Forza Italia!

[RossN]

Wow, a lot has happened quickly!

I know they are the antagonists here but I can't help but feel sorry for the Ottomans. At least they managed to chase back Greece and Serbia. I'm also startled by how weak a non-Westernised China is, something I'd completely forgotten.

As always Jape you shine in bringing across the political personalities involved, especially as my own knowledge of Italy in this era is limited. It seems that however tragic Umberto's death was it might have been a blessing in disguise for the House of Savoy.

 

[Jape]

Sorry guys, moving to a new flat and writer's block have meant slow progress for Chapter XIV. Jusy thought I'd pop by to assure you this hasn't gone on "hiatus" and I'm hoping to have it out by the end of the week. As ever thanks for all your support.

Talk about a devastating victory. Taranto is well and truly avenged.

Very much so!

go Italy! now for Libia!

In time. Right now there are bigger fish to fry.

Make sure to burn Tunis to ashes!

Ha ha.

Time to turn Tunis into the province of Cartago and flood it with Italians!

That's not a bad idea, we'll see.

Wow, a lot has happened quickly!

I know they are the antagonists here but I can't help but feel sorry for the Ottomans. At least they managed to chase back Greece and Serbia. I'm also startled by how weak a non-Westernised China is, something I'd completely forgotten.

As always Jape you shine in bringing across the political personalities involved, especially as my own knowledge of Italy in this era is limited. It seems that however tragic Umberto's death was it might have been a blessing in disguise for the House of Savoy.

Well they were also simply defending their charge so I too have some sympathy for them but Mare Nostrum and all that.

Thank you, well I can't say my knowledge of 19th century Italy is exactly vast. I've been trying to read up as much as possible but I imagine an Italian reader would raise an eyebrow. Best to consider this "based on historical events".

It could be a blessing for Savoy. I mainly did it simply to make things a little different and Umberto was IRL attacked in the first year of his reign. Amedeo is 'better' in the sense of being a constitutional monarch but won't be all plain sailing for him and his descendents.

 

[stnylan]

Hope the move goes well.

 

[Jape]

Chapter XIV
Club Africano

Italian protectorate of Tunisia 1880
​

Tunisia was a milestone for the Kingdom of Italy. In one brief “poco guerra”, Rome had established itself as a legitimate naval power, humiliated France, taken command of the Central Mediterranean and finally joined the ranks of the colonial powers. Amidst the nationalist outpourings, the stain of Taranto was washed away. In March 1880 as the last Lepanto-class ironclad entered service, King Amedeo visited the Genoa shipyards to personally christen her Marmara, in honour of Zupelli’s historic victory. It had been a great gamble for Agostino Depretis and his government. The anti-colonialism of the north, intervention by Paris, disaster at sea or even at the hands of Berber warriors had all been quietly whispered as possible disasters waiting in the wings. The Prime Minister had barrelled ahead, his gravitas, confidence and (frankly) pigheadedness winning over ministers, generals and even the King himself to the need for action in North Africa.

The victory, though endorsed by various government figures, was truly that of Depretis (and his colonial confidante Correnti). It reasserted his grip over the Chamber of Deputies, the loose party affiliations of the period having seen the Left majority if not shrink then certainly soften after four years of royal spats, domestic unrest and stalled reform. The leader of the opposition Right, Marco Minghetti, publicly applauded “our brave men at arms”, while in private he was far from cheerful. Emilio Visconti-Venosta noted “at mention of Depretis he would curse. At mention of the coming election he would turn grey”. Perhaps most clearly the war had emboldened Italy and her self-image. A variety of interests geared towards exploration and imperialism, once fringe, now found themselves catapulted to the forefront of the national consciousness.

However unintentionally, the Società Geografica Italiana proved an early driving force for Italian colonialism. Established in Florence in 1867 as an organisation for naturalists of various disciplines, the SGI’s globetrotting expeditions to Sub-Saharan Africa and the Far East soon attracted the attention of government officials. As early as 1869 Emilio Cerruti had begun a series of extensive trips through the East Indies. Unlike the Society’s various botanists and zoologists, he was a former naval officer turned explorer, mapping the uncharted hinterlands of the region.

