No, but Take Concubine (similarly to Arrange Marriage) is about asking a (usually male) title holder to give you one of his female courtiers. In this case the bishop is thr one who has to decide, not the one who gets traded.
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aaahh of course. makes a lot of sense. i thought we come accross a funny bug
aaahh of course. makes a lot of sense. i thought we come accross a funny bug
You can still seduce him of course. Just a different button.
Edit: since this is a learning AAR, I'll expand and say you should try to seduce as many priests as possible at least one time with a character. The results are hilarious, especially if you aren't their religious group.
Bascially this.
Remember that pagans can choose whoever they want as bishops without penalty so choosing your mates is much better than picking holy people. You can do this with Christian positions but it will lower moral authority eventually. Plus the pope is suppised to be choosing so opinion penalty too.
But yeah, seduce the guy then murder him.
The mind boggles!
Yeah, most of the pope achievements got easier following that dlc.
1) Murder. Or perhaps kidnapping followed by a quiet murder.
2) The pacts will reach work together, but each pact is its own thing. When you hit the thresholds they'll combine or split as necessary.
2) The pacts will reach work together, but each pact is its own thing. When you hit the thresholds they'll combine or split as necessary.
I’ll also join the “kill him” camp. Maybe with some seduction first just for kicks (and presumably added plot power?)
One unrelated suggestion: on the council, don’t buy favors. Instead, ask for people’s votes in exchange for favors. If they accept, They are obligated to vote your way for 5 years. Use that to pass a law (Or two, if I’m right about “lanes”). When the 5 years are up, kick them off the council. There is very little a non-councilor can do with a favor. In my experience the only danger in this technique is forgetting to kick them off the council at the end, but you’re more thorough than I am so I’m sure you’ll be fine
One unrelated suggestion: on the council, don’t buy favors. Instead, ask for people’s votes in exchange for favors. If they accept, They are obligated to vote your way for 5 years. Use that to pass a law (Or two, if I’m right about “lanes”). When the 5 years are up, kick them off the council. There is very little a non-councilor can do with a favor. In my experience the only danger in this technique is forgetting to kick them off the council at the end, but you’re more thorough than I am so I’m sure you’ll be fine
I avoid these powerful council situations like the plague but when I have to, I buy the result. Remember the rules of CKII.
1) survive by any and all means.
2) money buys everything. Get lots of it.
3) kill anyone who gets in the way of the above two.
For me, outside of base survival (so good heirs or any heirs really), money is the number one most important resource in the game. It allows you to do everything else, and get away with stuff you wouldn't normally if you make a mistake...and allow roleplay 'mistakes' and 'accidents' and poor decisions whilst ensuring you can recover and keep playing. I've covered this before but if you are the single biggest producer of coin in your empire, you have a massive advantage over your vassals AND your enemies. Focusing on growing economies is generally quite fun too, and allows for minor powers to be played with some grasp of stability. For example, Lancaster is far from a big player in martial terms for the first three centuries of its existence but it is so rich the only people richer are the pope and the Roman Emperor. Wealth is so useful but also makes the game more fun, cos you can do more events and afford things to do.
So yes, build your cash base, buy the vote, sell the family pride for more money, buy armies instead of leading them, tax enemies into the ground, conquer through trade and fleece everyone for everything they have.
And yeah, kill the bishop.
1) survive by any and all means.
2) money buys everything. Get lots of it.
3) kill anyone who gets in the way of the above two.
For me, outside of base survival (so good heirs or any heirs really), money is the number one most important resource in the game. It allows you to do everything else, and get away with stuff you wouldn't normally if you make a mistake...and allow roleplay 'mistakes' and 'accidents' and poor decisions whilst ensuring you can recover and keep playing. I've covered this before but if you are the single biggest producer of coin in your empire, you have a massive advantage over your vassals AND your enemies. Focusing on growing economies is generally quite fun too, and allows for minor powers to be played with some grasp of stability. For example, Lancaster is far from a big player in martial terms for the first three centuries of its existence but it is so rich the only people richer are the pope and the Roman Emperor. Wealth is so useful but also makes the game more fun, cos you can do more events and afford things to do.
So yes, build your cash base, buy the vote, sell the family pride for more money, buy armies instead of leading them, tax enemies into the ground, conquer through trade and fleece everyone for everything they have.
And yeah, kill the bishop.
There is only one correct response to the question of "Who will rid me of this troublesome priest?"
A quick and dirty breakdown of exactly what happens:
- All pact members automatically defend their own (i.e. all fellow members of the same pact) if attacked by the pact focus.
- At 50% threat, if you attack a pact member in a different religious-group pact, all different religious-group pacts automatically come to their aid just as if they were all members of one big pact. (The pact within your religious group still functions as normal.)
- At 75% threat, all pacts will come to the aid of any member of any pact who is attacked.
The war begins well. Olafr may feel confident enough against Luxembourg to march north, but it doesn't seem as if he has the numbers (or skill, that dirty coward) to actually defeat Eilif. And it appears as if the vassals are pacified for now.
