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((He's not actually playing them, just changing the province ownerships in the last save file. Changing the date would require playing, and that takes time. And if he did play, then that defeats the purpose of the epilogues.))
((What zen said. Using the console to swap provinces around makes it a lot easier for me to create maps to represent what I write for the epilogue. You may notice some irregularities due to the fact I'm just manipulating province ownership for map pictures.))
((What zen said. Using the console to swap provinces around makes it a lot easier for me to create maps to represent what I write for the epilogue. You may notice some irregularities due to the fact I'm just manipulating province ownership for map pictures.))
((Yeah, the link to the mod should still be on the front page. As zen said, there aren't really any events. The only ones I created were ones meant to be triggered by the console for something that happened in-thread. There may be some issues with parties since I modified the party file each time a new party appeared or old one disbanded. I really only posted that mod so people could view the current save file. It might not be optimal for a full game without some minor tweaking.))
((Yeah, the link to the mod should still be on the front page. As zen said, there aren't really any events. The only ones I created were ones meant to be triggered by the console for something that happened in-thread. There may be some issues with parties since I modified the party file each time a new party appeared or old one disbanded. I really only posted that mod so people could view the current save file. It might not be optimal for a full game without some minor tweaking.))
((I did a short game with Germany with the almost latest version, and I've had a blast, so I'd recommend it if you want to try. Perhaps just don't pick Hispania. Fending off an unholy Commonwealth-Hispanian alliance was definitely a highlight .))
((I did a short game with Germany with the almost latest version, and I've had a blast, so I'd recommend it if you want to try. Perhaps just don't pick Hispania. Fending off an unholy Commonwealth-Hispanian alliance was definitely a highlight .))
Despite the change in leadership, the conservative government’s course had not changed. Progress on economic reform continued, while separatist and suffrage movements were either ignored or repressed. Now was not the time to contemplate such things, especially as an incident sparked in the Americas threatened Hispania’s relatively stable hold over its colonial nations.
Early in 1884, a series of border incidents occurred between Apache and Nova Hispania. A group of Apache braves were seen hunting on Nova Hispanian land, only to be driven off by the settlers. One of the hunters was shot and wounded during the scuffle. A raid followed soon after as the Apache attacked a border settlement in reprisal. The town was burned down with only a single Nova Hispanian killed when he got in the way of an Apache horse. When word reached the Nova Hispanian government, they were understandably angry.
The whole affair only came to Hispania’s attention when Nova Hispania decided to unilaterally invade Apache, stating that it was a preventative measure meant to safeguard their people. There was no declaration of war, for Nova Hispania had no authority to issue one. The Hispanian government issued a statement to Nova Hispania demanding it withdraw from Apache until Hispania could prepare an official response to the crisis, whether that be a diplomatic solution or a declaration of war to Apache. Instead Nova Hispania flagrantly ignored the statement and continued with its invasion, knowing that Apache would easily be defeated before Hispania could enforce their decision.
Hispania was now presented with quite a dilemma. Nova Hispania had disobeyed an order from the Hispanian government, and if Hispania continued to push for them to desist, it could well end in further disobedience or outright rebellion. On the other hand, authorizing their unilateral decision would be a sign of weakness and show the other colonies that they could manipulate Hispania to get their way. Either way, Hispania’s position in the Americas would weaken.
In the end, the conservative government attempted to avoid directly confronting the issue of Nova Hispania’s disobedience by working around the issue. Hispania issued a declaration of war to Apache, essentially retroactively authorizing the Nova Hispanian invasion, but played it off as more of an imperialist adventure than the result of a border dispute. Ignoring Nova Hispania’s existing invasion, Hispania pressed Nuevas Valencia to launch its own invasion, hoping to rely on the more loyal colony to give Hispania leverage in the conflict. Nuevas Valencia obliged and sent its army to Apache, racing with Nova Hispania to occupy the weak native state.
The war with Apache was short and presented little problem during the invasion. Apache simply could not stand up to the might of Hispania’s colonial nations. There was some fear that Nova Hispania would cause problems when confronted with Nuevas Valencia’s army competing with them, but as the invasion transitioned into an occupation, the two armies were quite cooperative, and no conflict erupted over who would occupy what. Nuevas Valencia had managed to push into the western half of Apache, and with Nova Hispania unwilling to squabble with its friendly northern neighbour, they did not attempt to push for their complete occupation of the country.
The peace negotiations were to prove more difficult than the invasion. There was no dispute over the fact that Apache was to be annexed, but who was to receive what? Nova Hispania insisted on fully annexing Apache due to the conflict erupting from a border dispute with them. Nuevas Valencia was upset by this proposition, feeling that it failed to recognize their contribution to the war. The Colonial Congress attempted to get involved, hoping to prevent a conflict erupting between Nova Hispania and Nuevas Valencia, but Nova Hispania seemed unwilling to listen to any of their suggestions.
Ultimately it came down to Hispania, who due to Nuevas Valencia’s occupation of half of Apache had leverage to prevent the full annexation of Apache by Nova Hispania. Trying to appear as conciliatory as possible, Hispania pressed for Nuevas Valencia to receive half of Apache due to their participation in the war. It would be unfair for them to be left with nothing after helping invade Apache. Hispania’s two colonies in the area should both benefit, not just one. With Nova Hispania unwilling to spark a potential military conflict with Nuevas Valencia now that Hispania was involved, they agreed to split Apache. The conflict was brought to an end, but this disobedience would not be forgotten back in Valencia.
Disobedience seemed to be a growing trend in the Americas. In Canada, after years of being ostracized and ignored, the Dixie settlers made their voices heard. They had not been happy when their lands had been annexed into Canada, for they much rather preferred to remain part of the UKA. Due to their relatively lower population compared to the eastern states, they had little influence in politics. An appeal was sent to the government to address their concerns but was ignored. Enough was enough.
In March of 1885, the Dixie settlers set up a provisional government in Saskatchewan. The establishment of this provisional government was understandably viewed with hostility back in Montreal. While the movement had initially intended to rely on peaceful methods to pressure the federal government, the leadership pressed for military action, prompting the Canadian government to send in the troops. The Northwest Rebellion had begun.
Over the course of the Spring, Canadian troops tangled with Dixie rebels and Assiniboine natives that had managed to get swept up in the rebellion. The rebels, however, had failed to effectively rally the support of the locals, most of who had supported peaceful protests rather than violently fighting the government. Only a few hundred men took up arms, compared to the thousands of Canadian soldiers slowly trickling into the region. The presence of the Canadian Prairies Railway (CPR), recently completed to extend across all of Canada, allowed for troops to more easily reach the rebellion and put it down.
By June, most of the rebels had been captured or killed. The leaders were publicly hanged, putting an end to the last bit of Dixie resistance. With the region pacified, Canadian settlers began migrating to the region, seeing the Dixie population become less visible. The CPR saw mass support due to its part in putting down the rebellion, with the government deciding to expand its rails and seek a potential agreement with Nuevas Valencia to extend it all the way to the Pacific Ocean. Despite the failure of the rebellion, it left a bitter taste in the mouths of the people of the UKA, who were not pleased to see their former countrymen mistreated, one more source of tension between the two countries.
The mistreatment of various cultural groups was not exclusive to the Americas. Byzantium had a deep history of repressing the various peoples of the Balkans, with the first assimilation campaigns occurring centuries ago. The recent war with the Commonwealth had brought this back to attention when the Serbians and Croatians were coaxed into revolt. This internal threat could not be ignored, for it had cost Byzantium the war.
Beginning in 1884, after the last vestiges of rebellion had finally been stamped out, Byzantium ramped up its assimilation campaigns once more. Incentives were created to encourage Greeks to migrate into other parts of the Balkans with the hope that they would soon vastly outnumber the local minorities. Laws were enacted directly targeting various cultural practices, specifically those of the Serbs and Croats, and changes were made to minimize their presence in politics. Their languages were banned, with anyone caught speaking Serbian or Croatian locked up, if they were fortunate enough to avoid a beating. The campaign was both brutal and repressive, only further antagonizing the locals. Most begrudgingly went along with these changes to avoid being targeted, but the more radical members of society went underground, intent on protecting their culture and language by force if necessary.
The Bulgarians and Albanians were subjected to a series of assimilation campaigns as well, but to a much lesser extent. These two groups had remained loyal during the recent war, and that had not been forgotten. Restrictions on their cultural practices and languages were put in place but were often not as extensive as those for the Serbs and Croats and were not nearly as heavily enforced. While the Serbs and Croats were receiving the stick, the Bulgarians and Albanians got the carrot. The hope was to entice them to become more Greek through more subtle attempts at assimilation. While this kept the Bulgarians and Albanians from actively resisting the government, this campaign targeted at them also encouraged them to band closer together. A cultural identity began to form, one that had been weakened by centuries of Byzantine rule. This was not a serious threat to Greek dominance in Byzantium, but it did see an increasing presence of nationalist groups forming in Bulgaria and Albania seeking greater autonomy for their regions.
These assimilation campaigns were noticeably targeted only at the Balkans. The Turks had gone relatively quiet following the war with the Commonwealth, a situation the Greeks did not want to alter. The Turks, rather than squabbling with the Greeks for their fair share of representation, seemed more focused on their own assimilation campaigns. Fearful of another invasion by the Commonwealth, the Turks worked to instill stronger loyalty in the peoples of eastern Anatolia and beyond, sometimes with as much brutality as the Greeks. Local Turkish populations harassed other minorities such as the Georgians, Armenians, Azerbaijani, and Kurdish peoples in the region. Often the Turks cooperated with the Mashriqi people living in the Levant in these endeavours. It seemed that the Greeks and Turks were in agreement for once, intent on enforcing uniformity for the sake of national stability.
Hispania was not spared from the growing support for nationalist or separatist movements. In 1885, a group of Indian intellectuals gathered in the home of a retired Hispanian civil servant to form a national group aimed at obtaining greater representation of Indians in local government and as a venue to communicate concerns with the Hispanian Parliament. The Governor-General tentatively permitted this meeting, allowing for the first meeting of what was to be called the Indian National Congress.