Cerruti first captured the public imagination in 1874 with his expedition up the Fly River of northern New Guinea. Hiring the Australian steamer Neva, he journeyed further into the island’s jungle interior than any Westerner had gone before. Cerruti was a noted eccentric, keeping wavering crewmembers in line with a pet python and scaring off native attacks from the shoreline with barrages of fireworks. Making more genial contact with several local tribes, Cerruti’s secret mission was to purchase land on behalf of the Ministry of Marine. Intended not for naval bases but the establishment of a penal colony, the enterprise ultimately floundered on the protests of British and Dutch colonial authorities [1].

​

Nonetheless Cerruti’s exploits won the confidence of Rome. The electoral victory of the Sinistra Liberale saw him fall under the patronage of Cesare Correnti, the face of the colonial lobby, becoming an official agent of the Italian state. In 1877, alongside the botanist Odoardo Beccari, Cerruti travelling down the northern coast of Borneo taking audiences with the Sultans of Sulu and Brunei, the White Rajah Charles Brooke [2] and the oligarchs of the Lanfang Republic [3]. The Cerruti-Beccari Mission had little immediate impact on Italy’s position in the region, save a strongly worded missive from the Governor-General in Batavia. It however cemented government influence in (and funding of) the SGI.

Emilio Cerruti; officer, explorer, adventurer, diplomat​

The organisation’s president and founder Orazio Antinori, a devout Catholic, had spent much of the 1860s and 70s travelling through the Levant. Part missionary, part archaeologist, he searched for historical evidence of Biblical events. On his last major expedition before his death, Antinori visited Ethiopia in 1879 on the trail of the Queen of Sheba. Yohannes IV, whose Solomonic dynasty claimed descent from the legendary monarch, happily received the Italians. Antinori took the opportunity to make surreptitious notes regarding the country’s geography and political situation, presenting an extensive report to the Foreign Ministry on his return home. In time the Emperor would perhaps come to regret his hospitality.

Commercial interests naturally proved major instigators for involvement in the continent. I & V. Florio of Palermo, one of Italy’s largest shipping companies had used its influence to promote interest in West Africa, leading to the establishment of the Società coloniale per l'Africa occidentale. By the turn of the decade the group’s membership included bankers, senior military officers and politicians of both the Left and the Right. In 1880 the organisation even commissioned Cerruti to map the coast of Cameroon and the Niger Delta in the hope his celebrity and findings would trigger state interest in the area. Unfortunately for the Società coloniale, the ensuing ‘Scramble for Africa’ saw Britain, Germany and Spain seize much of the region in the space of a few years. The West African lobby would sputter on until the end of decade, increasingly irrelevant.

Correnti -and by extension the Depretis Government- was already focused eastwards towards the Horn of Africa. This was in no small part due to Raffaele Rubattino. The major rival to I & V. Florio in the Mediterranean, by the 1880s the company was already expanding into the Red Sea and Indian Ocean. The eponymous owner, a native of Genoa, was an outspoken colonialist, keen to expand his commercial enterprise with the march of empire. As early as 1876 he had opened the first trade route to newly Italian Ningbo. Rubattino soon attracted the attention of Correnti. The two found much common ground and established Club Africano in the summer of 1878. It was an informal group of influential figures, promoting exploration, exploitation and annexation of the Dark Continent. Assumed by most outsiders to be little more than a gentlemen’s drinking society (not entirely untrue) the Club nonetheless proved effective. Members ranged from the popular press to parliament to academia, promoting African (specifically East African) ventures in countless editorials, speeches and papers.

Following Tunis, Club Africano's membership swelled and Correnti attempted to seize his moment. He petitioned for the creation of a full colonial ministry with himself as its inaugural head. Despite sympathy from the Prime Minister, both the Foreign Minister Pasquale Mancini and Minister of Marine Benedetto Brin fiercely resisted the idea. The new office could take away swathes of responsibilities and funding from their two departments. Tunisia, as an official protectorate, had come under Mancini’s control. Activity further afield, from exploratory missions to the administration of Ningbo, were Brin’s purview.

Much of their opposition stemmed from the character of Correnti himself. A junior minister approaching seventy, he was “an old man in a hurry”. Isolated from the general Sinistra leadership owing to his decades-long absence from the party, he nonetheless held the ear of Depretis, their relationship stretching back to the revolutionary days of 1848. Correnti had also begun building support amongst the younger Deputies. His secularist background and imperial self-promotion had won the confidence of rising stars like Francesco Crispi and Ferdinando Martini, both newly enrolled members of Club Africano. Fear of Correnti as an opportunist, positioning himself to succeed Depretis on a wave of backbench support was all too real. By December the proposal had reached Cabinet. The usually domineering premier endorsed Correnti for a time before bowing to the unanimous opposition, the motion not even voted on but simply dismissed.

