units in the area numbered barely 25,000 and had to withdraw ahead of the British advance to avoid total annihilation. The Chinese and British forces, the latter under General Ferdinand Dundas, made contact in the mountains of Lhodrak on May 8, as both China and Britain struggled to send in more reinforcements. The intense fighting in the Tibetan mountains continued throughout May, with the Qing imperial army putting up a good resistance to the British juggernaut, which outnumbered the Chinese by over 20,000 men for several weeks.

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They managed to hold out long enough for reinforcements from other parts of China to arrive. On the 13th of May, a force of over 50,000 British attacked some 15,000 Chinese ethnic Uigher Muslim troops at Changtang—known as the Gansu Braves. Miraculously, the unit managed to put up a fight and continued to hold out until June, a testimony to the Uighers’ martial strength. They continued to fight on throughout July as reinforcements were directed to their position, but given the vast distance it is unknown whether or not they would make it in time.

The emperor made a mental note to award them and their families with the dynasty’s highest honors upon their return (should they survive).

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In the southern Chinese province of Dali, located to the southeast of Tibet, fighting erupted between transiting Qing army units as a British force emerged out of the neighboring Burmese mountain range to attack on June 26 (the emperor cursed his ancestors’ inept subordinates for having failed to conquer Burma a century ago). Luckily the defenders outnumbered the attackers by a considerable amount.

On July 20, the first reinforcements—some 30,000 men—reached the Uighers holding out at Changtang. The Chinese were still outnumbered but it evened the playing field, and additional troops were on the way. Meanwhile, in the far west, several armies were deployed to the province of Aksu, which was being occupied by a small British force.

Throughout August the battles dragged on as both sides sent in reinforcements, while the garrisons of the forts in the border regions held up enough British troops occupying them that defense was made barely possible (the Emperor was glad for having made the decision to construct those forts and decided to upgrade them further as soon as the war ended). While the Qing armies were performing better, it shocked the board of war operations in Peking that the British had finally been able to deploy a larger force on the field, actually rivaling Chinese numbers. Most of those were Indian troops, according to Chinese agents and frontline commanders.

The anxiety in the imperial capital was eased somewhat on September 3 with the results of the first victory—at Dali. General Hardinge's British army there had been completely annihilated, and the freed up units under Suksaha Zhanshan were able to continue on to the front at Lhodrak to relieve the forces currently fighting there. Thus far, despite the clear improvements made from the previous invasion attempts by the British general staff, the Qing army, having been equipped with foreign technology, was also performing better than before, as evidenced by the battles dragging on throughout the summer.

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However, the British Royal Navy’s total blockade of the coastline and the powerlessness of the Qing fleet to do anything about it was actually putting a dent into the Chinese economy by August.

The Manchu Court’s attention switched from that on September 8 when news arrived of a massive Chinese victory at Lhodrak. After two months of savage fighting in the freezing Tibetan mountains, the Chinese forces under overall command of General Ma Shangzhi—another Chinese Muslim judging by his family name—triumphed over the British. The battle, having dragged on for that long, saw the deaths of some 120,000 barbarian troops, in exchange for some 56,000 Chinese. It was a massive victory and celebrations occurred in Peking upon the arrival of the news. Unlike previous battles, interestingly enough, the total number of troops that had been deployed throughout the engagement on both sides was nearly even, about 190,000 for both. To the Han Chinese scholar gentry, this proved the continued superiority of the Chinese Confucian system and was a sign that the Qing still possessed the mandate of heaven. The Emperor was overjoyed, he was sure that this would go down as one of the finest moments of China’s military history, and that of his dynasty.​

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Not only a loss, but such a grave and humiliating defeat for Britain was a shock for the foreign diplomats and correspondents in the imperial capital (China gained nearly 5 prestige from that battle alone).

But as the celebrations died down, the board of war operations realized that they had exhausted many of their reserves during the course of this battle, while Qing agents in India and Bhutan reported that the foreign barbarians were already moving a sizable army of fresh troops northwards as reinforcements. While China still had reserves left, unlike before the dynasty was forced to call in forces from increasingly distant areas, such as Manchuria, Mongolia, and the Yangtze River delta in an attempt to plug up the gaps. The Forbidden Banners that traditionally defended Peking had already departed for the front. The most damaged units at Lhodrak were moved back to the rear while the more capable ones were left at the front to guard, under General Ma’s command, and attention shifted to other parts of the theater.

In late September a reversal of fortunate left the Chinese in an increasingly hard pressed situation at Changtang, so more troops were sent there. The fortress garrison of Ngari fell on the 27th of that month. Barbarian forces that had finished securing the Ngari province were deployed to nearby Changtang to reinforce the attackers there. Meanwhile, in early October a minor victory was won against a small enemy force at Aksu to the north, with the army under General Tong Xiangying proceeding to follow the retreating survivors south to Kashgar, which was being occupied by the enemy.

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In order to plug up the gap in the front and to contain the enemy, General Ma’s troops were ordered to go on the offensive from Lhodrak towards the neighboring Shigatse province, were the fortress garrison has nearly fallen to the barbarian hordes.

On October 22, the board of war operations concluded the orders for redirecting troops for the next stage of the conflict, and duly noted that China was sending in most of its last reserves. Additional forces would not arrive from other parts of China for some time. With that in mind, the Emperor gave the order for the imperial government to begin mobilizing new regiments, with a total of 42 new brigades being raised in different parts of his empire.