72 delegates attended from the various territories in India, consisting of a wide mix of Christians, Hindus, Muslims, and adherents of other faiths. Most attendants were western-educated elites, and thus there was a disconnect with the population of India. The Congress accomplished little early on, plagued by a lack of well-defined ideology and limited resources. It ended up mostly serving as a place for debate and to present suggestions on minor issues to the Governor-General to pass on to Parliament. The Congress did at least allow for representatives from across India to communicate and coordinate efforts rather than work alone. For now, the organization remained loyal to Hispania, but there was a lingering fear that it would grow more radical over time.
The Congress was also plagued by internal strife over the next few decades. Disputes erupted as competing factions fought over the direction they should take. Some called for using the body to press for social reform, while others felt that distracted from the nationalist agenda. Favour for independence grew but remained in the shadows to avoid drawing the attention of the Hispanian government. Moderates fought with radicals over just how far they wanted things to go.
The greatest strife though was caused by the religious divide. Due to Hispanian laws, the Hindus and Muslims often found themselves restricted from power or at a disadvantage in comparison to their Christian brethren. It was often the Hindus and Muslims who seemed more willing to seek the more radical and perhaps violent path, while the Christians, due to their higher position in society, were more moderate and willing to compromise. Christian Indians were often called traitors or criticized for being too European by the Hindus and Muslims, while the Christians accused their heathen counterparts of being inflexible and impatient. This squabble more than any other kept the Congress divided and unable to accomplish much in its early years.
It is fortunate at least that the Indians had sought to create a dialogue first and were not driven to revolt. The same could not be said for the French in Nuevo Leon. Circumstances had not changed for the French there over the past few decades. Their previous revolt had led to a crack down on the French culture and language, with the hope of subduing them once and for all. Instead this only spurred them on to revolt again.
In mid-1885, the Second French La Plata Revolt occurred. The French, tired of their continued mistreatment, took up arms, attacking government buildings and seizing forts in the region. The Nuevo Leon government immediately responded with force. They would not tolerate violent rebellion. Better prepared this time, and with greater access to the region due to improved railroads, the Nuevo Leon troops had a much easier time handling this rebellion.
The response from the Colonial Congress was much more prompt this time. With the agreement reached following the previous French La Plata Revolt, the other colonial nations could send military aid to assist Nuevo Leon without having to first go through complex negotiations. Cusco and Nueva Granada, as they had the first time, sent troops to assist Nuevo Leon in putting down the revolt. Their quick involvement prevented the situation from spiralling out of control, and the rebellion was put down relatively smoothly.
As for the French, their second defeat spelled the end of their independence movement. They lacked the resources and organization to effectively rebel against the Nuevo Leon state. France also seemed uninclined to speak up on their behalf. Faced with further repression in La Plata, most of them decided it was time to leave. Those unwilling to assimilate travelled north, settling in Louisiana where their culture and language would not be suppressed.
Not all rebellions could be handled so smoothly, and Scandinavia seemed ready for yet another one. King Gustav VII de Valois-Södermanland had continued with his campaign to stamp out dissent against his reign, creating many enemies over the years. Many noblemen were taken out of their beds in the middle of the night and thrown into the dungeon based on the King’s faintest suspicion of treason. The troops were called in at even a hint of rebellion. The previous year, he had even sold Scandinavia’s colonies in New Guinea to Scotland and pocketed the funds for himself. Quite simply, he was a tyrant with very few friends, but whose hold on power was too tight to topple.
The situation was made worse by the fact that Gustav’s son and heir, Karl, was shaping up to be just as bad as him. Despite nearing 30, Karl refused to marry, seeming more inclined to share the bed of married noblewomen. On one occasion, he had even managed to get a noblewoman pregnant, and when the husband protested, he had him executed. The poor wife, now husbandless and with a child on the way, was left to fend for herself until she eventually lost the child in a miscarriage. Karl also delighted in tormenting his father’s many prisoners, practicing many ungodly torture techniques on them. Support for the family was low and everyone was waiting for the moment it would all break apart.
That moment was to come in 1885. King Gustav VII passed away, leaving the throne to his son Karl. This succession did not occur smoothly and seemed likely not to happen at all. Most of the nobility refused to recognize him, with some using the excuse of Gustav’s divorce and remarriage to the Queen Dowager as delegitimizing him as heir. There was a call to crown one of their own, but that proved as successful as it had during the previous war between the two brother kings.
Faced with opposition from all sides, Karl relied on the one thing he knew well: violence. The army was ordered to purge the capital of all dissidents. A period of looting occurred, with entire districts of Stockholm going up in flame. This failed to instill order and turned most of the city’s populace against him. Even most of the army was uncomfortable with what was happening and started to desert.
The nobles took advantage of the situation, rallying their own forces and trying to coerce the army to their side. They attempted to seize the city from Karl, turning Stockholm into a bloodbath. Eventually they stormed the palace and seized Karl, locking him up until they could decide what to do with him. In the meantime, they attempted to pacify the city and restore order, forming a provisional government to govern Scandinavia.
The people were tired of such mistreatment. Karl and his father had only caused pain and suffering for Scandinavia, and the nobles were no better. Their constant squabbling threatened to see Scandinavia thrown into another civil war, or worse, fall apart entirely. A group of educated middle class gentlemen, along with several prominent generals, gathered in Kalmar and sought a new path for Scandinavia that would free them from this cycle of violence and weakness. After some deep discussion, they proclaimed the formation of the Republic of Scandinavia.
The provisional government in Stockholm received this announcement with great hostility. The nobles intended to march their forces on Kalmar to quash this brewing revolution, but events got in the way of that. Soldiers were defecting to the republicans in the hundreds, if not thousands. The republican government was issuing promises of a constitution to ensure fairer treatment for the people of Scandinavia, a representative government to replace the current absolutist system, and various liberal yet moderate reforms to put Scandinavia on par with the other states of Europe. To the nobles, this surely seemed radical, but they were to be faced with the most radical elements right at home.
After being subjected to looting and all sorts of violence, the people of Stockholm had had enough. A group of radical socialists who had remained underground for years, took the opportunity to launch their own revolution. Rallying the working class of Stockholm, they raided an armoury and managed to seize several pieces of artillery. The provisional government’s attention was already divided, and its forces were demoralized and decreasing. The nobles were also absolutely terrified of a potential uprising of the people right underneath their noses and chose to flee instead of fight. With the provisional government retreating from the capital, those still loyal to it either broke or fled.
The retreat proved ill-advised. Half the government was caught trying to reach the rail station, dragged out into the streets and hanged in a public spectacle. Those that managed to escape were disorganized and fearing for their lives. As for the uncrowned King, he was discovered locked in the palace dungeons after the revolutionaries raided the abandoned palace. It was decided that an example would be made of him. After the provisional government and its forces had been forced from the city, Karl was given a show trial outside the palace before he was sentenced and executed before thousands of people. With his death, the monarchy ended. The victorious revolutionaries declared the creation of the Stockholm Commune to govern the capital.
With the provisional government falling apart, that left the republican government in Kalmar and the Stockholm Commune to battle it out. Both denounced the other as illegitimate and unrepresentative of the people. While the republican government started rallying support from across the country, the Stockholm Commune was mostly confined to the capital. They immediately started passing reforms unheard of in absolutist Scandinavia, such as formally separating the church from the state, the creation of unemployment insurance and pensions, the ability for workers to seize their place of employment if the owner had deserted it during the revolution, the abolition of the death penalty and military conscription, and countless other reforms. A Council was formed through election, although only the most radical members of society voted, leading to a heavily socialist government.
The republicans were less focused on reform and more about restoring order. They promised national elections once the capital was retaken, hesitant to hold them while their position was so tenuous. While the delay was surely not appreciated, the republicans benefited most from the Commune’s increasing drift to the left. Most Scandinavians wanted change, but thought the Commune was going too far. More importantly, the army leadership remained strongly opposed to the ideas of the Commune. In comparison, the republican government seemed quite moderate, the only reasonable choice with the provisional government in tatters and nobles fleeing the country. Within a month or two, most of the army had defected to the republicans.
The Stockholm Commune lasted only two months. The republicans, with the support of the army, launched a week-long campaign to retake the capital. The battle saw most of the city devastated as a result of street warfare, but ultimately the republicans won out. The Commune leadership was captured one by one and executed. Those who had taken up arms in support of the Commune were either imprisoned or shot. Thousands were locked up while order was re-established. The underground socialist movement that had surfaced during the revolution found itself beheaded and crushed into the dirt.
When the fog cleared, the republicans were victorious. The Republic of Scandinavia was formally declared in June after the Commune had fallen and the last members of the provisional government had fled or been rounded up. National elections were held the following month, seeing a conservative majority. It seemed that the violence of the Scandinavian Revolution had left a sour taste in the mouths of most Scandinavians and most just wanted a period of stability. The liberal movement managed to flourish with the restrictions placed upon it under the monarchy removed but remained in the minority for now. Focus for the next while was place on creating a constitution and ensuring the people received the representation they had lacked for so long.
The Scandinavian Revolution shocked most of Europe, even if it was not all that surprising. The Emperor of France and King of Germany did not take long to issue support for the restoration of the monarchy, subtly pressing their own candidate for the now defunct throne since the last male heir of the Valois-Södermanland line was dead. The fact that they both had different ideas on who should reign kept both powers from actually doing anything, fearing that any action taken would lead to retaliation from the other. There was some talk of crowning Gustav’s daughter Kaja, but her marriage to a Hispanian prince saw opposition from both Valois monarchs.