All that does point to something bad happening soon though. One can't trust these good times too much. While the Catholic duchies don't look like they'd want to pick a fight, West Francia may see a chance to strike.
I guess the Bloody Bishop came to be due to a missionary converting one of Eirikr's courtiers. He then kept his temple, only ruling it as a bishopric now. When he dies though, the next temple holder will be one of his liege's religion - a good, Odin-fearing Norseman.
Over 75% threat means that pagans start to care if you attack Christian/Muslim/Eastern pact members, over 50% means that your religious enemies set their differences aside for a moment to focus on you as the vile expander.
All that does point to something bad happening soon though. One can't trust these good times too much. While the Catholic duchies don't look like they'd want to pick a fight, West Francia may see a chance to strike.
I can only second the murder camp. If plot power isn't high enough, you can camp your spymaster in Uppsala to add some percentage (though it may still not be enough for a quick death - it could take too long). With a little bonus explanation:
I guess the Bloody Bishop came to be due to a missionary converting one of Eirikr's courtiers. He then kept his temple, only ruling it as a bishopric now. When he dies though, the next temple holder will be one of his liege's religion - a good, Odin-fearing Norseman.
I think you've got it right. If you attack pagans, you'd have to face the pagan pact regardless of your current threat. The pact slowly dissolves as the pact members become too big for your threat, and as most of them are far smaller than Garðariki, the pact will stay there for a while. Else there would be no use for pagans to form a pact before 75%, after all.
Over 75% threat means that pagans start to care if you attack Christian/Muslim/Eastern pact members, over 50% means that your religious enemies set their differences aside for a moment to focus on you as the vile expander.
The bloody bishop needs to be bloodied. Any claims of tyranny are made by traitors and crypto-Christians
Military Folkmote – January 903 (a summary of advice from Chapter 80)
Military Folkmote – January 903 (a summary of advice from Chapter 80)
General Comments
On threat, succession, Empire etc:
…
Ch80 Q1: The Bloody Bishop. Any crafty ideas out there? Or must I grin and bear his presence for now?
).
So, the clear instrument of choice here is blunt rather than sharp. He is toast-in-prospect. I will get to it eventually. Settling some other matters first. And hoping someone kills him for me in the meantime.
Ch80 Q2: Pacts. Some comments during the Þing have seemed to suggest that the pacts are ‘by religion’, but these are clearly organised in religion groups. So, both Catholics and Orthodox members would presumably join after an attack on any Christian member. But with the Pagan pact (given it is Eilif’s group), would they also all join together if any one of them was attacked? Or is that overridden in this case by the ‘own religious group’ (75% threat description) criterion? My specific question is the meaning/operation of ‘band together’ in that context. Does that mean just the various pacts banding together (ie Pagans coming to the aid of Christians in this case), or does it also mean at that threshold your own religious group will defend each other, but not before? My current working assumption is that if I attack any member of the Pagan pact (not that I intend to any time soon), then all the others in that pact would assist them, regardless of the overall threat level or if they are from a different religion in that group.
Thank you one and all for your comments and advice. As I write this, the next session is played and, with plenty happening, it ended up being too much for one huge chapter (you will probably be relieved to hear). Instead, it will be two rather more compact episodes. Images pretty much done, need to write and publish, so a little while yet, but not far off.
ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ
General Comments
On threat, succession, Empire etc:
This sounds logical. Will see down the track what can be made of it.
Two more loyalists would do it. But finding anyone that loyal and at least reasonably competent has been a bit of a struggle. Will try to do more especially when it gets to the next raiding phase (where money can also help with loyalty or favours). The Spymaster is Eilif’s concubine, but I do need someone more efficient and even more loyal. Eventually.Seems like we'll have to stuff the council with more yesmen
Spymaster seems a little weak as well, maybe can be replaced by a fully loyal and more competent one?
Yep, another potentially useful raiding set-off and return point.
I didn’t think I could at that level. At least, I never get prompts about it and haven’t checked recently. Maybe in a subsequent session (have already played through the next one) I’ll have a play with it.
You’re very welcome – glad it can still entertain.Thanks for an action packed episode, the characters and the events were missed as were you
This sounds an interesting option. I can perhaps mix and match it with other options when the time comes. Some are either very competent and/or are powerful political appointment vassals I don’t want to alienate, but with others this could suit nicely (especially with unlanded councillors, who can cause even les trouble if dismissed).One unrelated suggestion: on the council, don’t buy favors. Instead, ask for people’s votes in exchange for favors. If they accept, They are obligated to vote your way for 5 years. Use that to pass a law (Or two, if I’m right about “lanes”). When the 5 years are up, kick them off the council. There is very little a non-councilor can do with a favor. In my experience the only danger in this technique is forgetting to kick them off the council at the end, but you’re more thorough than I am so I’m sure you’ll be fine
After this current war, I’m pretty sure the focus will switch to raiding and thus money-, prestige- and piety-making. As above, I can use the cash to either make someone a loyalist or buy a favour (if it’s a councillor I want to keep on).