The situation at Changtang was not looking good in late October, and additional reinforcements were still a considerable distance away or held in battle. It made the Emperor feel sorry to let down the sacrifices of his loyal Uigher and other subjects that had given their lives so heroically to defend Chinese positions there against overwhelming barbarian onslaught for so long. Finally, he gave orders for the resting units in Chamdo, still not fully recovered from the Battle of Lhodrak that concluded nearly two months ago, to pack up and march for Changtang.

General Ma reported on November 1 that the British besieging the Shigatse province had fled ahead of his advance, and the area was now, at least temporarily, clear of barbarian invaders. He was ordered to allow some of his units to move north from there to Changtang, while leaving the bulk of his army at Lhodrak to defend the frontier and eventually advance on Tawang further to the south (having been under siege this entire time). Later in November fighting began at Kashgar as the Chinese army attacked the British forces there.​

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The Tibetan front: The occupied province is Ngari, immediately to the north is Changtang (where the battle is going on) and the east is Shigatse. Further southeast is Lhodrak, where the army is blocking the British advance from Tawang further to the south. To the north of them is Lhasa, where a battle is also raging, and to the northeast of Lhasa is Chamdo, which serves as a staging ground. These are the provinces of Tibet. To the northwest are the deserts of Xinjiang (the battle at Kashgar is visible), and to the northeast, the barren plains of Qinghai. To the east, the mountains of the Sichuan province. To the south and immediate west is British India, along with Nepal and Sikkim wedged between in the center, with a piece of Burma visible in the far right corner.

Finally on November 23 Zhao Linge’s forces defeated a sizable British army under General Hugh Madden at Lhasa, the ancient Tibetan capital, and freed up troops to send to other regions. Some 43,000 barbarians perished in exchange for considerably less Chinese. In later November reports also came to Peking telling of thousands of British troops moving through neutral Burma, outside of the conflict zone, which the Manchu Court viewed as ominous. On the 30th it became clear that somehow, the force at Kashgar under General Hesehn Shangzhi was in trouble, but reinforcements were unavailable that far north, at least not ones that could arrive in time. The only exception was a small force of 6,000 Mongol cavalry. Units from Manchuria were still on their way, and the newly mobilized regiments would not be ready until the next year at earliest.

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In the final month of the year it became evident that the barbarians were sending reinforcements to back up a lone British Indian artillery brigade that remained at Shigatse as the Chinese army from Lhasa was passing through the region, and so General Ma’s forces from Lhodrak were sent into assist.

January of 1870 was greeted in Peking with both hope and a good mood thanks to last year’s victories (the Qing army had not been defeated in the field a single time during 1869) as well as anticipation for what was to come. Some 20,000 barbarians had arrived at Shigatse to back up the single brigade and the battle was expanding, while General Ma was on the way there. On the other hand, the battle that was still raging at Changtang (fighting has been going on since May of last year) was finally looking favorably, with the Chinese at an advantage and having overwhelming numerical superiority. However, the battle of Kashgar was not going well, unexpectedly, despite the Qing’s superiority in numbers, and backup was unavailable that far out, short of two brigades of Mongol cavalry that were nearly there. The Royal Navy blockade and the effects on the economy of China continued.

The Emperor and the rest of the Manchu Court were taken aback by Britain’s persistence and seeming obsession over Tibet. Having bothered to help defend China from the encroaching Russians and French, which many Chinese naively believed begin a new era of peace in Anglo-Chinese relations, they were now trying to take a slice of the country for themselves, after having failed three times in the past. And now, months after they started, they apparently haven’t learned anything from the uninterrupted series of Qing military successes against them as they refused any offer of peace. The arrogance and audacity of these particular barbarians has always enraged the Emperor, and he resolved to at the very least make them bleed severely for disrupting the harmony of his realm for nothing.

Deployments towards Shigatse and Changtang left the Lhodrak front virtually unprotected, and agents reported that the British troops in the northern mountains of Burma were now making their way in that direction. The closest units were some 20,000 Chinese soldiers resting at Chamdo, most of them veterans of the first Battle of Lhodrak. In addition some 32,000 border guards to the southeast at Dali were also present to ward of British attempts at invading through Burma, which they seemed to have accomplished. These two forces combined numbered slightly less than the total barbarian strength in Burma at the moment, however.

Some good news came to Peking on the 27th of January, when the Qing imperial forces emerged victorious over General Alexander Grant’s British armies at Changtang. The battle (May 1869—January 1870) was the longest of the entire war, and the emperor was pleased to learn that the tenacity and ferociousness of the Uigher regiments’ resistance had paid off in the end. Some 78,000 barbarians had been lost in exchange for about 68,000 Chinese, another huge shock to the foreign press and diplomatic corps in Peking (+5 prestige). The Uighers in particular, surprisingly, had only lost about one-third of their number during the engagement and were now some of the most hardened troops of the Qing imperial army. Celebrations had to wait, though, as the Chinese position on other parts of the front was precarious.

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Unfortunately not many of the troops from Changtang except the ones that had been there the longest and were most depleted would get much rest, as they are desperately needed elsewhere. Oddly enough, on January 28 the court of Burma, which appears to be under strong British influence, offered Chinese troops military access to Burmese territories. The Manchu Court suspects that the Burmese may be trying to secretly rebel against their barbarian masters.

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As expected, late that month British forces arrived at unoccupied Lhodark and besieged the forts there, while, hilariously, a small British army of 15,000 had arrived to Changtang late and attempted to attack the amassed Qing forces. This was not a welcome diversion, however.

Some surprise was caused when on the 13th, reports emerged of British troops entering southern China through supposedly neutral Dai Nam. The Chinese frontier guards at Dali were placed on alert and prepared to confront the barbarian force that violated Qing territory. But on February 16 another small group of British units attacked the border guards, although they vastly outnumbered the invaders—most likely a diversionary attack to hold up the one sizable Chinese force in the area. On the positive side, the new armies from Manchuria finally were nearing the region, and were given orders to proceed towards the advancing British.