In the end, most of Europe just watched and hoped Scandinavia would not descend into chaos again. Their first elections had revealed that the revolution had not led the Scandinavians to go too far to the left. Indeed, it seemed likely that Scandinavia would enact reforms like those already in place in the rest of Europe, seeing as they were considerably more backwards due to the years spent under an absolutist monarchy. Intervention was not necessary in the meantime, but there were more than a few nations ready to jump in if it was to their benefit.
While the monarchy in Scandinavia was brought to an end, the Trastámara family continued dabbling in dynastic policies. Transdacia had long been ignored by Hispania since their independence, but the Empress Dowager saw an opportunity to bring the two nations back together. She suggested arranging a marriage between her daughter, Princess Clara, and Prince Radu Kosovic of Transdacia. With that arranged, the two nations could start improving relations after a lengthy fallout.
It seemed in recent decades that the many minorities of Europe were making their voices heard. In French Britain, the English were becoming increasingly restless. Decades of French rule had led to a situation where a large portion of the agricultural land in England was owned by Frenchmen. Most of these landowners lived in France, relying on English farmers to work their lands. The issue of absentee landlords proved an issue of contention. Many Englishmen resented paying rent to landlords who did not even live on the land or even in Britain. When a famine had hit Ireland in the 1870s, England had likewise experienced a lower crop yield, yet rents had not changed. Whenever the region was exposed to poor conditions, those working the land inevitably suffered instead of those who owned it. The lower prices due to the Long Depression had also saw their income dwindling, and simply affording rent was a challenge.
In 1886, a group of English politicians devised a stratagem known as the Plan of Campaign, one meant to aid tenant farmers in their struggles with high rents. The Plan’s intent was to convince landlords to lower rents, especially when faced with a poor harvest, by presenting landlords with two choices: accept a reduced rent or receive no rent at all. If a landlord refused to reduce rents, the tenants instead gave what rent money they could afford to campaigners who saved it away for those tenants evicted by landlords refusing to accept reduced rates.
The French government only gave a lacklustre response. A law had been passed shortly after the last famine enforcing reduced rents by an average of 25% in circumstances where they were clearly unpayable, but that still didn’t mean that tenants wouldn’t be forced into destitution trying to make the reduced amount. They wanted further reduction. The Plan of Campaign was thus carried out on estates across French England. Roughly five dozen agreed to reduced rents, with another two dozen holding out for awhile before eventually agreeing. In some instances, the tenants backed out in fear of eviction. The difficulty was with the larger absentee landlords. Only a coordinated effort by potentially hundreds of tenants would be enough to even draw their attention.
The attempts to get the absentee landlords to lower rents had drawn their attention, but also that of the Crown’s. The many French nobles who owned the lands affected complained of the nuisance this Plan of Campaign was causing and the harm it was doing to their revenue from those lands. There was also, in a few case, acts of vandalism or violence where disgruntled tenants took out their frustration on the homes of the landlords or the landlords themselves. This Plan could not be left to be carried out. Emperor Charles IX thus stepped in, putting in place laws to prevent the use of boycotting, intimidation, and conspiracy to avoid the payment of rent. Numerous English tenants were soon jailed, along with more than a few English politicians simply for helping evicted tenants. This soon saw a rise in crime and unrest, with more than a few tussles between Englishmen and the police.
The Plan of Campaign ultimately collapsed by the end of the decade. The money collected, while for a good cause, was simply not enough to pay stipends to evicted tenants. While almost a hundred estates had reached an agreement on reduced rents, most had ignored the issue or even coerced the tenants back to the original rate. Numerous farms fell into disrepair due to the large number of evictions. A split in the leadership also broke apart all remaining unity. Those who favoured working with the government often fell into conflict with those who were willing to rely on violence. The movement also ended up becoming a gathering point for separatists, drawing a wide mix of those favouring English independence or a union with Scotland, and ultimately distracting it from its original purpose. After the death of its most vocal supporters at French court, the Plan of Campaign fell apart.
Famine and unrest was not confined to just Ireland and England. The eruption of Krakatoa in 1883 had devastated the surrounding region, and its effects were still felt even three years later. Sumatra had been hit especially hard, but quick and dedicated support from the Hispanian government had staved off the worst of it. Sunda was not so lucky. Inhabiting the island of Java, the people of Sunda had been hit just as hard as those in Sumatra. Thousands were killed during the initial eruption, while the ash cloud that followed had ruined harvests ever since. The people of Sunda barely had enough to eat and faced starvation. The Sunda government lacked the funds or modernized administration to properly handle the problem, and the Long Depression had left its mark on the Sunda economy.
Faced with mass starvation, Sunda turned to Hispania for help. Request for aid were sent, and soon Hispania started sending in food shipments. While a great boon for the country, these were still reliant on the goodwill of the Hispanian people, and they didn’t seem like they would be enough. The people of Sunda soon started fighting over the food as it arrived, desperate for anything they could get. Shipments were often stolen by those strong enough to take it, while the weak continued to suffer.
After three years of the most terrible conditions and with the food shipments from Hispania having failed to solve the problem of mass starvation, unrest was at an all-time high in Sunda. Food riots were still common, with people fighting over whatever scraps they could find. Those more well off were sometimes dragged from their homes and their possessions stolen to pawn off to buy food. The Sunda government responded to this with violence, attempting to put down these riots by force. Due to the severity of their condition, the people weren’t so willing to stand down. Between facing the threat of armed soldiers for a scrap of food or dying of starvation, the former seemed better.
The situation was spiralling out of control and Sunda’s government could barely keep the country functioning. Faced with this growing threat, Sunda turned to Hispania again. While the food was appreciated, it was clear that what Sunda needed was order restored. The food shipments were useless unless someone could ensure they were properly distributed. There was also the matter that the constant rioting had disrupted the local governments, with Sunda’s central government essentially powerless within its own country. Something needed to be done and quickly. A plea was sent for Hispanian troops to restore order at all costs.
This proved a great opportunity for the conservative government. Under the guise of providing humanitarian aid, the Hispanian army entered Sunda. The troops were welcomed by the Sunda government, as well as its people once they started handing out food. Hispania had already had influence in Sunda for decades, so their presence was not that unusual. The first order of business was restoring order, with the Hispanian troops quelling the riots and ensuring that food was distributed fairly. It was a lengthy process that took most of the year, but once that matter of starvation was dealt with, the rioting naturally died down.
As for the breakdown of the Sunda government, that was to be dealt with as well. The central government had collapsed entirely, with most of the country essentially in anarchy. Only the presence of Hispanian troops kept order. A military government was put in place to get the country back up and running until a civilian government could be restored. The plan after that was to differ from what the people of Sunda likely expected. Stating that Sunda was unstable and incapable of governing itself in its current state, Prime Minister Miguel de Villanova announced his intention for the establishment of a colonial government. Only Hispanian governance could ensure Sunda remained stable and usher in an era of prosperity unheard of in such a small Asian country. With that accomplished, Sunda had essentially welcomed in Hispania and turned itself into a colony.
Hispania was to have its fair share of problems with its colonies going into 1887. Tensions between Nueva Granada and Sanchonia were to hit a new high as Nueva Granada’s government instituted several electoral changes that essentially disenfranchised the Sanchonian majority living in Cayenne. The province had originally been part of Sanchonia before an agreement was reached over the Amazon, seeing Sanchonia ceding the region in exchange for control of most of the Amazon, which explained the sizeable population that identified for the neighbouring colonial nation rather than their new government. The move to disenfranchise did not go over well, with protests ensuing. The Nueva Granada government attempted to downplay the protests and sweep them under the rug, hoping that the whole issue would blow over. Sanchonia wasn’t going to let them go that easily.
In 1887, Sanchonia went before the Colonial Congress and demanded that a case be put against Nueva Granada in the supranational court they had created for colonial disputes, stating that the mistreatment of the Sanchonian majority in Cayenne was unjust. This was to be its first test case. Sanchonia presented its grievances to a panel of judges from several members of the Colonial Congress, pointing out how the Sanchonians were not being treated fairly in Nueva Granada. Meanwhile, annoyed by the attention the issue was getting, Nueva Granada resorted to tax hikes and other tactics to pester the Sanchonians living in Cayenne, hoping to drive them out so home-born Nueva Granadians could move in. This was one more grievance for Sanchonia to put before the court.
As things heated up in the courtroom, Sanchonia attempted to hit back. They added a further claim to the case, stating that Cayenne was rightfully part of Sanchonia and illegally occupied by Nueva Granada. It thus demanded that the province be returned, and Nueva Granada be punished not only for mistreating the people living there, but for taking the province in the first place.
After a lengthy period of debate, a verdict was presented. The court determined that Nueva Granada’s claim to Cayenne was legitimate, not Sanchonia’s, quoting the agreement made with Hispanian whereby the Amazon was given to Sanchonia in exchange for Nueva Granada receiving Cayenne. The court also ruled that Nueva Granada must end its discriminatory policies. Neither party was happy with this outcome and refused to accept. Sanchonia continued to claim Cayenne was theirs, while Nueva Granada ignored the ruling and did not rescind its discriminatory policies.
In the end, the whole affair proved the ineffectiveness of the supranational court and its inability to enforce a verdict. Short of invading or other punitive measures, none of the other colonies could get Nueva Granada to obey without potentially putting themselves at risk, and most didn’t want to bother to intervene directly anyway. Everyone came away from it bitter and with the core issues unresolved. Progress was only made when Hispania, who had been watching the events closely, pressured Nueva Granada to end their discriminatory policies. It seemed that for anything to truly get done, the colonies still had to rely on Hispania to do it.
The colonial tirade was just a distraction for Prime Minister Miguel de Villanova, who was much more focused on extending Hispania’s diplomatic ties. For decades, Hispania had turned its gaze away from Europe, expanding its influence across the Americas, Africa, and Asia. The rest of Europe had continued to fight and quarrel, but Hispanian had remained apart. The war with the Commonwealth had changed that. It had forced Hispania to turn back to Europe and find glaring weaknesses in its military strategy. While Hispania could easily strike at a nation’s colonies, attacking a European state at home had proven much more difficult. The invasion of the Commonwealth had not gone well, and with the Commonwealth increasingly putting pressure on Hispania’s sphere of influence, preparation needed to be made for a potential second invasion if it came down to it.