As always, your comments are welcome and perceptive. With the next session played, we’ll see what Olafr gets up to soon
…ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ
Ch80 Q1: The Bloody Bishop. Any crafty ideas out there? Or must I grin and bear his presence for now?
1 for murder.
I can hope.
Yes, Eirikr forfeited his right to lead a true Norse Germanic kingdom!
aaahh of course. makes a lot of sense. i thought we come accross a funny bug
The mind boggles!
This Cleric Seduction thing got weirdly amusing. Not sure where to take that in-game/character, but now it’s an earworm, wriggling away.
2 for murder.
3 for murder, + seduction (eww
).4 for murder.
5 for murder. And that’s useful guidance re the successor to the Bloody Bishop.
So, the clear instrument of choice here is blunt rather than sharp.
He is toast-in-prospect. I will get to it eventually. Settling some other matters first. And hoping someone kills him for me in the meantime. ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ
Ch80 Q2: Pacts. Some comments during the Þing have seemed to suggest that the pacts are ‘by religion’, but these are clearly organised in religion groups. So, both Catholics and Orthodox members would presumably join after an attack on any Christian member. But with the Pagan pact (given it is Eilif’s group), would they also all join together if any one of them was attacked? Or is that overridden in this case by the ‘own religious group’ (75% threat description) criterion? My specific question is the meaning/operation of ‘band together’ in that context. Does that mean just the various pacts banding together (ie Pagans coming to the aid of Christians in this case), or does it also mean at that threshold your own religious group will defend each other, but not before? My current working assumption is that if I attack any member of the Pagan pact (not that I intend to any time soon), then all the others in that pact would assist them, regardless of the overall threat level or if they are from a different religion in that group.
All clear, what I thought/assumed would apply (always taking the pessimistic line until otherwise convinced).
Re neighbours: see pact action in the coming couple of episodes. It swings up and down.Seems I was wrong about each Pagan religion having their own pacts :/
Pagans wouldn't come to the help of the Christians or vice versa unless we're over 75% or at least that's my understanding. I think your current working assumption is correct.
There are still many neighbors not part of any pacts that we can directly attack after Naumadal
Got it, thanks.
Fair enough too – and not without logic.
Very clear – as always. Thanks.
Again, thanks for the confirmations. You will see there are some quite large members joining these pacts, in addition to the little one-two county and small duchy realms.
ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ
Thank you one and all for your comments and advice. As I write this, the next session is played and, with plenty happening, it ended up being too much for one huge chapter (you will probably be relieved to hear). Instead, it will be two rather more compact episodes. Images pretty much done, need to write and publish, so a little while yet, but not far off.
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Chapter 81: Adventure and Misadventure (27 January – 26 June 903)
Chapter 81: Adventure and Misadventure (27 January – 26 June 903)
Previously, on Blut und Schlacht … Eilif’s drive to reform the Germanic faith led him to roll straight from the conquest of Sweden into enforcing a claim on Naumadal and its holy site of Mære against King Olafr of Noregr; the early engagements went largely in Garðariki’s favour, but the serious fighting was yet to come and the Norwegians were expected to come up with the unexpected; meanwhile, the recent expansion of the kingdom had led to the formation of two defensive pacts – one of Christian realms and another of assorted Pagan faiths – to oppose any future adventurism by Eilif; but for now, he had his hands full enough with defeating Noregr to fulfil his claim.
January 903
A quick mid-campaign military folkmote had helped Eilif understand some of the ‘big picture’ political and strategic issues better, while a convincing consensus had emerged for the murder of the Bloody Bishop in Uppsala, who continued to defile the holy Germanic temple there with his infidel presence.
But Eilif's immediate focus remained on the war to hand. Other issues – assassination plans, factions, council manoeuvrings and so on – were put on hold. For now.
Following the folkmote, Chancellor Buðli reminded his king and uncle of the perceived high threat Garðariki still posed to the realms of Europe. His efforts to hasten the reduction of that threat had aided a little, but it would take a decade or more for it to be reduced to low levels again [ie under 5%]. If it ever could be, given future expansion plans.
The (strangely named) ‘Swedish’ fleet had picked up the last load of mustered royal levies by 28 January and began sailing for the south of Noregr, where they would join with a smaller contingent that had just made it over the ‘land bridge’ to speed the necessary reduction of Olafr’s holdings to force his surrender.
Pacts. On 27 January, High Chief Bogdan of Turov (a small High Chiefdom in Poland) left the Pagan pact.
February 903
Eilif, with so much tension in his life, felt the tug of his affair with Elin (Dyre’s wife, not his concubine of the same name) on his heartstrings. He sent her an explicitly suggestive letter by private and trusted messenger.
But on this occasion, Elin’s caution and fears trumped his desires.
In Naumadal, Þorsteinn’s army (mainly consisting of the tribal warriors summoned for the Swedish War) was surprised on 14 February by a fleet of 20 longships bearing an army of nearly 2,000 angry Norwegians. Fortunately, he had an advantage in numbers, was defending mountain passes and his enemy was disorganised from their voyage. Still, it was something of a shock.