Some of the new brigades were finished recruiting in organized in southern China this month, not far from the front, in fact. The British had succeeded in opening up a new front.

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The southern front: Dali is the province on the Burmese frontier where the battle is going on. To the northwest are Lhodrak and Tawang.

On March 6 the court in Peking received reports that the battle of Kashgar was over, with a Qing defeat. Overall, the engagement was of little consequence, and the number of British casualties outnumbered Chinese losses. Despite taking a minor hit to China’s prestige for having failed to overcome a numerically inferior enemy, the Emperor did not see it as too important. Apparently the barbarians had suffered heavy enough losses that many of their own units reportedly withdrew from Kashgar province back to India after the fighting ended.

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The Son of Heaven was more concerned about the developing situations at Shigatese and Changtang. In the latter, the battle was proving to be more difficult than expected despite the vast numerical superiority of the Emperor’s armies, while at Changtang the British unit was succeeding in holding up a large army of over 100,000 from aiding its beleaguered allies to the south. The board of war operations did not know if that was done intentionally by the British, sacrificing a small number of men to hold off a large army from going to a more important battle, or if it had been purely accidental; an error in communications or timing. Either way, it was providing to be a nuisance for the Chinese army.

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The overall situation in southern China in the fall of 1870.

The Qing forces to the far southeast at Yibin were held up by the fact that there was no significant general of note leading them. An additional army, led by General Ma Zhanshan, was about to reach their positions however and hopefully would rectify this situation. The Changtang skirmish was over by March 15, but miraculously the barbarians only lost two-thirds of their number, while a force survived and made a retreat. At least now they were free to assist in other battles. The Gansu Braves were sent to the rear to get a much needed rest, while other units were dispersed from Shigatse to pursuing the retreating British formation.​

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In late March another engagement began at Aksu between a British unit and the retreating Qing forces while the Battle of Dali ended with a Chinese victory. Shortly afterwards, April 4 was greeted with word of a Qing success at Yibin, leaving just a small force of 14,000 barbarians dispersed in the southern provinces. General Ma Zhanshan failed to wipe it out at Kunming somehow, though, so a force had to be detached to follow the survivors while the others were sent northwest towards Tibet.

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But it turned out that such an effort would not be needed after all. On 11 May 1870, the British envoy in Peking came to the Forbidden City asking for a ceasefire and negotiations, ending the fourth war between China and England. It was accomplished within the time frame of before 1872, when Russia's non-aggression agreement with the Qing is due to expire.

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Note: I figured I should finally explain the geography of this region since it is not labeled for those that do not know it well, hence the label under the map. That's because of how often there are wars here and this is the fourth one, I figured better late than never.
 
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Jesus that was a waste of me now and money for the Brits. They must have sunk millions into that campaign and for what, the Tibetan mountains? They already have everything of value that they can take from china. Starting to think their AI might be a bit busted.
 
Quite a change from helping you out a few years back, to this inconclusive slaughter now.
 
Jesus that was a waste of me now and money for the Brits. They must have sunk millions into that campaign and for what, the Tibetan mountains? They already have everything of value that they can take from china. Starting to think their AI might be a bit busted.

Quite a change from helping you out a few years back, to this inconclusive slaughter now.

Yeah, it seems that the British AI at least in Vanilla always attacks China at some point, usually for Xinjiang or Tibet. I don't know why, because those regions are the most worthless parts of China economically. The Chinese AI usually capitulates pretty quickly for some reason. But hopefully in this game the British AI will stop trying to after having failed so many times.
 
I would build up even if that would mean resorting to the industrial ways of the barbarians, just to kill them with their own technology. A Civilized china is unstoppable.
 
European borders are looking a little gross.
 
I feel really sorry for the British Soldiers sent to die on the plains of Tibet for no gain and little reason. Glad to see your army performing quite well, however.
 
They just don't give up, do they?
 
There must be dark legends in the ranks of the British Army about the mountains of Tibet.

Probably :D

I would build up even if that would mean resorting to the industrial ways of the barbarians, just to kill them with their own technology. A Civilized china is unstoppable.

I'll see how long I can avoid westernizing without getting completely defeated. Perhaps eventually I will, maybe in the 1900s or 1890s as in OTL.

European borders are looking a little gross.

I agree, especially with France in Catalonia.

I feel really sorry for the British Soldiers sent to die on the plains of Tibet for no gain and little reason. Glad to see your army performing quite well, however.

Indeed, I am sure the Manchus are also glad.

They just don't give up, do they?

Unfortunately not. Hopefully the AI will learn.
 
Tradition and Western Learning (1870—1877)

With the war against Britain over, the Emperor was able to turn his attention to other affairs. He hoped that this conflict would teach the barbarians that their attempts at conquering China were destined to fail and this would be the last time a conflict like this would occur. There were some benefits from it, though. The immense victory over the British army by the Qing imperial forces seem to suggest that his military reforms, while dangerously relying on foreign technology and ideas, were successful in defending his realm. Perhaps it would deter potential rebels at home. The downside was the death of such large numbers of troops, now again new brigades would have to be raised to replace the losses.