There was also a growing fear after several lacklustre military performances that Hispania was not as prepared to fend off a foreign invasion. Fortunately, Hispania had not been exposed to such a threat for a long time, but with tensions rising with France as both nations scrambled to claim what was left of Africa, the possibility was there. It seemed that the best way to not only provide Hispania with an avenue through which to strike at potential enemies but to also better defend Hispanian from foreign threats was to seek out an ally on the European continent. For that they needed a friendly nation who shared the same enemies and concerns, who would not present a threat to Hispanian territory but could strike at Hispania’s enemies. The best candidate for that seemed to be Germany.
While relations in the past with Germany had been quite torrid, things had smoothed over quite well over the past few decades. The rapprochement had begun when Germany had backed Hispania in its dispute with the UKA over the Northwest Territories before any of the other Great Powers. When Hispania had decided to look the other way and allow for Germany to peacefully annex Pomerania, that removed one of the last tension points between the two. Relations had become quite cordial after that, and the Hispanian people stopped viewing Germany as an enemy or threat, especially as the traditional friendship with the much closer and more powerful France broke down.
It also worked out that Germany was in search of an ally as well. Germany had faced isolation since the French Succession War. Bavaria deeply resented them, knowing full well they still intended to see Bavaria integrated into Germany one day. France had conquered plenty of German land and had an interest in keeping the German state down. The Commonwealth was annoyed by German attempts to expand into Poland. Scandinavia had feuded with Germany over Pomerania and the coastline, although things were up in the air following the Scandinavian Revolution. They were surrounded and without friends.
Negotiations began early in 1887 to arrange an alliance between Hispania and Germany. Hispania hoped that such an alliance could be used as a counterbalance to France and the Commonwealth, while Germany expected an alliance with Hispania to prove sufficient deterrent to keep its neighbours from attacking it. With the fate of Scandinavia still uncertain, the alliance could prove a stabilizing power in the region. It proved a simple matter to reach an agreement. There was only one major condition imposed by Hispania. It was made clear early on that Hispania would not support Germany in an aggressive war with Bavaria, and under no circumstances would Hispania accept the annexation of Bavaria into Germany. While a sour point, it was meant to keep Bavaria happy, for there was still a level of attachment between Hispania and Bavaria. Such a condition was worth accepting for Germany if it meant Hispania’s protection.
The new alliance proved well-timed as Hispania found itself drawn into conflict with the Commonwealth yet again, although avoiding outright war. Ever since the Commonwealth’s annexation of Bukkhara and Chagatai, the two great powers had been devoting more and more resources to Asia. Lithuanian trade missions had appeared in Afghanistan as early as 1882, despite the fact Hispania had already dug its claws into that nation. It seemed clear that the Commonwealth was interested in supplanting Hispanian dominance, especially since control of Afghanistan could provide a land connection to Delhi. Hispania did not concede without a fight, devoting countless resources to keeping Afghanistan under its thumb, sparking a diplomatic war.
To keep the Lithuanians on their toes, Hispania started making moves in Delhi. Taking advantage of ties to India, Hispania tried to weasel its way into the Commonwealth’s sphere, hoping to win over Delhi and see it break free of the Commonwealth’s grasp. Enticing trade offers were sent, only encouraging the Lithuanians to increase their presence in Delhi. Neither was willing to give up their interests in the region.
This whole Great Game between Hispania and the Commonwealth eventually came to a head in Afghanistan. After years of Hispania and the Commonwealth coercing and bribing the Afghan government to favour it over the other, they decided they had had enough. The foreign presence was becoming increasingly unwelcome. With that in mind, Afghanistan expelled all Hispanian and Lithuanian advisors, throwing off all foreign influence. On the surface this seemed a setback for both, but was in fact a great opportunity.
The Commonwealth was the first to take advantage of this sudden change. With Hispanian influence cast aside, the Commonwealth declared war on Afghanistan, stating the need to protect Lithuanian investments and citizens in the country. It seemed if left to their own devices, the Commonwealth would conquer Afghanistan and Hispania would lose a sphereling. With that in mind, Hispania followed suit and declared war on Afghanistan to restore its position and protect its interests. By the end of the year, Hispania was rallying up troops across India to march up to Afghanistan, while the Commonwealth was routing troops to Central Asia. The race to dominate Afghanistan was on.
The colonization of Africa continued unimpeded. Expansion in certain areas slowed while others picked up. Hispania was slowly pushing south from North Africa, encouraging locals to move southwards whenever possible. The land there though was not very habitable and undesirable, making it a gradual process. Expansion in the west saw Hispania fill the last gaps between it and Mali, heightening tensions with the African state as Hispania ran out of room there. Colonization in the east was minimal, mostly due to a focus on integrating Kaffa. As for the south, a mad rush began to close France in. The French had been allowed to expand quite quickly, a situation resulting from Hispania’s divided focus in comparison to the French only having one avenue of expansion. France managed to grab a sizeable chunk of land before Hispania pinned them in, greatly overextending Hispania’s reach in the area to prevent further French expansion. Hispania had to be careful with how it used its resources, with such a massive colonization effort requiring significant funds and resources.
With this as a backdrop, the 1888 elections began. It seemed this time that the conservatives were faced with more of a challenge. During the past four years, Hispania had faced growing nationalist movements, disobedient colonies, and now a potential second war with the Commonwealth if things escalated in Afghanistan. They did at least have under their belt the continued expansion of Hispania’s colonial empire. However, they had yet to deal with the most important issue of all.
The Long Depression had struck well over a decade ago, yet its effects still lingered. While the conservatives under Prime Minister Attillio Spoleto had managed to prevent further decline, the past eight years had seen nothing but stagnancy. Attempts to revive growth had failed and businesses were simply not doing well. While the middle class had come through better off due to reduced prices, the upper class faced less profits from businesses and land, while the lower class still experienced a high level of unemployment. Perhaps the conservatives had stopped the bleeding, but the wound was not healing.
The liberals, naturally, called for a return to laissez-faire, stating that it was the best way to return to economic prosperity by allowing businesses to act freely by removing unnecessary tariffs and restriction. Tired of constant conservative stubbornness weakening the market, the Marina and Adelante came to an understanding, forming a coalition known as the Alianza de Libre Comercio. Their views on social policy may have differed, but they both saw the need to present a united front in the face of continued conservative opposition and the threat it was presenting to Hispanian business. The League, while not as pro-business as the new coalition, shared their call.
Faced with this growing threat to the conservative movement, some of their members attempted to co-opt the liberal call. The Caballeresca, seeing support for the involvement of the state in the economy weakening, trumpeted its support for less involvement in the economy, a policy it had supported since the start. To further strengthen their party, they also formally integrated L’Alianza Cristiana into the Unió dels Conservadors Romans, forming the Partit Caballeresca.
As the results came in, it showed a growing shift away from state capitalism. The Union continued to bleed seats, while the Caballeresca and Moderates had managed to halt their decline. The League had gained a few seats, but the new Comercio coalition managed to gain more seats. The Progressives continued to grow, mostly at the expense of the Reconquista and Cruzada, even gaining its first seat in the Cortz. The nationalist parties saw their rise slow, but they were still gaining supporters.
The number of seats changing hands, overall, was not incredibly dramatic, but it had led to one major change. With the losses the reactionaries and conservatives had experienced, the total seats they held now dropped below half of the Assembly. While they still controlled the Cortz, Emperor Alfons X had made it clear that he wanted a prime minister who could hold the confidence of the Assembly. Here was at last an opportunity for the left to return to power.
This opportunity was to prove to be a missed one. For the left to control a majority of Parliament, they would have to not only unite the liberals and socialists, but bring in some of the nationalists. Almost every other party in Parliament was opposed to working with the nationalist parties, fearing that cooperation with them would legitimize them to voters and increase support for separatist movements. Even without them, it seemed likely that the Emperor would support a coalition of the left even if they could not garner a majority, seeing as the conservatives could not either.
That still required the liberals and socialists working together. Despite 12 years of conservative rule, that was not quite a situation capable of happening. While the Reconquista was willing to work alongside the League and Comerico, the Progressives were not. Holding a sizeable chunk of the Assembly, their support was necessary for a coalition of the left. They were still fundamentally opposed to cooperating with the liberals and attempts to forge a liberal-socialist coalition fell apart.
The conservatives, despite tensions between parties, were willing to work together. The question though was who would lead them. Emperor Alfons had grown increasingly irritable since the last election, his health deteriorating with each passing year. He suffered from constant migraines and had trouble remembering things. Combined with his general distaste for the conservatives and their continued failure to fix the economy, it was no surprise when he started looking for a replacement for Villanova.
The Caballeresca provided the Emperor with an alternative. While not quite as large as the Union, they made up a large part of the conservative coalition. They also held more liberal economic policies, something that appealed to the Emperor. With the support of the Moderates, they put forward their own candidate, Joan de Alejandría, the grandson of the former Prime Minister. To further cinch the deal, Alejandría approached the League, asking for implicit support for the conservative government by not blocking all legislation in exchange for enacting legislation on women’s rights. With hopes of a left-leaning government falling apart, they agreed in the hopes of pulling the conservatives more towards the centre. Tired of the Imperial Villanova and with the liberals and socialists unable to work together, Emperor Alfons appointed Alejandría as Prime Minister, giving the conservatives another chance at governing Hispania.