Defeated and considering resignation, Correnti’s fortunes soon rebounded in the new year, aided by his good friend. It would be the men of Raffaele Rubattino, not those of the Regia Marina who sailed into the Gulf of Tadjoura on 16 January 1880 and made landfall at Obock. Signing agreements with the Afar and Issa clans, they purchased a strip of uninhabited land across the bay. Blessed with a natural harbour, the new coaling station took the native name for the area; Djibouti. At a literal stroke, the shipping magnate had established Italy’s first permanent presence south of Suez [4]. It is unknown how much -if any- collusion there was between the two men regarding the Djibouti venture. What is known is their cooperation in its aftermath.

From small beginnings...
​

The Depretis Government fell over itself to endorse Rubattino and begin negotiations for the purchase of the enclave. Brin was first among them, the Ministry of Marine and the admirals well aware of the strategic value of a naval base at the mouth of the Red Sea. The owner of Djibouti meanwhile was eager to sell. Though confident in the station’s commercial value, Rubattino knew that without Rome’s involvement the outpost was incredibly vulnerable to native attack or -perhaps even more worryingly- occupation by a rival great power. Correnti, as government representative at the talks, got Rubattino to agree to a generous price and in return ensured all of his desired concessions were granted by the government. The deal was a victory for both men. Correnti, though still not invited into Cabinet, was granted the chair of a powerful new colonial commission, effectively bringing Club Africano into the corridors of power. Raffaele Rubattino expanded its operations further into the Indian Ocean and down along the Swahili Coast towards Zanzibar and Portuguese Mozambique.

By September a regiment of marines led by Colonel Vincenzo Filonardi were encamped at Djibouti and charged with securing control of the interior. The various clan leaders of the region accepted protectorate status with little resistance. The sight of the ironclad Enrico Dandalo off the coast and demonstrations of the newly deployed Maxim gun no doubt helped Filonardi in his negotiations. Once faced with the belligerent Majeerteen Sultanate to the east and the marcher lords of Ethiopia to the west and south, expansion quickly halted. In February 1881 both houses of parliament ratified the creation of a new colony, grandiosely dubbed Italian Somaliland. An area of arid hillside the size of Sardinia home to roughly 30,000 cattle farmers and fishermen, the province nonetheless gave Rome its long desired foothold in East Africa.

The whole episode was just one of a series of European colonial adventures in the early decade; the Spanish invasion of Congo, France’s annexation of Morocco, Anglo-German competition along the Gold Coast, to name a few. The sudden surge of interest in Africa raised concern of a return to the colonial conflicts of the 18th century. Chancellor Bismarck was the first to publicly call for a great power conference on the issue. General agreement, balanced by lingering French antipathy towards Berlin, led to the talks being held in neutral Lisbon in June 1882.

Alberto Blanc, a Depretis loyalist, seasoned diplomat and recently appointed ambassador to Portugal, led Rome’s delegation while maintaining near constant communication with Mancini and Correnti via telegraph. The Italians were focused on securing their interests in the Horn, striking a conciliatory tone elsewhere and tossing aside peripheral interests like the Cameroons, (much to the dismay of the Società coloniale). The delegates eventually acknowledged Spanish and British claims in West Africa, as well as France’s dominance east of Tunisia and of Madagascar (triggering the near immediate fall of the island kingdom). Mancini was able to have Rome’s primacy over “Abyssinia and its greater coastal territories” approved in turn. Other nations with colonial ambitions in Africa, such as the Netherlands, Denmark and even Hungary were effectively shut out of the continent. The Portuguese were the only minor power to gain anything at Lisbon, their long established colonies and client states being officially recognised, dousing fears of geopolitical strong-arming. Bismarck, never colonialism’s most enthusiastic supporter, accepted the rather measly settlement of Dahomey for Germany and recognition of their stake in the Niger Delta.