The Norwegians had loaded their right flank, which crashed into the Garðarikian centre while it was distracted dealing with a token enemy left flank company.
Two days later Þorsteinn had however turned his attentions to the enemy’s main body and a fierce fight began between the two principal divisions. By 20 February the enemy had been put to flight and the pursuit began. A major victory was eventually declared on 2 March.
Back home, while the battle was fought in Naumadal, Buðli’s statecraft had the effect of making young Tryggve of Moramar (the most powerful of Hrolfr’s heirs) even better disposed towards the King. Though, given he was only four, perhaps it was his regent and court that had been wooed.
And in other good domestic news, the benefits of civilisation spread further in the shape of improved knowledge of castle infrastructure in the ‘core’ county of Toropets – a focus of crown efforts.
Pacts. It was a busy month on the diplomatic scene. On 6 February, Queen Æthelswith of Mercia joined the Christian pact, but on 11 February Count Doumenge of Limousin (a single county surrounded by Aquitaine) left it. There was much change in the Pagan pact:
March 903
In early March the situation in the Low Countries remained calm, though an Orknian fleet was spotted unloading an unknown number of Olafr’s warriors in Holland on 2 March. The other small enemy force remained stationary in Sticht and the whereabouts of Olafr’s main army remained unclear.
In the main northern theatre, the recently defeated Norwegian army in Naumadal was heading south, perhaps following in the footsteps of its predecessors, who were still in a panicked retreat way to the south in Vestfold, where Garðarikian forces were now converging. The sieges in Jamtaland and Naumadal (of the Temple of Mære) continued.
It seems the Orknian fleet had unloaded around 300 warriors in Holland who had then advanced to Breda, where they were fighting a dozen sad remnants of the Brabantian revolt. Of more concern was the sighting of the enemy’s main army of almost 4,000 in Sticht, heading straight for Breda as well, where they were due in just another three days!
The siege of Mære was completed on 18 March. This not only made quite a significant impact on the balance of the war by itself, but also meant that the effect of continuing possession of the whole of the county of Naumadal (the subject of the war’s claim) would gradually accumulate. Continued de facto possession was important to sap the enemy’s will to resist. Þorsteinn headed south to continue the reduction of Norwegian holdings.
On 26 March, it was decided to change the orders of the Ingrian vassal levy, who were currently heading south to join Sölvi’s army. They were instructed to now attach to Jarl Þordr of Vesterland's army in Jamtaland, to ensure a stronger force to hold the north against any interlopers and speed his siege work. But these arrangements were notoriously confused when changes were made: it often took some time for the orders to be complied with.
There were no changes in the membership of either of the pacts during March.
April 903
The feared emergency in Breda did not eventuate: the main enemy army had continued east and were currently fighting a group of raiders from Gent in Jülich! Two more enemy fleets (from Island and Nordland) were lurking off Holland and one of them was disembarking another contingent of troops.
The next day a report came from Spymaster Elin’s chief agent at the court in Nygarðr (she had recovered from her bout of measles and continued trying to pry secrets out of the Byzantines in Constantinople).
Sölvi (the siege specialist) finished his initial siege of the tribal holding in Raumariki on 24 April and then moved on to the lucrative target of the Temple of Bergheim.
Three days later Jarl Þordr completed the siege of Jamtaland. And he captured a rich trove of male prisoners (both adult and youthful)! Of those that could be ransomed Björn Eirikrssonn had the richest asking price. The offer was made immediately and accepted just four days later. And sure enough, the Ingrians did not seem to have received their change of orders and continued south instead of joining Þordr.
Pacts. King Cadoc of Breizh joined the Christian pact on 4 April, while Chief Toivo of Pomorye (on the White Sea) and Chieftess Vanamo of Kemi (northern Finland) joined the Pagan pact on 19 and 26 April respectively.
May 903
With funds desired and plenty of prisoners in the dungeons, Anlaufr was the next to be ransomed back to Jamtaland. [By this point the warscore was 23%, including 6.66% for controlling Naumadal.]
The next alarm was an Icelandic fleet arriving in the Gulf of Finland. A group of Olafr’s warriors was seen disembarking in Ingria. The Muromian army in southern Finland was ordered to stop marching to join Sölvi in Norway and instead rally to a small ‘reserve’ levy (the temple soldiers in Holmgarðr) now being commanded by Jarl Hildur. Of course, they were unlikely to respond quickly. Over four hundred other levies of direct vassals to Eilif were also summoned – it seems inadvertently, according to surviving documents from the time.
A week later, the whereabouts of the other levies raised ‘by accident’ was discovered: a company of them came under attack in Breda (unlucky victims of passing enemy troops on the way from Holland to the Norwegian war against Luxembourg. Their comrades in the surrounding counties were ordered to help them – by Eilif himself, who had mysteriously turned up in Breda to command the company of 70-odd soldiers! By 23 May the short skirmish was over (Eilif ordered them out as soon as he could) and Eilif fled with the men, hoping to avoid capture or death. The unfortunate fate of his father all those years ago in Italy came to mind, while his capture would be a disaster for the war.