Assembly
Partido Reformista Monárquica - 9
Unió Conservador-Imperial - 125+10
Coalició Caballeresca - 91+12
Hispania's Moderates - 29+12
Liga Liberal de Hispania - 49+19
Alianza de Libre Comercio - 58+17
Partido Reconquista - 27+17
Partido Popular Progresista - 68+10
Partido Cruzada Social - 3+1
Partido Fénix - 10+2
Partito Nazionalista Italiano - 18
The Enlightenment Party - 10
Partido Federalista - 3
Cortz
Independent - 1
Partido Reformista Monárquica - 2
Unió Conservador-Imperial - 28
Coalició Caballeresca - 14
Hispania's Moderates - 19
Liga Liberal de Hispania - 21
Alianza de Libre Comercio - 4
Partido Reconquista - 7
Partido Popular Progresista - 1
Partito Nazionalista Italiano - 3
North America in 1885
Southeast Asia in 1886
North Africa in 1888
South Africa in 1888
* * * * *
((I seem to remember someone (or possibly multiple people) suggesting that at least one state succumb to revolution and become a republic at some point, so there you have it. I don't think it too far fetched that a country ruled by one of the most backwards monarchies in Europe, that fell from great power status, succumbed to a reactionary coup, and was the victim of several civil, would fall to revolution. I guess that puts the total at two republics in Europe now, if anyone even remembers Genoa.
And look at that Africa. France is pinned in and there's no more competition left. The continent will definitely be ours. There surely won't be some twist or surprise coming soon.
Also, a special thank you to antonio for suggesting the New Guinea thing. It definitely looks better ruled by one nation. Scotland can into colonial empire!))
((No, not this kind of Republican (I am a non-registered, non-American Republican of the Mike Pence style), it's just that I'm a hard-line monarchist irl that support the return of the Brazilian Empire.))
((No, not this kind of Republican (I am a non-registered, non-American Republican of the Mike Pence style), it's just that I'm a hard-line monarchist irl that support the return of the Brazilian Empire.))
((I doubt few Scandinavians in this timeline wouldn't be republicans after the mess their last two kings put them through.
I think there's a much higher chance of Louisiana conquering the UKA than the other way around, seeing as the former is a larger stable state that hasn't been split apart by civil war and has a much more powerful overlord protecting it. The UKA would need friends to pull that off.))
((Just a quick update. I've made use of a lull in my work schedule and made some excellent progress this past week. I think it's possible I might finish the epilogue up to ~1910 by the end of the week. As such, I'll be returning to posting one update every week instead of every two weeks since I now have enough material to do so.
I've also started contemplating what to do about the post-1910 section where the timelines diverge. I've already decided not to bother with the Cold War era for the two timelines since they'd most likely just be a mix of similar events but just with different nations filling each role. I'd also rather not get involved in trying to write yet another 50 year epilogue. One was enough.
I'd like to do something for the world war eras though. Originally I contemplated just posting notes, but that'd be boring. I don't want to do updates like the ones I've been doing either because it'd be far too complicated to write all the events of two world wars, especially with my free time likely to be limited in the near future. I'm thinking instead that I'll try changing up my style and write a narrative-type post for each timeline during the world wars. Instead of listing events chronologically, I'd likely write the update from the perspective of one or more characters looking back at the events. By describing that period through the perspective of a character, I can avoid getting bogged down in the details and focus mostly on the main trends and events, since the character will only know so much.
I wanted to check with you all if this idea appeals to you or not. There's no point in me writing it if people would prefer me to keep things more open ended. I just think it'd be a different and easier way to wrap up the epilogue. Any thoughts?))
Despite the change in leadership, the conservative government had to carry out the rest of the Hispanian-Afghan War. There was great urgency for completion of the war, especially with the Lithuanians pressing in from the north. Matters were complicated by the fact that Hispanian troops could only reach Afghanistan by moving through either Delhi or Persia. While the former was still very much pro-Commonwealth, Persia was cordial with both powers and willing to cooperate. Hispanian troops were able to march through east Persia, entering Afghanistan in 1888.
Afghanistan was soon presented with a double invasion as Lithuanian troops marched across the border from the north. The rest of 1888 involved the Afghani people relentlessly fighting off the foreign invaders, while Hispania and the Commonwealth pressed towards the centre of the country in a race to get the upper hand. By the end of the year, the two European nations met roughly in the middle of Afghanistan, the Central Asian state all but defeated.
The defeat of Afghanistan only presented more problems. Hispania and the Commonwealth had both occupied a sizeable part of the country. Hispania wanted an independent Afghanistan under their influence, while the Commonwealth favoured annexing them to improve their hold on Central Asia and provide a land connection to Delhi. Neither could achieve what they wanted without some cooperation from the other. For now, that seemed impossible, and the two held on to their occupied parts of Afghanistan until the other would finally crack.
With the Commonwealth continuing to be a pain in Hispania’s side, the Trastámara family attempted to smooth things over with Byzantium. While the two states had remained cordial with each other all these years, both had mostly kept to themselves. To help revive ties between the two, Empress Khadija arranged a match between Prince Alexandros Palaiologos and Prince Lluís’s daughter, Francesca de Trastámara.
Across the Atlantic, the United Kingdom of America was to undergo one of its most dramatic changes yet. The American Civil War had occurred over two decades ago and they continued to struggle with its aftermath. The loss of territory to Canada had been painful, but more immediate problem was the abolition of slavery. Hispania had been lenient enough to give them until the end of the century to abolish it, believing it to be adequate time to shift away from a slave-based economy and industrialize. The last two decades had been focused on just that, and although there had been setbacks due to an economic depression, American industry was growing, and the use of slave labour was at an all-time low. Near the end of the 1880s, abolitionists pointed this fact out, stating that it was time to get rid of slavery.
There were other practical reasons to finally abolish slavery. Trade had diminished since the Civil War, with other states less willing to trade with a nation still clinging on to its slaves. International pressure was growing as the institution of slavery became increasingly abhorrent to others, and the fact that the UKA retained it did not make them look good. The abolitionists only added to this pressure, continually hounding the pro-slavery politicians in parliament. Their numbers continued to grow, especially as Yankee abolitionists from Canada trickled back to the UKA. By the late 1880s, they controlled a sizeable part of parliament, and likely could force through abolition with the right argument.
Perhaps one of the most important rationales for abolishing slavery was the condition of the slaves themselves. With industrialization, slave labour simply was not as profitable as before. Exposed to the constant stream of abolitionist propaganda, most of the slave population became disgruntled and unhappy with their situation, a situation aggravated further by the growing presence of freed blacks. Many slave owners had to rely on guards or hired thugs to keep their slaves in order or to prevent them from running away. The situation was untenable in the long run.
After over two decades of resisting, enough of the pro-slave politicians waffled on their opinions to let the abolitionists get their legislation through. On May 13, 1888, the UKA officially abolished slavery. All remaining slaves were freed, with their owners properly compensated. The UKA had been the last holdout, meaning that slavery was now a thing of the past. The Americans now had to focus on a new problem, the integration of the former slaves into society, one that would likely occupy their attention for quite some time.
On the topic of change, Scandinavia struggled to come to terms with its new government. A republic was an unknown entity to most Scandinavians, with most people having never heard of a government without a monarch, let alone one that allowed them to participate or voice their opinion. The first election was understandably frantic and energetic, with an over 90% voter turnout, and had led to Scandinavia’s first elected conservative government. While many were excited for the future, one hopefully rid of tyranny of the previous regime, there was fear that the republic would be as unstable as the monarchy.
The Scandinavian government spent the first two years of its tenure stamping out the last monarchical resistance and enacting reforms aimed at establishing a truly democratic system. It was a lot to accomplish, and even harder to make it stick. There was also the growing fear that the other European powers would sense weakness and attempt to swoop in to restore the monarchy. What Scandinavia needed was a show of strength, a symbol of Scandinavian pride that could not only bring the country together but show the rest of the world that it was a functioning and rational state.
By 1888, it was decided that the best way to accomplish this was with a colonial expedition. Despite the many troubles Scandinavia had faced over the decades, they had still managed to maintain a colonial empire. Expanding that empire would show both the Scandinavian people and the rest of the world that the republic was firmly in control. As for where to focus their attentions, there were only so many options. Most of the world had fallen under the sway of other colonial powers or was unreachable. There was, however, one region where Scandinavia could make use of former ties to its advantage.
As Hispania and France scrambled to grab every patch of Africa they could, there was one region that remained relatively untouched. Kongo, a sizeable African kingdom, had retained its independence, ignored by the European powers. Before the American Civil War, it had been under American influence, although what interest they had in the African state was unknown. However, before even the Americans had established a presence there, Kongo had been a valued friend and trading partner of Scandinavia. Unlike with many other non-European states, Kongo’s relationship with Scandinavia had been one more of equals. A Scandinavian princess had even been married to a crown prince of Kongo in the 18th Century. This strong relationship had lapsed after Scandinavia entered a period of decline and collapsed entirely when Scandinavia lost its colonies in Africa during the French Succession War.
As Scandinavia had faced its own setbacks, so had Kongo. In late 1880s, Kongo was in the midst of a civil war, as various warlords fought over dominance of the country. Scandinavia watched these events carefully and waited for the opportune moment to intervene. In 1888, Scandinavia sent a colonial expedition, with settlers arriving in Kongoese Gabon and establishing a colony. This was protested by the local warlord, but the arrival of Scandinavian troops to defend the new colony silenced those protests by force. Rather than conquer the whole country, the Scandinavians sought out the strongest warlord, the one currently most likely to win the civil war, and offered their aid. They promised to provide him with troops and weapons, and in exchange he would agree to Kongo becoming a Scandinavian protectorate. Further promises of military supplies, financial aid, and Scandinavian investment following the end of the war were given as an incentive to encourage cooperation.
With the aid of Scandinavia, the Kongoese Civil War was quickly brought to an end. The victorious warlord was propped up as leader of the united Kongo state, backed by the Scandinavian army and Scandinavian money. Kongo officially became a protectorate of Scandinavia, giving the Scandinavians a piece of Africa and a trading partner. The old friendship was reborn, although through more violent means.