In September the General Act of the Lisbon Conference was published, signed by all the attending representatives. Alongside broad agreement to the various nations’ “spheres of influence” (the first use of the term in an international document), it also established the Principle of Effective Control. Introduced by Britain and France to stop ‘latecomers’ from simply claiming territory on the continent, it demanded the nation in question establish its rule over an area by occupation or treaty before it could be recognised as a legitimate colony by its fellow great powers [5]. For members of Club Africano it did little to stifle their enthusiasm.

Tropical uniforms of the new Esercito d'Africa c.1885

__________​

[1] The Fly River Expedition is basically all OTL. Cerruti was a bit of an odd guy.

[2] Beccari, mentioned briefly in Chapter VIII, was good friends with the Brooke family.

[3] Lanfang was a tributary state of the Qing Empire and a -for lack of a better term- merchant republic, ruled by a Chinese elite.

[4] Private buyers secured Italy’s first lands in Eritrea IOTL.

[5] This is all basically from the 1884 Conference of Berlin. I only mention these details to the lay the ground work for upcoming instalments.

 

[stnylan]

So the scramble for Africa has well and truly begun.

 

[RossN]

So the scramble begins. It sounds like France is losing out, at least compared with real life.

I love the personal touches - a pet python for the win!

 

[guillec87]

so. who got the Congo?

 

[El Pip]

I knew I'd have to catch up on a few things after being away, but I genuinely never believed that it would be Jape (Jape mark you!) who would race ahead.

You, and Italy, have moved on decades and mostly to the good. The Fly River Expedition is an odd corned of history I am glad you brought to our attention and, as always, I enjoy any mention of the White Rajah's of Borneo (apart from general barkingness, I have something of a soft spot for Badger based coats of arms).

Blanc played a mediocre hand very well at Lisbon, Italy will have her East African Empire it seems. You also appear to be hinting that Italy will avoid it's humiliating defeat to Ethiopia, certainly if there is a war you are not setting it up for the heroic victory Ethiopia historically managed. I look forward to seeing how this turns out and who, if anyone, the Ascari end up fighting for and against.

 

[Jape]

Hi guys, there was a delay on the move so everything is behind schedule. One thing that means is I'm going to be without internet for the near future. As such I've produced a bumper Appendix chapter (in no way mimicking my good friend @RossN). I had originally intended this to be a two-parter but as I don't know when I'll be back I thought I'd dump it here in one big ole' pile. Its low on pictures and I've only just realised information regarding the military. I'll try to correct once I'm back up and running. Until then I hope you enjoy this overview of la Patria in 1880.

Hope the move goes well.

Thank you stnylan, sorry I didn't respond to this message earlier.

So the scramble for Africa has well and truly begun.

It has indeed, we're only just getting started.

So the scramble begins. It sounds like France is losing out, at least compared with real life.

I love the personal touches - a pet python for the win!

Overall frankly yes but I blame that on the ramshackle junta running the place. We may have taken Tunisia but you also have Spain getting uppity.

Thank you, it's always nice to dig up historical oddballs when writing AARs.

so. who got the Congo?

I purposely left that out, the Congo and East Africa will get there own chapter.

I knew I'd have to catch up on a few things after being away, but I genuinely never believed that it would be Jape (Jape mark you!) who would race ahead.

You, and Italy, have moved on decades and mostly to the good. The Fly River Expedition is an odd corned of history I am glad you brought to our attention and, as always, I enjoy any mention of the White Rajah's of Borneo (apart from general barkingness, I have something of a soft spot for Badger based coats of arms).

Blanc played a mediocre hand very well at Lisbon, Italy will have her East African Empire it seems. You also appear to be hinting that Italy will avoid it's humiliating defeat to Ethiopia, certainly if there is a war you are not setting it up for the heroic victory Ethiopia historically managed. I look forward to seeing how this turns out and who, if anyone, the Ascari end up fighting for and against.

Will wonders never cease Pip old boy!

Moved on in some ways but not others as I hope this addendix will shed some light on. I stumbled across the Fly River jaunt and knew I had to put it in somewhere. The Brookes are a fascinating little bit of history themselves. We may pop back to Borneo yet.

Blanc did very well (he eventually became foreign minister IOTL) however a gentlemen's agreement does not trump boots on the ground, East Africa isn't ours just yet. I hinted that we would likely clash with the King of Kings but Ethiopia was never kind to Italian soldiers, have to wait and see. Oh don't worry the Ascari in some form will be making an appearance fairly soon.