Speaking of rebels, the Qing secret police informed him that, contrary to solidifying the people around the Qing dynasty, it seems that militancy has increased in the country during the British war. The threat mainly came from Chinese Anarcho-Liberals, as well as regional nationalists. Nonetheless, the Emperor had high hopes for the 1870s decade, hoping to continue modernizing the army and perhaps other elements of society while adhering to traditional Confucian values.​

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Turning his attention to the international arena, it seems the France, which had declared war on the small far off land of Abu Dhabi before the beginning of the war with England, has failed to conquer that country still. The U.S. had recently declared war on Mexico over California, and the Ottomans were attempting to grab another piece of their former vassal Egypt. The Russians, having failed to succeed in war with Kokand earlier, were now fighting against neighboring Bukkhara over land. The emperor paid little attention to the western savages before, but now that the Russians were getting involved the region was becoming more important, given its vicinity to the western frontiers of his dynasty. Interestingly, a few days later in May 1870, Britain intervened in America’s war against Mexico on the side of the Mexicans.

Most of the rest of 1870 passed by rather uneventfully in China, with the exception of the invention of private banks in October. Such institutions would help improve the Chinese economy and allow it to recover from the British blockade. The Emperor chose to research strategic mobility next, to allow China to build better border fortifications. A month later the army established telegraph communication systems, allowing much faster communication between Peking and the outlying garrisons. Throughout the fall months the Manch Court continued denying requests for an alliance from Kokand and other far western savages.

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In December, the aftereffects of the war caused a food shortage across the country, including in the capital. Riots by mobs of angry peasants occurred in the streets of the capital itself, but the Emperor believed that the situation would correct itself, refusing to include more reformists in the cabinet. It would be dangerous to placate the anti-Confucian, pro-foreign elements of the government. So he chose to wait for the situation to resolve itself.

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In March 1871, a representative from Gwailor, one of the few Indian princely states not under direct British domination, arrived in Peking and requested an alliance between his country and China. The Emperor was intrigued by this interest from an Indian state, but was considerate of British interests and the perception of whether or not the British would see it as encroaching on their territory. He then reprimanded himself for taking their interests into account and treating this barbarian power as if it were equal to the Great Qing. In the end, he decided to accept the alliance, for not much other reason than as a snub to the British.

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On September 16, the Manchu Court received word that Japan had fallen into the Russian sphere of influence, which caused some alarm. First Korea and now Japan. Russia was attempting to encroach on the traditional Chinese vassals.

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In the new year of 1872, the Qing Emperor attempted to improve relations by using his diplomatic influence to try to win favor with the British. He hoped a concentrated effort in this direction could finally end any further quarreling over territory between the two nations. In addition it seemed that the population was lacking in important goods now that trade between them had declined because of hostilities. If that attempt failed, the secondary plan was to appeal to a neutral mediator who could act as a middleman between China and the antagonistic countries of Britain, France, and Russia. The U.S. was building up its relations with China while the other Europeans fought it out, and so the Qing Emperor saw potential in the Americans, who so far have not significantly bothered China.

That year the Son of Heaven also made up his mind to improve the navy further and make it able to compete with the Europeans during war. Both of the top admirals of China, Ma Shangzhi and Zhao Xiangying, died of old age in 1872, and thus new talent would have to be recruited to replace them as fleet commanders. He began by making an effort to promote the career of military officer in some of the country’s most populous regions. Also as part of the naval expansion the building of a new naval base in Tianjin began, to better defend the approaches to the capital.

In late December American diplomatic influence in Peking had reached a point where China was finally considered to have entered the U.S. sphere of influence.​

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Later in January 1873 the Emperor found a potential replacement for admirals Ma and Zhao. Sonin Xingde became the new commander of the Guangdong Fleet. He was noted as being a megalomaniac, but tactful. Sonin was the only man of talent in the Qing navy at the moment, so the Emperor settled on him being fleet commander for now. Another commander joined the fleet in August, Deng Shangzhi, becoming the leader of the Fujian Fleet He was not a particularly skilled field commander but was a capable staff officer.

It was not until April 1874 that a better leader was recruited. Admiral Songgotu Linge was audacious and a competent tactician, an all around capable naval officer. He was given command of the Nanyang fleet at Shanghai. In June, as part of the naval buildup, the Emperor gave his consent to begin researching the steamer ships. For millennia, Chinese had used the wind power of sails to traverse the many rivers of the country and the surrounding seas. However, the Europeans, in the smoke-belching contraptions, had proved that their metal hulls and engines made for better vessels overall. Thus the Emperor would not be content if the Qing Dynasty did not possess a fleet of such ships of its own.

In October, signal units were attached to army divisions and naval stations to further increase communications between Peking and the outlying field formations. Furthermore, in the final month of 1874 the Emperor commissioned a massive reconstruction project to upgrade the forts on the border and in vital cities, after having seen their usefulness during the last war against Britain.

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So as January 1875 came about, many in the high society of China and in the diplomatic circles were speaking about the ongoing developments throughout the empire. Besides the military reforms, other technological progress was being made. But the emperor had made it clear that he was still maintaining the ancient traditions while merely borrowing and applying some of the foreigners’ technology for use within his domain. No significant political changes, he decreed, would be granted despite the continued support the reformers had and their heavy presence in the grand council. All of this combined for an increasing militancy among the population of China.

Every other month the government was forced to deal with, for example, the discovery of underground banks that were assisting various resistance groups that tried to challenge Manchu rule, or increasing insubordination from non-Manchu units in the imperial army. The Emperor urged restraint and dealt with them as leniently as he could in order to prevent any uprising. According to his government, about 10% of the population wanted to implement reform that would allow aristocrats and other wealthy citizens to vote for members of a legislative upper house in elections. This was ignored by the sovereign for now. February 1875 brought a setback to the naval effort with the sudden unexpected death of Admiral Sonin. It would be some time before he could be replaced.