This also proved a great success back at home. The Scandinavian people were overjoyed to see the foreign venture pay off. It was a symbol to the world that their nation was strong once more, no longer plagued by instability and a punching bag for their neighbours. The republican government had legitimized itself, helping cement itself in place to prevent a monarchist revival.
Scandinavia was not ready to stop at Kongo. While colonization was an expensive effort, it was believed that the access to resources and larger market would help Scandinavia in the long run, not to mention serve as a massive prestige boost for the young republic. With access to Africa again thanks to their regained position in Kongo, a massive propaganda campaign commenced, one to get Scandinavians to move to Africa and settle the interior. With Scandinavia plagued with unrest for so long, this was quite desirable to some. A third competitor for dominance of Africa had suddenly appeared.
The new threat to Hispania’s dominance of Africa was to take a back seat to a much bigger threat. France had managed to claim a sizeable chunk of southern Africa, taking advantage of Hispania’s divided focus on the many different parts of Africa it had interest in, as well as its larger empire beyond the dark continent. Yet that had not prevented Hispania from sealing off the coastline all across the continent and eventually boxing France in before they could lay claim to territory further north. France’s choices for expansion were severely limited.
Besides the unclaimed lands of the African interior, there remained only three nominally independent states. Zazzau had been saved from annexation by a poorly fought campaign on Hispania’s part, although it had been forced to accept Hispania as its protector for now. Kongo, up until recently, had been completely free of European influence until Scandinavia had swooped in to turn them into a protectorate. That left only Mali.
Tucked into the more inhospitable parts of West Africa, Mali had been considered too vast and isolated to conquer, with any campaign undoubtedly turning into an attrition nightmare. The land was not worth the lives that would be inevitably lost, especially since Mali possessed a decent sized army to protect itself and holding it down would cost more resources than could be taken from the land. Up until recently, even accessing the bulk of Mali was nearly impossible for the average European, and no one dared try. Both Hispania and France had been content to focus on trade with Mali. That was soon to change.
The battle between Hispania and France over Mali had been raging for decades and had been a constant source of tension between the two great powers. Both desired it for trade, but also for its position in Africa. Whoever controlled Mali controlled West Africa. The French had understood this and knew that without Mali, they could not even dare to contest Hispania’s dominance of Africa. It was their key to maintaining their presence in Africa. Despite numerous attempts to supplant France’s influence over Mali, Hispania had been thwarted. The French hold was too strong, for France was unwilling to surrender their greatest prize. They had even allowed Hispanian influence to usurp their own in the British Isles just so they could focus on this one part of Africa. A heavy price, but one they were willing to pay.
By the late 1880s, circumstances had changed considerably, enough so to alter both nations’ position on Mali. Innovations in transportation, health, and other technologies had made it possible to access the African interior. Mali, once this isolated West African kingdom, was now not so inaccessible. Where Hispania’s colonies in West Africa had clung to the easily supplied coasts, now they were pressing up against Mali’s borders. Slowly but surely, Hispania’s colonization efforts were seeing Mali surrounded. The noose was tightening, and France was feeling the pressure.
After Hispania put a close on France’s colonial expansion in southern Africa, they turned their focus back to Mali. Pressure was put on the African state to hold back the Hispanian advance. Mali patrols were seen prowling the border regions, often claiming Hispania was trespassing on their land, disputing what Hispania considered as the international borders. When understandably faced with denial and refutations that Hispania was committing any wrongdoings, Mali kicked out all Hispanian diplomats. It was a bold move and one begging for retaliation.
Faced with this setback in Mali and tired of France’s efforts to keep Hispania out, the conservative government contemplated ramping up its efforts to claim Mali once and for all. Persuading and manipulating Mali wouldn’t work, not when it was clear that they were firmly under France’s sway. The only alternative was taking them by force. An ultimatum was sent, making it clear that either France could back out of Mali or Hispania would fight to take Mali.
This ultimatum caused great controversy in Parliament. The opposition were strongly opposed to risking war with France over Mali. Out of all the nations of Europe, France was most capable of striking right at the Hispanian heartland. A war with them would see thousands of Hispanians die in a pointless war over land in Africa. The conservatives though stressed that this would never happen. France was financially drained after their colonization efforts in southern Africa, and they certainly did not possess the military capabilities that Hispania did. A war between the two would eventually end in Hispania’s favour. France would never make that risk, and thus would not come to Mali’s defence. It was a gamble, and one that put Hispanian citizens at risk.
In late 1888, war was declared on Mali. Hispanian troops were sent by train to Mali’s border to commence the invasion. At the Hispanian-French border, several tense divisions waited to see what would happen. Would France come to the defence of Mali? As Hispanian troops arrived in Mali and marched on their first targets, France remained quiet. Other than a massing of troops on the border, they did not initiate battle or issue a war declaration on Hispania. The conservatives had been right; France would not risk war with Hispania over Mali.
The opposition had opposed the war because of risk of war with France, and they continued to do so as the war progressed, fearful that France would take advantage of Hispania committing troops to Africa before striking. The war itself also proved unpopular for other reasons. Mali did not have the most forgiving of terrain, and Hispanian troops struggled to make progress. Supplies trains faced difficulty reaching the troops as they pushed farther into the interior where safe and reliable transportation was more difficult to guarantee. Mali soldiers relied on hit and run tactics, striking at the Hispanian armies when they least expected it and then fading into the desert or savannah. The war was proving reminiscent of the Zazzau War, except now Hispania was facing a much more skilled army in a much larger war theatre.
It was quite clear early on that Mali would not be as easy to subdue as Kaffa had, or even Zazzau. Mali’s army was quite sizeable, and decades of French trade had provided them with modern weaponry. Mali may have been seen as a backwater African nation with a primitive government, but its army was not. Combining French weapons with tactics that befitted their home terrain, Mali made Hispania suffer for each piece of ground they occupied. Attrition proved the biggest killer as Hispanian troops were forced on endless chases to track down the Mali troops, who proved far too mobile to pin down. A campaign against a backwards nation that was expected to take only a year soon began to stretch over two years and then three, still with no end in sight. The current conservative government would be lucky if they pacified Mali before the election.
The Hispanian government had far bigger problems than a war in Africa in the meantime. An expansion of the navy was planned in 1889, with well over a hundred new ships to be added to the Hispanian navy. While not a contentious issue, the choice of one of the contractor was. Evidence soon surfaced following the announcement by the government to expand the navy that one of the contracts for the new ships had been given to a company owned by the Alejandría family. This sparked instant outrage from the left, with the opposition calling such a decision an abuse of office, since it would essentially put money in his Prime Minister’s or his family’s pockets. Various ministers disputed the claims, stating that the Alejandría company had been chosen because they were most qualified, not because of who owned them. This claim was dismissed by the opposition, and calls were made for the Prime Minister to resign.
Tainted by the Naval Contract Scandal, it seemed that Joan de Alejandría’s political career was over. Public opinion was turning against him, regardless of whether he was behind the choice of contractor or not. The conservative-reactionary coalition, as it had been for the past decade, was always willing to topple their leader and replace them with the next ambitious figure whenever necessary. Even the Emperor was turning against his Prime Minister, not that that was anything new. It was quite clear that Alfons was not fond of the conservatives and was growing increasingly annoyed with their antics. The fact that he was constantly plagued by migraines and memory loss only made him more irritated by the whole situation. If Alejandría did not resign, it seemed likely he’d be fired soon enough.
Before either of that could happen, the situation took a turn. In the midst of the Naval Contract Scandal, when popular opinion had turned against the Prime Minister, an attempt was made on Joan de Alejandría’s life. During a speech made in early August, an assassin in the crowd fired off three rounds at the Prime Minister before being subdued by a nearby bystander in the crowd. Two of the shots had missed, with the third grazing the Prime Minister across his left arm. He was rushed to the closest hospital, although it turned out that he had not been seriously wounded and would live without anything other than a scar to show it. As for the assassin, he was hauled away and interrogated, where he blabbed soon after. He turned out to be an Italian separatist and anarchist, one tired of the conservative rule and its attempts to quash Italian autonomy. No ties were found to existing groups, suggesting he had acted alone.
This attack on the Prime Minister’s life galvanized the right. They would not stand for these acts of terror, and rumours spread of plans to quash the radical elements lurking within Italy. It seemed a crusade against Italian radicals was in the works, once that only served to antagonize the Partito Nazionalista Italiano, who saw it as a personal attack on their party and supporters. If things had continued, it seemed likely that the various regions of Hispania would be turned against each other.
By this point, Emperor Alfons had had enough. He was not ready to support this witch-hunt against Italy, especially since it seemed violence would be inevitable. As for his plans to replace the Prime Minister, those would still go ahead. While the assassination attempt had garnered Alejandría sympathy, the Emperor was not about to keep a man in office who had proven controversial enough to warrant an attack, especially with the left so dead set against him. The conservatives possessed a minority in the Assembly, and it seemed as long as Alejandría was in charge, the opposition wouldn’t let him pass any legislation. Alfons needed someone who could be more conciliatory, a figure who could both keep the Italians happy and calm the left.
In mid-September, Emperor Alfons announced that he would be replacing Prime Minister Joan de Alejandría with Luca Spoleto. While a member of the conservative coalition, Luca was considerably moderate in his views, much like his father Attillio. His preference for a more diplomatic approach to foreign affairs was a refreshing change in comparison to the hard imperialism of many of the other conservatives. The fact that Spoleto was Italian was hoped to be seen as a conciliatory gesture towards the region to bring an end to the dissent brought up by the attempt on Alejandría’s life. It was only natural that the Emperor would drift towards a Spoleto, the one notable conservative family willing to work alongside the liberals, putting the same trust in Luca as he had put in Attillio.
It is unfortunate that the Emperor was not able to fully see out Luca’s full term. Following the appointment of Luca Spoleto as Prime Minister, the Emperor’s health declined dramatically. He was bedridden or confined to his quarters for most of October and November, plagued with headaches so strong he could barely think or stand the faintest hint of light or sound. Unable to do anything but sulk in the dark, a regency had to be established, with Crown Prince Martí de Trastámara appointed as Regent.