 

[Jape]

Appendix 1
The Kingdom of Italy in 1880​

Head of State: King Amedeo I
Head of Government: Agostino Depretis
Capital: Rome
Population (including colonies and concessions): 33.83 million



Government

HM Amedeo I, King of Italy​

Italy is a constitutional monarchy with a bicameral legislature governed by the Statuto Albertino. The Chamber of Deputies (Camera dei Deputati) is the lower house, elected from 525 constituencies. The Senate (Senato) is the upper house with members appointed for life by the monarch. There is no limit to the number of senators, currently standing at 312. The Senate acts as a ‘sounding board’ for legislation and has judicial powers. Its members are limited both in law and custom in their direct involvement in government, making the Chamber by far the more powerful of the two.

The constitution grants the king (women being barred from the throne under Salic Law) wide ranging powers, ostensibly only required to convene parliament over matters of finance. The rights of citizens include freedom of the press and freedom of assembly but with caveats allowing the state to intervene in the name of “social welfare”. Roman Catholicism is the official religion but with freedom of worship recognised by the constitution.

In practice the monarch has rarely used his powers, though with notable exceptions such as the emergency government of General Menabrea imposed in 1866 during the Rome Crisis. King Amedeo I, a self-espoused liberal, has embraced his role as a ceremonial figurehead ceding all effective government business to parliament. However he retains notable responsibilities as commander-in-chief of the military and in appointing new Senators.

The head of government is the President of the Council of Ministers (commonly referred to in Italy as simply the Presidente del Consiglio) or ‘prime minister’. The position’s strength has fluctuated since the nation’s founding with Cavour and Depretis holding unquestioned primacy over the Cabinet and the Chamber of Deputies, while the likes of Lanza and Ricasoli oversaw a more collegiate government – willingly or not.

Ultimately the prime minister’s power is based on the office holder’s ability to garner support in the Chamber. Organised political parties are all but non-existent in 1880. Instead broad alliances based on mutual self-interest are the norm. In these informal circumstances crossing the aisle though frowned upon is still relatively common and as such a real threat to a prime minister’s grasp on power. The Sinistra Liberale stormed to victory in 1876 on an alliance of southern landowners, northern industrialists and the new middle-class. It was hailed as a parliamentary revolution by the liberal press but dozens of the Government’s new deputies had in fact been the Left’s enemies only weeks before as loyal members of the Right.

Prime Minister Depretis currently holds an 114 seat majority in the Chamber as the nation approaches new elections. Colonial and military successes, and a strong economy are encouraging for the Sinistra Liberale however failure to deliver on promised political reforms is certainly a black mark on the Depretis Ministry.


Economy

*​

Italian industry during the 1860s failed to live up to the lofty expectations of overenthusiastic patriots. The growing pains of unification, the after effects of the bloody Venetian War, a sluggish European economy can all be blamed. Those of a more partisan bent point the finger at Marco Minghetti, undisputed economic chief of the Destra Liberale governments for nearly fifteen years. Focused on balancing the erratic budgets of the new nation, Minghetti is nonetheless criticised for investing little, taxing high and enforcing a staunch free trade policy. The latter in particular is claimed to have left the nation open to cheap imports, primarily from France, hobbling native enterprise. Rejection of free trade proved crucial to the Sinistra Liberale landslide during the 1876 elections.

Agostino Magliani, Minghetti’s successor quickly cut direct taxation (for the voting upper and middle classes at least) and raised Italy’s tariff walls. The combination has proven incredibly successful, with the nation’s industry growing more in four years than in the previous ten [1].

Textiles, Italy’s primary industry since unification has been the most clear beneficiary of protectionism. Now dominant in their home market the mills of Piedmont and Lombardy have expanded and diversified, with the luxury wares of Turin and Milan the last word in fashion from St Petersburg to San Francisco. The success of textiles however only belies the weakness of the nation’s other industries. Italy has become mostly self-sufficient in the realm of munitions, led by the Arsenale Reale of Bologna but is still reliant on shipments of Krupp steel to meet the demands of the wider economy. Other produce like glass, paper, cement and fertiliser have seen limited growth in recent years, the purview of small factories and artisan guilds. It is also important to note that despite the impressive growth of Italian industry, in terms of exports it is fruit and fish not fabrics that drive the economy.