By the beginning of 1876 the Reformist faction dominated the upper house, being the single largest clique, though not the majority. Zhiqiang was the second largest, while the Conservatives were behind them. Still, now the Reformists and their minor fringe leftist allies formed a potent force in the upper house.​

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A sign of the discontent appeared in May when the secret police violently rounded rebels plotting to rebel in Lhodrak against the government. They managed to prevent the uprising, but it stirred further discontent among the masses. Several executions of a dissident poets and the nationalization of resistance banks worsened the situation in the coming months.

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That same month, on a different note, the Emperor received a message from the Austrian ambassador in Peking informed the Chinese Government that a new regime was in power, and henceforth his country would be known as Austria-Hungary.​

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Disturbingly, the emperor learned in December that the Russians had attacked Kokand, a region of savages to the west, and had taken control of part of the country, including a segment that bordered China. He considered preemptively invading Kokand to not lose the entire area to the Russians.

The Qing Emperor began giving this issue more thought, and believed that a war like this might unite the public in difficult times. In April 1877 he firmly settled on this idea as Russia declared war on Bukkhara, a nearby khanate, for territory. So in May 1877, when the world newspapers’ attention was turned to the U.S. intervention against the Ottoman Empire in its war with Egypt and the start of a conflict between the North German Federation and Bavaria that drew in multiple other countries, the Emperor chose to declare war on the western savages.

As it turned out, the 1870s were some of the longest periods of peace in recent Chinese history. For seven years the country made progress in all fields while managing to avoid conflict.
 
The last lines of this update suggest that things are about to become rather more hectic for the Empire.
 
The U.K. and the U.S. still enemies in the 1870's? I mean, to the point of helping Mexico in a war on the west coast? GB is full of ambition in this game. And apparently thinks the Treasury is made of money!
 
Kokand War, the Beiyang Clique, and the new Steam Navy (1877—1886)

This time, at least, not the entire country was going to war. The Manchu Court and the board of war operations—a quasi general headquarters established in Peking to coordinate military activities under the command of the Emperor—estimated that crushing the mountain savages of the far west would be done quickly. In May 1877, several Chinese armies began to march into Kokand. The elite Gansu Braves, some veterans of the British war but other new recruits, about 30,000 strong in total, were the first to enter enemy territory on June 29.

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A month later, on July 24, the Gansu Braves under General Changlin Kang’an—a capable commander recently summoned from the 29th Army at Port Arthur—engaged the Kokandi tribesmen at their capital. Unexpectedly, thousands of troops had died during the transit through the mountains due to the difficulties of giving them adequate supplies, and so they had been greatly weakened by exhaustion and losses from attrition by the time the battle began. Thus, their performance was underwhelming, contrary to the expectations in Peking. But the battle was still won and the capital began to be occupied, although the enemy army escaped largely intact.

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Meanwhile, further to the north, 51st Army had entered the province of Alma Ata and began occupying it, while the Mongolian cavalry of Army of the Steppe moved past them into nearby Yasi. But these, along with the Gansu troops, totaled only some 34,000 men, which was judged to be too little for a quick end to the war. To speed up the process units from as far away as Khovd (17th Army) and Changtang (5th Army) were summoned.

On October 14, 5th Army made contact with the Kokandi forces under Askar Beg at the city of Naryn. Contrary to initial expectations, Askar Beg’s fighters turned out to be tough soldiers, especially in their native terrain, and managed to inflicted three times as many casualties against the Chinese as they lost. However, they were ultimately forced to retire back eastwards by superior firepower. The capital and Alma Ata had fallen to Qing forces by the 31st of that month, followed by Yasi on November 4.

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The 5th Army proceeded to Osh in the south while 17th Army pursued the retreating Kokandis back to their capital (the Gansu Braves moved on to Tashkent after it fell).

A breakthrough in the naval program occurred in late December, when research on steamer ships was completed. Subsequently he began to research naval design bureaus as the kind they had in Europe in order to speed up warship construction and development. Although this event was overshadowed by the news of the ongoing campaign in Kokand, this event would begin a new era in Chinese naval history, the Emperor was certain.

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On December 21, it became known that the 17th Army had won against the Kokandis but again failed to land the coup de grace against Askar Beg’s army, which escaped north after some light casualties. As the year of 1877 drew to a close, 51st Army arrived from the north and engaged the Kokandi tribesmen, soon joined by the advancing 17th Army from the south. The new year was greeted by the news of a significant victory over the Kokandis at Bishkek, killing some 2,000 enemy troops. The 17th Army followed the retreating Kokandis, which were now exhausted and losing morale, as they fled towards Naryn. Frustratingly, however, they managed to execute a successful fighting retreat from the city, taking little losses as the savage barbarians made their way north to Alma Ata.

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To compound the problem it seemed surviving tribesmen were replenishing Askar Beg’s ranks as they rejoined his army when it retreated. The Gansu Braves scored a victory over the savages at Alma Ata in late February—at a high cost as they were withdrawing after having lost more than half of their forces—but this too did little damage.

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When the enemy forces fled to occupied Yasi, the Chinese commander on the ground decided to ignore them, as the rest of the country had already fallen, at which point he would force the authorities to surrender. That they did on 22 May 1878, bringing large swaths of Kokandi territory under Qing sovereignty. Now a bulwark against Russian expansion into Central Asia had been secured (at the expense of the western savages). Overall, the performance of the army was disappointing, but it could be expected given the difficult terrain and difficulty of supplying the forces, as well as a lack of numbers as a result of the attrition.

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Turning his attention back to internal affairs, the Emperor was informed that mechanized fishing vessels had been invented during the war, which should help both the economy and the naval armament program.