The regency proved short-lived. In early December, after months of suffering, Emperor Alfons X de Trastámara finally passed away. It was discerned that the Emperor’s brain injury suffered during his youth and exacerbated after his fall had killed him in the end. The nation went into mourning over the loss of their Emperor who had ruled for the past 30 years. With his death, his eldest son was crowned Emperor Martí II de Trastámara, and the world moved on.
The accession of Martí to the throne was to bring new dilemmas and complications. Like his father, he had noticeably liberal leanings, although he had never let that stand in the way of retaining the neutrality practiced by the royal family. Unlike his father, who had managed to sire 15 children during the course of his lifetime, Martí had yet to sire a single child. Rumours had been circulating for years that Martí was impotent or his wife Sophía was infertile. With Martí now in his 40s and his wife not far behind, such rumours seemed valid, and the possibility of there being no heir increased as Sophía neared the end of her childbearing age. It was quite clear that lack of children weighed quite heavily on the couple, but it only seemed to bring them closer together.
With Martí having no children of his own, that meant that his heir was his brother Sanç. The two brothers were like night and day. Where Martí was kind, accepting, and liberal, Sanç was cruel, close-minded, and nearly reactionary in his views. That was nowhere clearer than in the Cortz, where Sanç refused to follow the example of previous crown princes by staying neutral and instead remained a member of the Imperials. He was a critical and outspoken opponent to everything liberal. There was some talk that Martí would approach the liberals to form a new government simply to spite his brother, but he instead kept above such petty moves and opted to keep his father’s previous government in place, trusting in Spoleto as Prime Minister.
Despite the continuation of the conservative government, the socialist movement was continuing to grow. In 1889, the Second International met in Copenhagen, building off the work of the dissolved First International. Consisting of representatives from socialist and labour parties across the world, it set out to pursue international cooperation to push the socialist agenda. They pushed for their nations to adopt such reforms as an eight-hour work day and other workers’ rights. Unlike the previous organization, it was not plagued with as much division, for the anarchists were excluded this time. Representatives from various unions were not included either. This saw much greater coordination across national borders. It proved an avenue for cooperation for many socialist movements worldwide, helping push their agenda forward. It would meet for the next few decades and seemed like it would continue to do so as long as nationalist sentiment didn’t overcome worker unity and jeopardize the international cooperation that had developed.
As socialists worldwide pressed for reform, China was undergoing its own kind of reform program to modernize the nation. The decision to reform the government along western lines made years ago had not been unopposed, and the Emperor and Ming officials leading the charge faced growing dissent from the conservative and reactionary ranks. The most vocal opponents though were the Qing. The Manchu people of Qing had not joined China willingly, and while they had been brought around to accept a unified China, they did not appreciate the government’s actions. The adoption of western-based reforms was seen as an attack on Manchu traditions and practices. They claimed that the Ming were intent on eradicating their culture and replacing it with one based on the Europeans. This was further exacerbated by the growing Christian presence in the south as missionaries from Hispanian Canton proselytized through China.
The tension between Ming and Qing met a boiling point in 1889. The Manchu people, fearing the direction the Ming-dominated government was going, made their voices heard. Groups of Manchus, known as Boxers, organized across Manchuria, attacking Ming officials and anything that reeked of European influence. They would not tolerate these reforms that sought to destroy everything that made China what it was. The Manchu would preserve their culture and values at all cost. The Boxer Rebellion had begun.
The Boxer movement proved to be a mostly Manchu-dominated one. The bulk of the Han Chinese living in the south had no interest in this rebellion and were either supportive of the reforms or uncaring. This essentially pitted the old empires of Ming and Qing against each other. The Boxers gave into ideas of grandeur and mysticism, with some convinced that their cause was so just that they would be immune to bullets. They organized in mobs and attacked villages across northern China, attempting to wipe out any traces of Ming rule where it seemed European-inspired.
The Boxers were not prepared for what they were to face. The army remained loyal to the state and was ordered to put down the rebellion. While China had adopted quite a few reforms over the years, the army had been a major focus. This was its first chance to test the new theories. Making use of modern weapons and tactics borrowed from the West but altered to fit China’s unique character, the Chinese army swept across Manchuria. Even when outnumbered by 2:1, the Chinese army faced minimal losses while the Boxers were mowed down in the thousands. The Boxers never stood a chance. The rebellion dragged on for another two years, only prolonged due to the vast extent of the rot across all of Manchuria and the difficulty of eradicating a grassroots movement.
While the Boxer Rebellion left the former Ming lands untouched, it did leave an impact on Hispania’s Chinese territory. Dissidents in Canton saw this uprising against European influence as a similar struggle to theirs against Hispanian rule. They sought encouragement in the actions of the Boxers, even if their struggle seemed a difficult one. Attention was also brought to the religious divide in Canton. Two-thirds of Chinese in Canton still practiced Mahayana Buddhism, although the number of Christians increased with each day. These Mahayana Chinese resented the fact that they were excluded from voting based on their faith while their Christian brethren could vote, despite their reduced voice in Parliament. It was a great injustice, one that forced the Chinese in Canton to sell their souls to a foreign faith just for a voice in politics. Many Mahayana Chinese saw Christian Chinese as traitors, giving in to European influence and abandoning their traditional way of life.
With the Boxer Rebellion in full swing and tensions incredibly high in Canton, rebellion spread to Hispania. A group of Mahayana Chinese, inspired by the Boxers, organized a revolt. They attacked Hispanian businesses and government buildings, forcing the Europeans in the area to seek shelter in the army quarters. These attacks spread to the homes of Christian Chinese, seeing the two faiths pitted against each other. Blood flowed through the streets for days.
It did not take Hispania long to act. Fearing that China could use the revolt to seize Canton as they had decades ago, the conservative government ordered the army to intervene. Troops stationed in the region marched through the streets, restoring order. The rebels did not have the numbers to oppose the Hispanian soldiers, seeing the revolt put down after a few weeks. Even after it had ended, its impact was still felt. A deep divide had been created between the Mahayana and Christian Chinese. While the Mahayana Chinese saw themselves further isolated and drawn towards China, the Christian Chinese experienced greater loyalty to Hispania, seeing them as saviours against the violent Mahayana majority. This was still tempered though by a growing desire for autonomy. Perhaps separatism had just been quashed amongst the Christians now that they had seen how they’d be treated by their Mahayana brothers, but they saw greater autonomy as a way to prevent another revolt and voting reform as a way to bring an end to their violent means. The Enlightenment Party took this as their rallying call, hoping to bring all Chinese in Canton together in a united cause.
Reform was to come, but not for the Chinese in Canton. When the conservative had formed the government again, they had convinced the League to not be obstructionist by promising improvements in women’s rights. Although the leadership had changed, the promise had not been forgotten. In 1890, the League put forth legislation to grant women the right to file for divorce and receive equal rights as men when it came to divorce. Another bill followed granting women equal chance of custody rights to their children. While some in the conservative benches opposed such change, the Moderates and Prime Minister backed it, allowing the liberals with socialist support to pass the laws. Women’s station in Hispania continued to improve.
As the world moved into a new decade, some things remained the same. Circumstances in Afghanistan had failed to progress. Hispania and the Commonwealth could not reach an agreement on how to best decide the fate if Afghanistan. Hispania could not force the Commonwealth out of northern Afghanistan short of war, while the Commonwealth could not conquer the rest without attacking Hispania too. The Lithuanians dug in, engaging in a guerilla war with the Afghan people, with Hispania watching as a bystander. There was perhaps some hope that the Afghan people could throw out the Lithuanians, but it was a distant hope. Neither had yet to back down, and so both sat waiting for the other to give.
Meanwhile, the growing trend towards improved rights for all was to make its way into the Catholic Church. In 1891, the Pope published an open letter to all Catholic patriarchs, primates, archbishops, and bishops addressing the conditions of the working class. Known as Rerum Novarum or Rights and Duties of Capital and Labour, the document discussed the relationship and duties between labour and capital, as well as government and its citizens. It pointed to the poor conditions faced by the majority of the working class, supporting the right to form unions while opposing unrestricted capitalism as damaging to the working class. Despite serving a social text, it rejected socialism, affirming the right to private property. It proved a foundational text for the modern Catholic social teaching, transitioning the Church towards a position of protecting and providing for the poor and a focus on charitable works.
Hispania bided its time with foreign ventures, some almost as long-lasting as the situation in Afghanistan. Equally unsuccessful, the war against Mali was not going so well. The war had already dragged on for three years, still with no end in sight. Hispania had made gains in the far north and west, as well as some successes in the east near Zazzau, but failed to push into the interior. Any attempts to move away from the coast almost always ended in ambushes or long-drawn-out campaigns that failed to take out Mali’s forces in the area. It was a frustrating procedure, and one that produced little results. Even if Mali was subdued in time, it was almost certain that it would only happen after the upcoming election, and holding Mali down would be difficult. The conservative government needed to make a breakthrough to win back favour from the electorate.
The natural inclination of the conservatives was to send in more troops in the hopes of achieving a major victory in battle to break Mali’s resilience and convince the Hispanian people that the war was nearing an end. That did not match with what Prime Minister Spoleto preferred. He generally leaned towards more diplomatic solutions and committing Hispania further to an unpopular war seemed foolhardy. Attempting to work things out with Mali seemed impossible at this point, but there were other interested parties that might prove more cooperative.
In mid-1891, Prime Minister Spoleto approached France with an offer. If France joined the war against Mali, Hispania would let them take southern Mali for themselves. Each nation would receive their share of West Africa, and by jointly carving it up they could ensure recognition of each other’s territory to avoid further conflict in the region. It seemed a far-fetched offer, for why would France agree to aid the very nation that tried to kick it out of Mali? The simple fact of the matter though was that while the war in Mali was proving long and bloody, in all likelihood Hispania would eventually win, or at least establish themselves in West Africa enough to contest any French moves in the region. This was an opportunity for France to prevent a complete loss of influence in West Africa and reclaim at least some of what they had lost. Either they could cooperate now and get a piece of the pie or sit around until Hispania devoured it all.