The company had escaped relatively unscathed at the end of the month – and Eilif had avoided injury or capture, to the relief of the kingdom.
Sölvi had made quick work of Bergheim and made a good haul of plunder, though at the cost of 178 troops during the siege. His next target was Heidmark, as Gudbrandsdal was already being invested.
Pacts. May saw a resurgence of activity on the diplomatic front:
June 903
While Eilif was still caught up in the retreat from Breda, a letter reached him that his concubine Elin in Constantinople was pregnant (perhaps the child was conceived during an equally unknown and unrecorded visit during the spring, before Eilif himself suddenly appeared in the Low Countries). No suspicions were raised, so it must have been a ‘legitimate’ conception. Which increased the esteem in which Eilif was held.
In Breda, a somewhat confusing series of battle events unfolded. On 6 June, the force which had defeated Eilif’s small company was now being attacked by forces from the Duchy of Brabant (commanded by another Þorsteinn), who were vassals but not part of Eilif’s war on Olafr. Two days later, the bulk of the 'accidentally' summoned Garðarikian levies arrived in Breda to reinforce the battle. The command was mixed, including one Brabantian commander, but Brabant retained overall command of the battle. Eilif continued south with the routing company for now [I didn’t actually realise what had happened here with him until later!]
But by then, King Olafr did not care in the slightest what was happening in either Breda or in Noregr itself. He was suffering from a fairly serious case of death! Cancer claimed him at the age of 32 on 7 June 903. His place was taken by King Olafr II: a less imposing figure than his predecessor and namesake. A relation, but not a direct one [presumably elected to the position]. This new Olafr did not – yet, anyway – have the range of vices and afflictions Olafr I had. But as a reputed ‘pants man’, the 21-year-old may catch something nasty in due course. And he remained at war with Luxembourg [a holy war, so – like the Naumadal claim, clearly - not character dependent, presumably].
The enemy were in retreat in Breda by 12 June – but even more confusingly for the modern historian trying to follow events, while the overall battle command still seemed to be held by Brabant, more reinforcements appeared to have arrived and the three division commanders were all officers from the Duchy of Luxembourg!
Victory was declared in Breda on 25 June. The forces involved all split back out again. And it became clear that three contingents, none in alliance with each other but all with a common enemy, had temporarily linked their efforts for the battle, which had been won easily.
And while that complicated little cameo played out in the Breda, a significant misreading of reports by Jarl Þordr in Jamtaland led to some unforeseen and ultimately difficult circumstances. As far as can be determined by documents in the Rurikid scroll trove – now largely drawn from the journals of the King’s new Secretary Sumarliði – the following is the chronology of the events that occurred in late June of 903 AD.
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Two of these are just observations/learning points drawn from the game that may be of help to other less experienced players who read this AAR. No answers are sought per se, but (as with anything in the AAR) any comments, chortles or expressions of sympathy are always welcome! The last is a question, more seeing if my impression of the complicated little battle in Breda seems to stack up. And whether there are any wider lessons to emerge that may be useful to know in other situations.
Chapter 81 Note 1: Vassal levies. This was another error. I really only wanted the levies in Holmgarðr, left back deliberately for occasions such as this. Instead, without thinking much about it, I clicked the button. This brought out 11 temple troops in Kexholm and over 400 others elsewhere – I knew not where at the time and - busy with the rest of the war and with the Lords cricket test on in the background – let it slip without checking. This would lead to some senseless loss of life later – and a couple of compounding errors (though nothing truly serious in terms of the wider game). I know what I did wrong and how to fix it – it was just inattention. But this is a learning AAR, so I will ruthlessly expose such own goals when they occur for the edification of others and as penance for myself!
Chapter 81 Note 2: Eilif’s Miraculous Appearance. I know this tends to happen all the time – the AI randomly assigning the king and other commanders to newly raised levies. But for it to happen to the king, in charge of a small contingent, out of my direct sight at the time and about to be ambushed by a passing enemy army, was really irritating! Normally it is quite manageable in the levy-raising process. Next time I will have to be more careful on all these counts. By the time the battle had started it was too late to withdraw him. I asked and answered myself the question “Is some button you can tick to prevent people being selected as commanders”. Of course, there is.
Chapter 81 Q1: Temporary Allies. I think I can recall something like this happening earlier during sieges in a war against Mordva or Mari. If I can deconstruct this properly, is it most likely that instead of reinforcing my earlier (Eilif-led) battle in Breda, they had retreated and a new one with Brabant must have started by the time my reinforcements began arriving, so Brabant had the command. Then the Luxembourgers turned up later, usurping the division commands somehow. Does that sound about right? So I’d get no war score for the battle, but some shared prestige for having taken part?
Oops! Jarl Þordr after he eventually discovered his mistake.