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Another foreign matter that caused quite a stir in the legation quarter of Peking was brought to the Emperor’s attention in August. The new country of Austria-Hungary declared war on the North German Federation over the territory of Moravia (in recent days the Son of Heaven found it a curiosity and hobby to monitor the state of European power struggles). Germany, already at war with Bavaria, which somehow managed to hold its ground despite its military inferiority, was now in for an even bigger war—as Britain, Spain, the Netherlands, and a number of other states sided with the Austrians.​

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This became a more direct matter when, oddly enough, the German diplomat in the imperial capital asked the Qing government to allow Germany military access to Chinese territory. The Emperor, always wanting to improve relations with the Europeans, agreed. But he was left wondering what they would attack considering that the Austrians did not have any colonies in the area. But in any case, this event made the North German Federation the only European great power with which China actually had positive relations.

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In November the U.S. and the Ottomans finally came to an agreement, in which the Sultan agreed to leave Egypt alone, and subsequently the Americans declared war on Mexico, as the Manchu Court learned from the American minister. If they were lucky Britain wouldn’t intervene this time.

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Meanwhile, the early months of 1879 saw the completion of the new fortresses along the Chinese border. The Emperor was annoyed to learn that the barbarians to the north possessed even more advanced forts on their side of the border, but at least China had no plans of going on the offensive against the Russians. At least not for now.

On May 3, one of the most important discoveries of the decade was made (at least in the Emperor’s view): commerce raiders. These ironclad vessels, unlike the present wooden sailing warships in the Qing fleet, were much more advanced and would allow China to compete with the Europeans on a more equal footing. The Emperor immediately ordered the dockyards to begin constructing these ships for China’s new steam navy. Seventeen of these vessels were laid down across Chinese ports, and by June construction had already started on several of them. The next month, naval design bureaus were finished researching, which would hopefully speed up the construction process.

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The Manchu Court decided to research alphabetic flag signaling next to improve communications between the ships’ crews in battle. Another discovery was made in September—steamer construction plants. It was hoped this would also allow production to be increased.

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It amused the Emperor to learn in late December that over in Europe the British negotiated with the Germans an end to the war, which would allow them to keep Moravia. Meanwhile the U.S. added other territories of Mexico to its list of demands as its troops were successfully against the Mexican forces, while its ally, the United States of Central America, also added a demand.

Celebrations occurred in Peking to mark the end of the 1870s decade, which turned out not exactly as the Son of Heaven had hoped, but definitely some of the best years of his long reign. With the exception of the brief Kokandi war, China had undergone a period of peace and growth. Moreover, it confirmed the Emperor’s belief of self-strengthening while maintain Chinese ideals. The new year of 1880 was also marked with the formation of a new clique, somewhat in favor of modernization, but also sticking to tradition—the Beiyang. This faction quickly replaced Zhiqiang as the next ruling party in China.​

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The new government formed by the Beiyang advocated some minor reforms that may have pleased the Reformist faction. Those included free trade, as opposed to Zhiqiang’s protectionism, as well as full citizenship and secularism. On the other hand, Beiyang maintained its predecessor’s pro-military views and state capitalist policies.

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Along with the political shakeup in the Qing government, a major advancement also occurred that spring. It was in late March 1880 that a new chapter began in Chinese military history with the commissioning ceremony of the first commerce raider of the Qing navy in Jinzhou, northern China, named Chung king. Since the first moment that the smoke-bellowing iron ships first appeared on Chinese shores, they have been a symbol of the barbarians' technologically superiority, and now China had overcome this by obtaining its own fleet of steam warships. This would begin the history of the new Beiyang (northern ocean) Fleet, a formation that would consist entirely of ironclads and to be based out of the Port Arthur and Weihaiwei, with the objective of protecting the approaches to the imperial capital.

Admiral Changlin Zhanshan was recalled from Canton in the south to receive the honor of taking command of the new formation, by imperial decree, being the most capable Chinese admiral. Admiral Ma Kang’an took over the Guangdong Fleet, his former command. The older fleets of Fujian, Guandong, and Nanyang would temporarily maintain their wooden sailing ships and lose importance, but those will eventually be replaced by ironclads as well.

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In foreign affairs, the Emperor learned in October that the U.S. and its Central American allies were approaching victory over Mexico. By October 20, Mexico City was under siege by American forces and the Mexican front had practically collapsed.​

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In early December, more progress was made when steam transports were finally discovered. Now it was time to build steam transports to be able to carry armies abroad if need be.​

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By early January 1881, it seemed that America’s victory was inevitable as most of Mexico was under U.S. or allied control. On March 2, alphabetic flag signaling was finished and research began on the command principle, to improve naval officers’ capabilities. The first steam transports were launched and joined the Beiyang Fleet around that time as well.

In August, the Emperor was informed that the Mexican government had been overthrown and that a restoration of the Mexican monarchy had been proclaimed. Oddly enough, they hadn’t capitulated and continued the fight. Nonetheless the Son of Heaven was glad to know that the preferred barbarian power that would have China in its "sphere" was militarily strong.

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By October most of the first phase of the naval expansion program was finished, with the Beiyang Fleet totaling 34 ironclad ships—28 warships, commerce raiders, along with six transports. Further to the south, the Guangdong, Fujian, and Nanyang fleets, totaling some 14 wooden sailing ships, continued to defend the coastline in those areas. However, in a few years they will also receive ironclad warships. The Emperor and the Manchu Court, however, were outraged to learn that the Qing Dynasty did not have the distinction of being the largest navy in Asia. Instead, that honor went to Japan, with 86 vessels compared to China’s 48. It was something that had to be remedied.