After a series of negotiations, France declared war on Mali in late 1891, to join Hispania in its war against the African state. While a shock to some Frenchmen, and especially to Mali, Emperor Charles IX de Valois-Orléans stated that France was protecting its interests in Africa. French troops arrived along the Gold Coast soon after, landing in France’s colony to invade Mali from the south. The participation of France in the war against Mali was a diplomatic victory, and one that would surely speed up the progress of the war, but it was yet to be seen if it was enough to salvage the hole the conservatives had put themselves in.
China likewise faced war of its own. Ever since China had commenced its modernization efforts and started expanding its military, Japan had watched with great wariness. A strong China, one both unified and capable of besting even a European state, was a great threat to Japan. Any efforts to weaken their regional rival needed to be taken. When the Boxer Rebellion broke out, it showed that China was not as unified and perhaps not as strong as first though. This was an opportunity ripe for the taking.
Hoping to take advantage of weakness caused by the Boxer Rebellion and the separatist sentiment of the Manchus, the Shogun declared war on China. With China distracted, Japan could swoop in to seize Sakhalin and perhaps even establish a presence in Manchuria. Japanese troops landed in Manchuria shortly after, attempting to coordinate with the Boxers if possible to defeat the Chinese army.
The Sino-Japanese War proved a testing grounds for the two different methods of adjusting to fit the modern world. Japan had opted to stay true to the old ways, relying only on foreign imports to provide itself with modern weaponry. China, on the other hand, had attempted to replicate the success of the Europeans, but on their own terms and adjusted to fit their own ways. It was clear early on who had taken the best path.
The first few engagements between the Japanese and Chinese troops always ended overwhelming in favour of the Chinese. Both possessed modern weapons, but only the Chinese had been properly trained to make use of them and had devised new strategies and tactics to best utilize this advantage. The Japanese had also underestimated how long it would take to defeat the Boxers. Thinking that China was more disunified than it actually was, they had expected the Boxers to keep them occupied for years. Instead the bulk of the rebellion was put down by the end of 1891. Japan soon faced the full wrath of China turned its way.
Another flaw appeared in the Japanese strategy. They may have equipped their army with modern weaponry, but their navy was flagging far behind. The Chinese navy, on the other hand, was filled with freshly constructed steam ships based on European designs. The naval encounters between the two nations went even more poorly than those on land for the Japanese. By the start of 1892, the Japanese had been driven out of Manchuria and Chinese troops had already landed in Hokkaido, with preparation underway for an invasion of the home isles. Japan was in complete disarray and could only brace for the worse.
Faced with a difficult situation of their own in both Afghanistan and Mali, the conservatives in Hispania sought a quick victory abroad. With an open rebellion just across the border in Manchuria and war between Japan and China, Hispania’s territory in Siberia was the optimal target. The peoples of Kamchadals and Chavchuveny had managed to maintain independence even as the colonial powers grabbed every piece of land they could. They had only been left alone because no one else wanted to get involved in Siberia and they hadn’t caused any problems for Hispania. Moving troops near China might also temper their ambitions in Japan. Hungry for an easy conquest, war was declared on both.
The conquests of Kamchadals and Chavchuveny proved an easy affair. The regions were sparsely population and put up little resistance. In most cases, the Hispanian troops just had to march in and claim the land, with the locals just going along with it. They might even benefit from Hispanian rule. The aggressive stance of Hispania though did not go over so well with the left back home, who saw it as one more imperialist adventure during a time when Hispania was already overextended and struggling with other issues.
As the election of 1892 approached, the smell of change was in the air. The conservatives’ popularity was plummeting after being plagued with scandal and dragging Hispania into two prolonged and unpopular wars. The Scramble for Africa had been Hispania’s biggest success under the conservatives as they laid claim to large parts of Africa and pinned in the French, but even that seemed a failure as expansion in West Africa was halted due to war with Mali and the sudden arrival of a new colonial power. Scandinavia’s presence near Kongo had been entirely unexpected, and with Hispania occupied elsewhere, had allowed them to expand virtually unopposed into Central Africa. Prime Minister Spoleto had done his best to salvage the situation, and perhaps dampened some of the negative criticism, but he and the coalition failed in one key regard.
The conservatives had ruled for 16 years now and in that time they had failed to revive the economy. Their first term in power had been hopeful, and they had thankfully stopped the decline. Hispania’s economy had not crashed, but it still had not reached pre-1873 levels. Many questioned whether the conservatives were able to fix the economy, with their record for the past decade showing that they couldn’t. They had been given plenty of time to fix it but had fallen short in the end.
The liberals and socialists seemed set to feed on the failures of the conservatives, but its proved the nationalists that would benefit the most. Dissent in Italy and revolt in Canton fuelled nationalist sentiment in those two regions. As the results came in, they saw massive gains. The Partito Nazionalista Italiano, which had been gaining only a couple seats at a time, suddenly jumped from 18 to 30 seats. The Enlightenment Party went from 10 to 18, giving it control of all but two seats in Hispanian Canton, while the Partido Federalista rose to seven seats, gaining its first seat in Taiwan. These gains were frightening to the other parties, who feared the damage these parties could do to national unity.
The conservatives, as expected, saw their numbers drop considerably. The Partido Reformista Monárquica continued their slow decline from the gains they’d made in the 1870s. The Unió Conservador-Imperial dropped from 125 to 108, while the Partit Caballeresca experienced a similar drop from 91 to 69. The Moderates, despite their already small size, went from 29 to 21. These losses meant gains for everyone else. The Liga Liberal de Hispania gained 12 seats, while the Alianza de Libre Comercio gained 10. The Partido Reconquista saw surprisingly small gains, along with the Partido Fénix, and somehow the Partido Popular Progresista halted its rise to dominance, with its only gains being the addition of those seats once held by the Partido Cruzada Social, who ended up merging with the Progressives in a bid to unite the socialist movement in Hispania.
The general trend from the election showed that the conservative time in power was over. However, that depended entirely on whether the liberals and socialists could work something out. Neither could form the government without the other. Following the last election when the conservatives had formed a minority government, negotiations had fallen apart. The conservatives’ time in power though had deepened tensions between the left and right, and a general fear of the nationalist parties only grew after their significant gains, enough so to encourage the various liberal and socialist parties to cooperate for once.
The first few weeks of 1892 involved one of the most hotly debated coalition negotiations in years. Their economic policies drastically differed, with the liberals generally wanting less involvement while the socialists wanted more power put in the hands of the workers. The pro-business Comercio butted heads with the socialist Progressives constantly, with the former considering the latter too radical and the latter considering the former an enemy of the worker. The Phoenixes shared the sentiment of the Comercio and generally weren’t please about working with socialists. The Reconquista proved the peace maker, able to bridge both sides to bring them together, while the League provided a moderating view and took on a leadership role during negotiations. Despite the Progressives loathing to work with capitalists and the Comercio mostly unfavourable of the socialist agenda, they worked out their differences for the meantime.
After debating back and forth, an agreement was reached. The liberal and socialist parties would form a coalition, one that supported laissez-faire policies to keep the Comercio happy and in opposition to the conservatives failed policies, while the coalition would also support the adoption of several social reforms to appease the Progressives. The Phoenixes made it clear that they wouldn’t be supporting any social reforms, but their portion of the coalition was small enough that just sentiment would not break down negotiations. The conservatives’ love for war was to come to an end, with Hispania only pursuing it when necessary.
As for who would head the coalition, that was a more contentious issue. The Comercio made it clear that they would not tolerate a Progressive prime minister, while the Progressives didn’t want the Comercio in charge either. The Reconquista tried to put forth a Leon, but that was shot down by the Progressives and Phoenixes. That left the League. The Progressives made it clear that they would not tolerate a noble or a capitalist in charge. It was time to get someone who was more in touch with the people in charge.
With that in mind, the League put forth a relatively unknown politician named Gaspar Valerio as a candidate for prime minister. A bureaucrat who had spent his entire adult life in the civil service, Valerio had both an educated but humble background and an in-depth knowledge of Hispania’s political system. He had been born and raised in Florence, a fact that was hoped would win over support from Italy. Well-spoken and mild-mannered, he was a non-threatening candidate who the other parties could support without fearing a threat to their own agenda. Valerio was thus presented to Emperor Martí, who was quite favourable to a liberal-socialist government. Despite the conservatives still controlling the Cortz, the Emperor was hopeful that this new coalition led by Prime Minister Gaspar Valerio would lead Hispania into a new era.
Assembly
Partido Reformista Monárquica - 7
Unió Conservador-Imperial - 108+9
Partit Caballeresca - 69+11
Hispania's Moderates - 21+10
Liga Liberal de Hispania - 60+20
Alianza de Libre Comercio - 68+18
Partido Reconquista - 30+18
Partido Popular Progresista - 71+12
Partido Fénix - 11+2
Partito Nazionalista Italiano - 30
The Enlightenment Party - 18
Partido Federalista - 7
Cortz
Partido Reformista Monárquica - 2
Unió Conservador-Imperial - 28
Partit Caballeresca - 13
Hispania's Moderates - 17
Liga Liberal de Hispania - 22
Alianza de Libre Comercio - 5
Partido Reconquista - 7
Partido Popular Progresista - 1
Partito Nazionalista Italiano - 5
Afghanistan in 1890
Siberia in 1890
North Africa in 1892
South Africa in 1892
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((As mentioned earlier, I'm going to start posting updates once a week again instead of every two weeks. I actually managed to reach 1910, so all the updates are done. I only have the world war segments to work on. I think I'll go with my idea for more narrative-based updates, but I just need to work out who to use as a narrator and what events to focus on. I'll let you all know if there are any changes.))
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