Amongst the ranks of the Great Powers, Italy remains an industrial minnow. Simply not in the same league as the ‘Big Four’ owing to population, resources and technology, new contenders have also lessened the effect of the new boom [2]. Recently surpassed by a rising Japan and Russia’s thundering modernisation, Rome can only claim economic superiority over their agrarian Spanish cousins. Nonetheless forecasts for further growth are strong, while many tout the unbound riches and markets of the new empire. Whether this is the future of Italian prosperity in the 1880s or another nationalistic mirage like that of the 1860s remains to be seen.


Demographics & Public Issues

Italian population (in millions) , excluding colonies, concessions and protectorates​

The population of Italy proper in 1880 is 31.12 million, having grown from 17.74 million twenty years prior. The acquisitions of the risorgimento were clearly the main drivers for this drastic increase with the fall of Rome (1866) and of Istria and the Tyrol (1872) providing millions of new citizens for the Patria. The notable exception was the annexation of Venetia (1862) which through a combination of heavy casualties and economic uncertainty encouraged record levels of emigration, primarily to the United States. Other growth factors have been improvements in healthcare as well as the economy, leading many rural would-be emigrants to instead travel to Italian towns and cities for employment.

For a nation were over 70% of the population still live in the country working ‘rural’ jobs (farming, mining, fishing, etc.), the rise of the capitalist class has been swift in Italy. The Società cartels have spread throughout the economy into industry, mining, banking, telegraph and rail. The oligarchic model has greatly weakened the prominence of artisan ‘cottage industry’ businesses particularly in urban areas. The Società leaders or padrone as the public has dubbed them are increasingly influential in government, many of them aristocrats (adding landholding to their portfolios) already connected to the upper echelons of society. The Minghetti government agreed to have currency issued by six central banks controlled by various trusts across the country, which continues despite Sinistra opposition at the time. Rumours Depretis intends to nationalise the railways and hand them to a single ‘sympathetic’ cartel have recently spread across the newspapers, forcing a hasty rebuttal from the prime ministerial residence at the Palazzo Margherita.

For the majority of Italians such power plays are of little relevance to the struggles of daily life. Restrictions based on wealth and literacy still exclude 79% of the adult male population from the electorate, leaving them with no direct voice in government. Economic growth has seen the towns and cities swell with new comers packed into unsanitary slums. “Ten to a room is not uncommon” noted Agostino Bertani, Radicale deputy and doctor in his 1878 inquiry into the living conditions of Milan’s working-class. The rural poor often have it little better. In an earlier report into the plight of tenant farmers in Sicily, Bertani described his dumbstruck discovery of many families not living in cottages or huts but in caves and even underground; “they live like animals”, he wrote, “and are treated little better by their masters” [3].

Across much of Italy a truly feudal social system is still in place. Powerful land barons pay in kind and expect the utmost deference, while support in hard times can only be expected from the Church. The clergy too remain the primary educators in the land. Despite a growing ‘common school’ movement, public education in Italy has arguably been some of the worst-funded and organised in Western Europe since unification. Between 1860 and 1880 literacy grew from 32% to 37%. The Interior Ministry, led by the driven reformer Giuseppe Zanardelli have seen the budget for state schooling rise substantially in recent years but the Minister’s calls for a compulsory and uniform education system continue to fall on deaf ears.


Foreign Relations


Germany
Italy’s main ally and economic partner, Berlin and Rome retain very close relations bound up by the continued suppression of Austria and the growing resurgence of France. From 1861 the Germans were the enablers for the completion of the risorgimento and many politicians promote the “Prussification” of Italy’s military, industry and even government. While Berlin offers much to impress the Italians, it is clear this connection is based almost entirely on mutual interests. Despite the spoils of 1872, the image of their country as subservient to the whims of Chancellor Bismarck rankles many patriots. In turn the leaders of Germany seem to have a fairly low opinion of the Italians. Various observers and emissaries have reported back with disdain at the apparent laziness of the workers, the lax professionalism of the soldiers and the casual nature of the King and his court [4]. Nonetheless their mutual interests remain intertwined. For now.

United States
Italian-American relations are centred around the growing emigre communities in New York, Boston and other major cities. While Rome is attempting to redirect her discontented towards the mills of the mainland and opportunity in Tunisia, amongst the public the ‘Promised Land’ of America remains a powerful image. There is also the financial benefits, as shares of the new arrivals’ comparatively high wages are sent back to families in Italy. Nativism remains a powerful force in US politics but the upset victory of Winfield Scott Hancock of the broadly pro-immigrant Democrats in this year’s presidential election bodes well for Italian-Americans, and by extension Italy herself.