In addition, the Manchus were disturbed to learn that the ruling clique in Korea had shifted away from China, now being ruled by the liberal pro-Japanese faction. It also seemed that the Koreans had granted some segments of their population the right to vote in elections, something neither China nor Japan has done, and that the Qing Emperor was determined to avoid.

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In early 1882, the next phase of the naval armament buildup continued, with more commerce raiders and steam transports being laid down. In September the Emperor decided to begin research on experimental railroads, wanting a method to speed up troop transportation across the empire.

The following month the Manchu Court learned of Mexico’s capitulation to the U.S. and its allies from the American minister. Throughout early 1883, the Chinese noted that several European powers had declared war on other minor countries that could not withstand their invasion. In China, by the spring of 1883 much of the next phase of the naval armament buildup was complete. In late December the Emperor was a bit alarmed when the Russians declared war on Bukkhara again, this time to annex it entirely and eliminate the remaining buffer zone between the Chinese frontier and Russian territory.

In early 1884 the Chinese government was informed that Japan had signed a military alliance with Russia, and as had Korea. This heightened the fear of another clash with Russia, but this time China’s traditional tributaries would not be on its side. The fact that the Russians had influence over Chinese tributaries was a major loss of face.

But another advance was made in April 1884 when research on experimental railways was completed. The Emperor commissioned an experimental railway link to be laid down between Beijing and the entry port of Tianjin. Next they began researching mechanized mining.

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By September 1884, Bukkhara had fallen completely into Russian hands. The Qing Emperor’s attention briefly turned to Europe on December 7 when Austria-Hungary again declared war on Germany after having failed several years back. In March of the new year, France declared war on Spain, further increasing tensions on the continent, the Emperor noted, dragging in Britain and the Ottomans (who were at war with Egypt and their U.S. protectors). Around this time, incredibly, the British had failed to conquer the Zulu tribesmen and sued for white peace, contrary to the Emperor’s expectations.

The rest of 1885 largely went on in a similar pattern—with new inventions being made every month. China was moving into the industrial age. The relative peace and tranquility of the past several years was interrupted on March 2, 1886, with the outbreak of a major rebellion.

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The Communists are coming!
 
Sorry for the hold up guys, but I am starting college classes soon so I am otherwise occupied. But I will try to keep updating this.

The Communists are coming!
Did Mao get born a couple of decades early in this timeline? :D

Seems so, and it happened before the Boxer Rebel uprising even. Kind of strange to me, but I guess Mao was indeed a couple decades early here.

The British are not doing so well in this time line. I wonder who will end up the European Super Power? And I wonder what the Chinese Navy will be doing in the future?

Yeah, though at least they stopped trying to attack China. We shall see.
 
I Think you should go after the Indochina, then use that as a spring board to put parts of Oceania under Qing fold. Im pretty sure Oceania has either gold or oil. Central Asia is pretty useless and only a Russian player should care about that place.
 
Communist Revolution and Other Uprisings (1886—1891)

Perhaps emboldened by the technological progress and witnessing the reforms in nearby Korea and Japan, traditional tributaries of China, the Chinese masses had become more inclined to what the Emperor and the Manchu Court regarded as dangerously un-Confucian ideologies. Some isolated incidents of violence and other rebellious acts have been becoming increasingly frequent. The secret police reported that different rebel movements have been making significant gains in many provinces of the empire. This culminated in a large uprising across several provinces by the Chinese Communist movement on 2 March 1886. The Manchu Court responded immediately to crush the revolt before it could spark any more rebellions against the dynasty.

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Most of the uprisings were small, but the ones in Yongzhou of southern China and Taicangzhou on the eastern coast, slightly north of Shanghai, had over ten thousand Communist rebels. The Qing imperial army responded quickly. On March 10, the 22nd Army under General Suksaha Tiemei engaged the 4th Chinese Red Guards at Taicangzhou. On March 14 Changlin Shangzhi’s 25th Army attacked the 3rd Chinese Red Guards at Yongzhou. By March 25 the fighting was mostly over, as the army put down much of the rebellious factions, with some scattered remnants being eliminated in the southern provinces. The final holdout fell on April 8.

The month-long “revolution” was put down fairly quickly, but it still disturbed the Emperor and his imperial court. It was the first major uprising during his long reign. He hoped it would be the last, and it seems that the agitation was dying down now that Communists had been so thoroughly crushed.

In early May, China’s first railroad link, running from the imperial capital of Peking to its entry port of Tianjin, was completed successfully, and the Emperor ordered and expansion to connect other major cities. Some of the Chinese literati were skeptical of the introduction of more European technology though.​

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In foreign affairs, the Qing foreign ministry reported that the Germans had succeeded in their war against Austria, forcing it to concede a part of former Bavarian territory it had acquired to the North German Federation, as well as to admit Germany’s hegemony. Bavaria, resisting German influence, decided to leave the new sphere immediately, prompting a declaration of war from the Federation. In his benevolence, the Emperor decided to grant the North German Federation financial assistance during its war against Bavaria, after it has been ravaged in the Second Austro-German War. So far it seemed the Germans were China’s closest partners in Europe.

By the summer of 1886, several European powers got into a squabble over the right to conduct investigations in Chinese territory. The Emperor took interest in these but considered it to be a purely barbarian affair, as he did not recognize any of them as China’s equals. But at the same time he was glad to see the barbarians at each other’s throats. However, the crisis did lead to something—the British did succeed in supposedly removing China from the “sphere of influence” of the United States, according to the foreign ministry.

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The year 1887 was rather uneventful, mostly becoming notable for the death of all of China’s prominent admirals. The Emperor continued to watch foreign affairs as the domestic situation remained largely quiet. In late October of that year, Mexico went to war with the U.S. again, this time to leave its sphere of influence. In December the North German-Bavarian War ended, and so did China’s payments to the Federation.