AuthAAR’s Note: This chapter reports the first half of the play session. You will have to wait until the next instalment to discover the consequences of my distraction and error(s) (lots happening in many different places, newbieness, cricket on TV, etc). And how Olafr II responds to the wars he has inherited.
Previously, on Blut und Schlacht … Eilif’s drive to reform the Germanic faith led him to roll straight from the conquest of Sweden into enforcing a claim on Naumadal and its holy site of Mære against King Olafr of Noregr; the early engagements went largely in Garðariki’s favour, but the serious fighting was yet to come and the Norwegians were expected to come up with the unexpected; meanwhile, the recent expansion of the kingdom had led to the formation of two defensive pacts – one of Christian realms and another of assorted Pagan faiths – to oppose any future adventurism by Eilif; but for now, he had his hands full enough with defeating Noregr to fulfil his claim.
ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ
January 903
A quick mid-campaign military folkmote had helped Eilif understand some of the ‘big picture’ political and strategic issues better, while a convincing consensus had emerged for the murder of the Bloody Bishop in Uppsala, who continued to defile the holy Germanic temple there with his infidel presence.
But Eilif's immediate focus remained on the war to hand. Other issues – assassination plans, factions, council manoeuvrings and so on – were put on hold. For now.
Following the folkmote, Chancellor Buðli reminded his king and uncle of the perceived high threat Garðariki still posed to the realms of Europe. His efforts to hasten the reduction of that threat had aided a little, but it would take a decade or more for it to be reduced to low levels again [ie under 5%]. If it ever could be, given future expansion plans.
“Keep me informed each month of who comes and goes from these pacts. We must remain mindful of who is arrayed to oppose us.”
“Of course, Eilif.”
“Of course, Eilif.”
The (strangely named) ‘Swedish’ fleet had picked up the last load of mustered royal levies by 28 January and began sailing for the south of Noregr, where they would join with a smaller contingent that had just made it over the ‘land bridge’ to speed the necessary reduction of Olafr’s holdings to force his surrender.
ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ
February 903
Eilif, with so much tension in his life, felt the tug of his affair with Elin (Dyre’s wife, not his concubine of the same name) on his heartstrings. He sent her an explicitly suggestive letter by private and trusted messenger.
In Naumadal, Þorsteinn’s army (mainly consisting of the tribal warriors summoned for the Swedish War) was surprised on 14 February by a fleet of 20 longships bearing an army of nearly 2,000 angry Norwegians. Fortunately, he had an advantage in numbers, was defending mountain passes and his enemy was disorganised from their voyage. Still, it was something of a shock.
Two days later Þorsteinn had however turned his attentions to the enemy’s main body and a fierce fight began between the two principal divisions. By 20 February the enemy had been put to flight and the pursuit began. A major victory was eventually declared on 2 March.
- Seven rulers left the pact between 1 and 23 February: King Sigfrið of Jorvik; High Chief Kinyak of Mari; Chief Wizlaw of Dymin (a single county in northern Germany); High Chief Syudbya of Bjarmia; High Chief Onni of Satakunta; High Chief Ára 'the Gentle' of Sápmi (northern Sweden) and High Chief Baeivi III of Kola.
- Two joined the pact, however: High Chief Tarvydas of Zemaitija (a small High Chiefdom in Lithuania) on 21 February and Chief Butovit of Latgale (a two-county chiefdom in Lithuania) a week later.
ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ
March 903
In early March the situation in the Low Countries remained calm, though an Orknian fleet was spotted unloading an unknown number of Olafr’s warriors in Holland on 2 March. The other small enemy force remained stationary in Sticht and the whereabouts of Olafr’s main army remained unclear.
ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ
April 903
The feared emergency in Breda did not eventuate: the main enemy army had continued east and were currently fighting a group of raiders from Gent in Jülich! Two more enemy fleets (from Island and Nordland) were lurking off Holland and one of them was disembarking another contingent of troops.
“How much is Olafr feeling the pressure now our occupation of Naumadal is beginning to bite?” asked Eilif of Buðli in mid-April.
“Well enough, Eilif,” came the reply. “But there is still much work to be done to bring Olafr to heel.”
“Well enough, Eilif,” came the reply. “But there is still much work to be done to bring Olafr to heel.”
“Chief Zhavaronok seeks to break free of Garðariki. He has joined those malcontents in the independence faction.”
“The blackguard! Still, even with the three of them they are not a significant threat. Yet, anyway.”
“No, my King. And there is more. This troublesome chief has two different plots against his life in place. One of them is quite well progressed.”
“Hmm, I certainly won’t be asking for either of those to be stopped! I’m tempted to offer my support … but will stay above the fray. Unless he really earns my wrath.”
“The blackguard! Still, even with the three of them they are not a significant threat. Yet, anyway.”
“No, my King. And there is more. This troublesome chief has two different plots against his life in place. One of them is quite well progressed.”
“Hmm, I certainly won’t be asking for either of those to be stopped! I’m tempted to offer my support … but will stay above the fray. Unless he really earns my wrath.”
ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ
May 903
With funds desired and plenty of prisoners in the dungeons, Anlaufr was the next to be ransomed back to Jamtaland. [By this point the warscore was 23%, including 6.66% for controlling Naumadal.]
Chapter 81 Note 1: Vassal levies. This was another error. I really only wanted the levies in Holmgarðr, left back deliberately for occasions such as this. Instead, without thinking much about it, I clicked the button. This brought out 11 temple troops in Kexholm and over 400 others elsewhere – I knew not where at the time and - busy with the rest of the war and with the Lords cricket test on in the background – let it slip without checking. This would lead to some senseless loss of life later – and a couple of compounding errors (though nothing truly serious in terms of the wider game). I know what I did wrong and how to fix it – it was just inattention. But this is a learning AAR, so I will ruthlessly expose such own goals when they occur for the edification of others and as penance for myself!
A week later, the whereabouts of the other levies raised ‘by accident’ was discovered: a company of them came under attack in Breda (unlucky victims of passing enemy troops on the way from Holland to the Norwegian war against Luxembourg. Their comrades in the surrounding counties were ordered to help them – by Eilif himself, who had mysteriously turned up in Breda to command the company of 70-odd soldiers! By 23 May the short skirmish was over (Eilif ordered them out as soon as he could) and Eilif fled with the men, hoping to avoid capture or death. The unfortunate fate of his father all those years ago in Italy came to mind, while his capture would be a disaster for the war.
Chapter 81 Note 2: Eilif’s Miraculous Appearance. I know this tends to happen all the time – the AI randomly assigning the king and other commanders to newly raised levies. But for it to happen to the king, in charge of a small contingent, out of my direct sight at the time and about to be ambushed by a passing enemy army, was really irritating! Normally it is quite manageable in the levy-raising process. Next time I will have to be more careful on all these counts. By the time the battle had started it was too late to withdraw him. I asked and answered myself the question “Is some button you can tick to prevent people being selected as commanders”. Of course, there is. This is a leap-ahead to later in the session, when I duly clicked the button.
The company had escaped relatively unscathed at the end of the month – and Eilif had avoided injury or capture, to the relief of the kingdom.
- The Christian pact saw King Vladimir 'the Wise' of Bulgaria join on 14 May – a very significant addition. Duchess Belleassez 'the Just' of Lower Lorraine (a small duchy in eastern France) joined on 16 May and Prince-Bishop Adrien of Cologne (a single county in western Germany) on 25 May.
- Four more realms joined the Pagan pact in the week between 15 and 22 May: Chief Hintsa 'the Spider' of Karelia; High Chief Pergrubrius 'the Lion' of Yatvingia (in Lithuania); then another big entrant, High Chief Barsbek 'the Liberator' of Chernigov; and finally High Chief Päiviö of Veps (north of Garðariki).
ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ
June 903
While Eilif was still caught up in the retreat from Breda, a letter reached him that his concubine Elin in Constantinople was pregnant (perhaps the child was conceived during an equally unknown and unrecorded visit during the spring, before Eilif himself suddenly appeared in the Low Countries). No suspicions were raised, so it must have been a ‘legitimate’ conception. Which increased the esteem in which Eilif was held.
Chapter 81 Q1: Temporary Allies. I think I can recall something like this happening earlier during sieges in a war against Mordva or Mari. If I can deconstruct this properly, is it most likely that instead of reinforcing my earlier (Eilif-led) battle in Breda, they had retreated and a new one with Brabant must have started by the time my reinforcements began arriving, so Brabant had the command. Then the Luxembourgers turned up later, usurping the division commands somehow. Does that sound about right? So I’d get no war score for the battle, but some shared prestige for having taken part?
And while that complicated little cameo played out in the Breda, a significant misreading of reports by Jarl Þordr in Jamtaland led to some unforeseen and ultimately difficult circumstances. As far as can be determined by documents in the Rurikid scroll trove – now largely drawn from the journals of the King’s new Secretary Sumarliði – the following is the chronology of the events that occurred in late June of 903 AD.
- Unnoticed by scouts [ie I must not have been paying close enough attention] the whittled-down levies of Heidmark and Jamtaland had rallied and returned to besiege Naumadal, with Þorsteinn’s main army now in the south.
- Þordr’s first reaction on 25 June was to march directly west to engage this force, trusting his greater numbers would offset the river crossing and mountain defence advantage of the Norwegians now lurking in the main objective of the war.
- He also called for Grimr’s levy to now be sent to support him in the north. One of the regiments was nearby and currently ordered to join Sölvi further south.
- The next day he got a supplementary report that he thought indicated the Norwegians were instead running north towards Hålogaland in reaction to the attack. A later investigation showed that, since the day before, a neutral Brunswickian army had appeared in Naumadal: it was the one heading north, not the Norwegians.
- Þordr, thinking to catch the enemy on more favourable ground, changed direction and headed to Hålogaland himself. The error would not be discovered until later.
ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ
Two of these are just observations/learning points drawn from the game that may be of help to other less experienced players who read this AAR. No answers are sought per se, but (as with anything in the AAR) any comments, chortles or expressions of sympathy are always welcome! The last is a question, more seeing if my impression of the complicated little battle in Breda seems to stack up. And whether there are any wider lessons to emerge that may be useful to know in other situations.
Chapter 81 Note 1: Vassal levies. This was another error. I really only wanted the levies in Holmgarðr, left back deliberately for occasions such as this. Instead, without thinking much about it, I clicked the button. This brought out 11 temple troops in Kexholm and over 400 others elsewhere – I knew not where at the time and - busy with the rest of the war and with the Lords cricket test on in the background – let it slip without checking. This would lead to some senseless loss of life later – and a couple of compounding errors (though nothing truly serious in terms of the wider game). I know what I did wrong and how to fix it – it was just inattention. But this is a learning AAR, so I will ruthlessly expose such own goals when they occur for the edification of others and as penance for myself!
Chapter 81 Note 2: Eilif’s Miraculous Appearance. I know this tends to happen all the time – the AI randomly assigning the king and other commanders to newly raised levies. But for it to happen to the king, in charge of a small contingent, out of my direct sight at the time and about to be ambushed by a passing enemy army, was really irritating! Normally it is quite manageable in the levy-raising process. Next time I will have to be more careful on all these counts. By the time the battle had started it was too late to withdraw him. I asked and answered myself the question “Is some button you can tick to prevent people being selected as commanders”. Of course, there is.
Chapter 81 Q1: Temporary Allies. I think I can recall something like this happening earlier during sieges in a war against Mordva or Mari. If I can deconstruct this properly, is it most likely that instead of reinforcing my earlier (Eilif-led) battle in Breda, they had retreated and a new one with Brabant must have started by the time my reinforcements began arriving, so Brabant had the command. Then the Luxembourgers turned up later, usurping the division commands somehow. Does that sound about right? So I’d get no war score for the battle, but some shared prestige for having taken part?
ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ
Oops! Jarl Þordr after he eventually discovered his mistake.
AuthAAR’s Note: This chapter reports the first half of the play session. You will have to wait until the next instalment to discover the consequences of my distraction and error(s) (lots happening in many different places, newbieness, cricket on TV, etc). And how Olafr II responds to the wars he has inherited.
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Very lucky that Eilif managed to escape capture, but this war seems to be a total cluster, can understand all the errors because thats a lot to keep track of, thats why I primarily try and form one giant army, though it does take a while.
Ha, he doesn't have the time to arrange an assassination but always has time to prod Dyre's wife
Budhli is always hardworking and loyal, I like how he's at good terms with Eilif and vice versa.
Didn't know about this button, really useful thing! My strategy is to pause very often and look around for every little detail while paused. Also I set most of the events to popup and pause just so that I don't miss anything.
A lot of confusion in the world around this time. In Breda, at Thordr's camp... The war's going good though and another child is on the way, all good news
Oh, and that Zhavonorok is as Uglich as his realm
On the ruler page, next to their hair options (for some reason).
by the way, I say, let's make at least 1 more war while we have the prestige troops before starting the digesting and raiding cycle.
Thanks very much to those who responded to the last chapter. We were perhaps in a quiet patch, so I'll just do an 'ordinary' feedback response this time.
OK, next I'm off to write up the second episode of the last play session, where the war continues and all the other little CK2 things happen. Thanks for the support and comments - they make it easier to go on with the job.
Ah well, I do mercilessly highlight the things that do go wrong. The war had generally gone a little better than worse, but watch out for next episode, where the Norwegians prove to be surprisingly resilient and real pests. But now Eilif will at least know how to avoid travelling by spirit animal in his sleep to far-off battles without his knowledge!
haha, yes, I thought that was fairly in-character too. Plotting assassinations hasn't been the Rurikid family way. So far, anyway.Ha, he doesn't have the time to arrange an assassination but always has time to prod Dyre's wife
Yes, with his growing prominence, loyalty to Eilif and the near-in-age uncle-nephew thing happening, I figured the two would become increasingly close. At least, that is what the Rurikid scroll trove seems to be indicating as it is translated and published in the present day
Yes, per the picture in the spoiler note. safely clicked for the next play session (still have one update to come for the one finished a few days back).
Yes, despite some setbacks (I like it when either the AI gets clever or, if it's me being dumb or inattentive, then it helps even up the game) the war has gone OK on balance. True hate never runs smoothly though, and those pesky Norwegians just won't lie down meekly and surrender!A lot of confusion in the world around this time. In Breda, at Thordr's camp... The war's going good though and another child is on the way, all good news
He sure is. I group him with unreformed Slovenskys, Hakon and Dyre in the 'irritating turd' stakes!Oh, and that Zhavonorok is as Uglich as his realm
Hmm, maybe, will see where this one lands us first (assuming Eilif can win it, of course - and it isn't completed one way or the other yet in gameplay).
OK, next I'm off to write up the second episode of the last play session, where the war continues and all the other little CK2 things happen. Thanks for the support and comments - they make it easier to go on with the job.
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