United Kingdom
Britain is perhaps Italy’s most inscrutable friend in Europe. Ever since Sardinian intervention in the Crimean War the two nations have been close. London’s backroom support for the invasion of Tunis is just the latest in a series of gestures that have made Rome look fondly on the British. However the unsentimental realm of geopolitics is always at the forefront. Britain’s interest in hobbling reactionary France’s colonial ambitions are clear, while Germany’s growing dominance has caused much heated discussion in Westminster. Italy’s place in the Triple Alliance is a sticking point for many. At a time when Britain is increasingly concerned about the balance of power in Europe, some in the Foreign Ministry in Rome worry that come a general conflagration, London might side with her old enemies in Russia and France. What that would mean for Italy’s colonies, her trade and her fleet does not bare thinking about.

France
It is hard to imagine how relations between Italy and the Ducrot regime in Paris could be any worse. The Triple Alliance, Tunisia and an ongoing tariff war have all infuriated the French government and large swathes of the population. At the same time as her navy remains a shadow of its former self, France’s army is now the largest in Europe, eclipsing even that of Russia, once more her formal ally. Talk of revanche has long been dismissed in Berlin and Rome as bluster designed for domestic consumption to steady Paris’ ailing dictatorship. Now, with hundreds of thousands of troops stationed along the frontiers of Piedmont and Alsace-Lorraine, such posturing is being taken a lot more seriously.

Russia
Relations between the Tsar and Rome have been cordial but distant for the past decade as disdain for the Garibaldian revolutionaries slowly subsided. The resolution of the Treaty of London, with Visconti-Venosta championing Romanian Bukovina, was warmly welcomed in St Petersburg. The Ottoman defeat in the Sea of Marmara too was toasted at the Imperial Palace. However their ties to France have limited anything amounting to true friendship between the two nations. Italy’s growing influence in the Balkans and East Africa, both home to fellow Orthodox Christians, have led to recent rumblings from Alexander Nelidov, the Russian ambassador in Rome. Only time will tell how these overlapping spheres of influence will play out.

Japan
Geography, her previous isolation and sudden rise to Great Power status in the past several years have left Japan still a mystery to the Italian government. Rome only established an embassy in Tokyo in 1878 and what interaction there is between citizens of the two nations is mostly through the mercantile operations of Italian Ningbo. Recently however there has been more formal contact as Japanese observers have visited shipyards and naval bases across Italy. The Regia Marina’s crushing victory over the larger Ottoman fleet at Marmara draws obvious parallels for Tokyo’s machinations towards the crumbling Chinese goliath. Her rapid industrialisation has stung the pride of some Italians while the possibility of cooperation or conflicting interests between the two rising powers in East Asia has yet to be seen.

Spain
In many ways the recent histories of Italy and Spain have been a mirror of each other. While Vittorio Emanuele II and the upstart House of Savoy united a new nation, Alfonso XII and the ancient House of Bourbon battled to keep their country together. Both are now stable constitutional monarchies struggling to catch up to the Great Powers to their north, in industry, colonialism and on the wider global stage. At the same time as Rome is using imperialism in Africa to make its mark, for Madrid it is powered by a need to restore the prestige of past centuries. In Peru, China and West Africa the Spanish have returned to prominence, touting a “Second Empire”. Such areas of interest have had little impact on Italy’s own meaning relations are warm, with even talk of marriage between the Infanta María del Pilar and Crown Prince Emanuele Filiberto. However the Ministry of Marine is concerned with Spain’s rapid naval build-up. With the Ottoman fleet destroyed, the Austrian fleet abolished and the French fleet rotting in port, it seems Madrid intends to make itself once more a power in the Mediterranean. The Regia Marina’s ship orders have increased in turn, with some claiming a naval arms race has already begun [5].

__________
​

[1] It is worth pointing out the upward trend started under Minghetti but has skyrocketed in recent years. Arguably he sowed the seeds, but Magliani reaped the spoils.

[2] The Big Four being the United States, Germany, Britain and France.

[3] This remained depressingly common until the turn of the century.

[4] German diplomats were repeatedly unimpressed by the dearth of uniforms and often even formality at the Italian royal court.