It was not until May 1888 that another major event occurred in China. Peking was notified by telegraph that on May 12, Mongolian nationalists under Damdin Choibalsan and Chingis Amar began an armed uprising in Urga and Khatgal against the local Manchu authorities. This was the first revolt since the Communist Rebellion of 1886. The Emperor ordered the Qing garrison in Mongolia, which included some 15,000 Mongol cavalry, to put it down immediately. The revolt at Urga was quickly crushed by the aforementioned loyalist Mongols, while a more sizable contingent at Khatgal held out and retreated when the 17th Army attacked it. It wasn’t until mid-June that they were also routed.

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The Emperor was alarmed that the Mongols, a people close to the Manchus politically and through intermarriage that had become one of his close allies, would rebel against his rule. It was an ominous sign. Perhaps China was adopting Western technology too fast, and they should slow down progress. On the bright side, around the same time many of the railway lines began to be finished throughout the provinces, including the Fuzhou—Jianing line and the Anqing—Fengyang line.

On September 3, the U.S. unveiled to the world that it had built the Panama Canal, allowing shipping to pass through the canal instead of going around South America. The Emperor believed this would help further increase Chinese trade with foreign barbarian nations, and had to admit he was interested in such a great feat of engineering.

In early December, in spite of the French having completely occupied the Spanish mainland, the Austro-Hungarians forced them to negotiate and accept a white peace. Two months into the new year, the Germans entered into an alliance with the United States.

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In China, the first half of 1889 saw the completion of many of the railways being built throughout the country. However, July 8 saw the uprising of Manchu nationalists to the north, in the border city of Aigun on the Russian frontier. Some 24,000 rebels attacked the local garrison, which was taken by surprise. This event caused quite a commotion in Peking, as the Manchu Court had no idea that even Manchus were prepared to rise up against the dynasty. It was an even worse sign than the Communist or Mongol rebellions last year. In any case, the board of war operations dispatched the Army of the Border Yellow Banner and the Han 61st Army to assist the besieged garrison, but the absence of any significant general to oversee the operations there made it more difficult.

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To the shock of the Court, the garrison was defeated before reinforcements could arrive, leaving the Army of the Manchu Bordered Yellow Banner outnumbered by the rebels when they began their assault on July 23. It was not until August 7 that the 61st Army arrived to support them. As this was happening, Peking sent a telegram to the headquarters of the even larger 18th Army of 30,000 men, under General Suksaha Shangzhi, which was at the border post of Ninguta to the south.​

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The combined force was able to defeat the Manchu nationalists at Aigun before the 18th Army could be mobilized, and began pursuing them westward as they fled towards the border town of Manzhouli in mid-August.

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Meanwhile, the retreating remnants of the Green Standard army that had initially fought the nationalists arrived there first, and were quickly set to flight as the rebels arrived in the town on September 3, attacking from behind. Although the surviving garrison troops still outnumbered the attacking nationalists, they quickly fled.

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It was not until September 11 that the pursuing 61st Army and Bordered Yellow Banner forces caught up with them. It did not take long for them to drive the nationalists out of Manzhouli.

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As the few thousand rebels began fleeing in the direction of Bayan Tumen, the Mongol forces in nearby Urga received a telegram from Peking ordering them to intercept the rebels.

Only the news of tuberculosis outbreak in southern China in early November and the death of 10% of that province’s population interrupted the Court’s and the Emperor’s focus on the rebellion. The Chinese government was concerned about any possible epidemic. But it seemed the situation was contained to that region, at least. As for news from the front, on the 14th, the Mongols had routed the remaining rebels that Bayan Tumen.

Although the fighting was over, the implications of the Manchu Rebellion were disturbing to the Son of Heaven. If his own people were rising up against the dynasty, this was not a good sign. Thanks to his government’s censoring of information most of the rest of China did not know of this event (militancy went down). Equally disturbing was the news from the secret police that on January 1, 1890, the Communist Party was officially formed as a political movement in the empire.

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Meanwhile, in early February, the admiralty board dispatched the Guangdong Fleet on a routine voyage through Southeast Asia, passing by the Spanish Philippines and the Dutch East Indies, before returning to Canton in May. This was the first long cruise that the Chinese navy took part in as far as anyone in the Manchu Court could remember. The Emperor intended this as a show of strength made by the Qing dynasty towards the European barbarians nearby their shores, that China was rapidly becoming strong enough to project its own power.​

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On May 9, 1890, the Emperor chose to accept an Afghan envoy’s request for an alliance between Afghanistan and China. He did so because the traditional vassals of the empire—Japan, Korea, and Dai Nam—had fallen under foreign influence and were no longer so receptive to Chinese suzerainty, and it was necessary to obtain new vassals.

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Early in 1890 the Admiralty Board presented to the Emperor its plan for the modernization of the other three fleets. The Beiyang Fleet was by far the largest and most advanced navy of the Qing empire, but the other three navies still consisted of wooden vessels. It was time replaced them. In addition, the Board proposed acquiring not only commerce raiders but begin researching larger ironclads used by the navies of Europe. The first commerce raiders for the other fleets were laid down on July 5.

The rest of 1890 largely passed uneventfully, with most of China’s new railroads that had been under construction being finished. Peking was now connected to most of the central and southern Chinese provinces by railway. Further expansion was planed both in these regions as well as the other, more remote parts of the empire. Together with the development of modern telegraph communications systems this should allow the dynasty to maintain its grip on the country better.

However, a surprise came in the first half of January 1891. It was something that the Emperor had thought was finally behind him and that China would not have to deal with again. But he was wrong...

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