[5] Around this time I took a look at the navies of the great powers fearing they were all stuck in the age of sail. To my delight save Russia and Japan this is not the case and to my shock Spain’s ironclad fleet is starting to rival mine.

 

[stnylan]

A very useful survey of how things stand.

 

[El Pip]

I am loving those graphs, they are what I imagine a late 19th century graph would look like and have a good period looking font.

An interesting summary, I can imagine Rome is a little nervous at present. Italy has many firm enemies (Ottomans and France for starters), many rivals and no true friends, just people who currently have similar-ish interests, at the moment.

I tend to forget how grindingly poor and agricultural some places remained until surprisingly late on so it was a good reality check on how shallow Italy's progress actually has been. I suppose as long as they keep the vast majority of the population dis-enfranchised it probably doesn't matter, but it has the feeling of something that needs reform or it could explode horribly. I suppose as long as America remains open there is a safety valve, but having the a large chunk of your population regularly leaving for America on is not a great long term option either.

 

[guillec87]

interesting! regarding demographics, how is the ethnic composition of the country?

 

[NeoMJay]

What a beautiful AAR so far! Looking forward to the next chapter and the scramble for Africa.
How did you make the charts and graphics like the seats in the parliament for instance?

 

[Levgar]

I cant believe I just now found this awesome aar.

 

[Jape]

A very useful survey of how things stand.

Thank you very much, I thought a general overview would be useful.

I am loving those graphs, they are what I imagine a late 19th century graph would look like and have a good period looking font.

An interesting summary, I can imagine Rome is a little nervous at present. Italy has many firm enemies (Ottomans and France for starters), many rivals and no true friends, just people who currently have similar-ish interests, at the moment.

I tend to forget how grindingly poor and agricultural some places remained until surprisingly late on so it was a good reality check on how shallow Italy's progress actually has been. I suppose as long as they keep the vast majority of the population dis-enfranchised it probably doesn't matter, but it has the feeling of something that needs reform or it could explode horribly. I suppose as long as America remains open there is a safety valve, but having the a large chunk of your population regularly leaving for America on is not a great long term option either.

Glad you like the graphs Pip. To be honest reading the appendix back I did lean towards a more pessimistic tone. However Rome's priorities and those of Berlin could easily diverge, the question is will the Italians be willing to break cover if the time comes? Domestically the population are fairly content and getting their needs but the total lack of social support and dreadful education limits things. Growing unrest from separatists, democrats and inreasingly socialists are all something that will impact on Italy in the 1880s. Its far from a 1917 situation but given how Italy's leaders have acted up to now its not a struggle to guess serious problems in ten, twenty years time if reform is not handled.

interesting! regarding demographics, how is the ethnic composition of the country?

I don't have it to hand but metropolitan Italy is still over 95% Italian, and even with the all the colonies included just south of that figure. The former Austrian subjects in the north-west make up about 1.5 million at this point I think but they're very fragmented with Germans being the largest minority in the Tyrol and Slovenians in Istria, followed by a long train of ethnic groups like Czechs, Ukrainians, Croatians, Hungarians etc.

What a beautiful AAR so far! Looking forward to the next chapter and the scramble for Africa.
How did you make the charts and graphics like the seats in the parliament for instance?

Why thank you, glad to have you on board. Sorry you jumped on just as I went off on a stroll. The charts were just Excel then put into paint.net a very good free Photoshop-like programme, messed around with sepia effects and fonts. The parliamentary ones are done with this, very useful.

I cant believe I just now found this awesome aar.

Thank you Levgar, hope you stick around.


Right sorry for the down time guys, a lot longer than expected though I have enjoyed the novelty of an internet free lifestyle. A new chapter should be up soon but I'm working on a few topics. What do people want to see next? Africa, Europe or domestic politics?

 

[Viden]

I vote for Africa.

 

[El Pip]

A visit to the Dark Continent would definitely be of interest, as would a look at Italian China.

 

[J_Master]

I'm gonna go with the Italian Colonial Empire in general

 

[Andreios II]

Yeah a look at the Italian Empire at large would be cool to see - I imagine the biggest focus of Italian efforts will be towards Africa so will be interesting to see how that goes. So far it seems Italy is doing better than historically, with the irredenta secured and Tunisia under her control. Also love Italian Ningbo! But the political spectrum and debate has to broaden otherwise the oppressed and downtrodden will take everything down!