By 1944, when the Soviet Union reached the Romanian borders, discontent among the elite and the populace had grown which led to Prince Michael leading a coup against Marshal Ion Antonescu and Romania switching sides to the Allies.
The political parties of Romania, even though they had no power anymore, were left alone even during Ion Antonescu's dictatorship, they maintained contact and discussions with the Allies under the leadership of Iuliu Maniu in Turkey and Egypt. In the Allies' negociations with Iuliu Maniu, at Stalin's request, the condition for switching sides was that the Communists will have to be part of the new government.
On 23 March 1944 Marshal Ion Antonescu was in an official visit in Germany, King Michael I sent General Constantin Sănătescu, who served in World War II ever since 1941 and was vocal about his anti-fascist sentiments, however Ion Antonescu left him in charge due to his competence as a general, to ask the generals next to the Minister of War who he thought opposed Antonescu, whether they are willing to move to action, but the ressult was dissapointing, arguing that now it's not the time for a coup d'etat.
After a few days, during the working lunch, King Michael I realised there's no point trying to convince Ion Antonescu to change the external policy of the country. If an ultimatum for surrender were to come from the Allies, King Michael I asked thte political leaders to assume the responsability of accepting it, in that case he would publically request Ion Antonescu's resignation. This however didn't happen, and King Michael I now disillusioned, was convinced that he would need the army to depose Ion Antonescu, the army that after asked by Constantin Sănătescu, considered that it wasn't the time yet.
On August 1944 King Michael I found a good moment for the coup d'etat, as Germany Army retreated their tank divisions from the Romanian front and the Soviet Army was regrouping for a few months on the frontline and could initiate a large attack at any moment. The Germany Secret Police became suspicious and Queen Mother Elena was interogated, without revealing that she was aware of her son's plans. To weaken the suspicions, King Michael I left for a hunting between 16 and 18 August, and staying for the next 2 days at his castle in Sinaia.
On 20 August 1944, the news came that the Russians started the Opperation Iasi-Chisinau, thus King Michael I left quickly towards Bucharest followed by secretary Mircea Ionnitiu, adjutant Emilian Ionescu and general Gheorghe Mihail, his military adviser. In Bucharest he held a metting with the military leaders, and they were in favor of a coup d'etat. Among them was general Dumitru Dămăceanu, who was the Chief of Staff of Bucharest's Military Command. Constantin Sănătescu, Ioan Mocsony-Stârcea, Grigore Niculescu-Buzești, Mircea Ionnițiu and Aurel Aldea also participated at the meeting. Dumitru Dămăceanu was asked how much time he needs to gather troops to occupy the strategic points in Bucharest, he answered that he needs 5 days, as such the time of the coup d'etat was set on 26 August.
On the night of 21 August the political leaders Iuliu Maniu, Constantin Brătianu, Titel Petrescu and Lucrețiu Pătrășcanu had a meeting where the political class agreed over the plan established a night before. King Michael I delegated Iuliu Maniu and Lucrețiu Pătrășcanu to form the list of new ministers for the new government until 23 August. During the meeting, the political class approved the text of a telegram that was to be send to British General Maitland Wilson, the commander of the Allies in Egypt.
In that telegram, the Romanian plotters requested the support of the coup d'etat through the Allied bombardment of the German units in Northern Bucharest, next to Baneasa Airport, and of the railways at the border with Hungary and Yugoslavia. Mocsoni Styrcea, who was the Minister of Foreign Affairs, went to Snagov and crypted 2 telegrams, one to be send through Turkey and another through a transmission apparatus owned by Iuliu Maniu.
In the morning of 22 August, before going back to Bucharest, the decided to swim in the lake and met with the general secretary of the minister, Davidescu, who informed him that Marshal Antonescu will return from the frontline and will have to leave Bucharest the next day, which will ruin the plans of the coup d'etat. Being informed of such things, King Michael I quickly moved the date to 23 August, without consulting the political leaders.
On 23 August 1944, Ion Antonescu gave the command to request an audience with King Michael I at 4:00 PM. King Michael I offered him a private audience at 3:30 PM. The discussion went for an hour, Ion Antonescu offered in-depth details of the frontline situation and said that we would only accept a truce with Hitler's consnet and refused to accept surrender, justifiny his position as "I gave my word to Adolf Hitler, that I will stand by him to the end". To which King Michael I replied: "If this is how things are, then there's nothing left to do" and called colonel Emilian Ionescu with a group of 4 soldiers taht arrested Marshal Ion Antonescu and his lawyer Mihai Antonescu. They were given to Emil Bodnaras, the leader of a group of partizans called "the Patriotic Guards", who transfered them in a conspirative house in Bucharest. Other pro-Antonescu ministers and generals were sent there as well: Constantin Pantazi, Dumitru Popescu, Constantin Vasiliu, Mircea Elefterescu and Eugen Cristescu. King Michael I later said about the event: "Antonescu and the rest considered me a child. When I took the state under their noses they were so surprised they didn't know what to do".
After Ion Anontescu was arreted, King Micahel I called the political leaders of the democratic parties: Constantin Brătianu, Iuliu Maniu and Titel Petrescu, as well as Lucrețiu Pătrășcanu, representing the Communist Party. However, they weren't to be found, expeting the coup to take place on 26 August, the first to reach King Micahel I was Titel Petrescu, after the new government was already formed by people King Michael I trusted, while the former political ledaers were given the title of minister without a given position.
As the troops prepared by King Michael I and Iuliu Maniu were not available quickly, the only troops available were that of the communist Emil Bodnaras, fact eventually expolited by the communist propaganda, who argued that the Community Party played the leading role in the coup d'etat.
Before 8:00 PM, King Michael I recorded a message for the country to be broadcast on radio at 10:00 PM, which announced the change of government and the changing sides to the Allies. Solidarity with King Micahel I was general, with all the important officers being on his side. Following the broadcast of the message on the radio, popular demonstrations of enthusiasm broke out.
Around 9:00 PM, the German ambassador, Manfred von Killinger, came to visit King Michael I to learn about what happened. In order to buy time, King Michael I denied what happened, saying that Ion Anontescu is free. The next day, the German Army launched an attack on Bucharest, King Michael I however, already took refugee with Queen Mother Elena in Dobrita, Oltenia. With support from the American Airforce, the Romanian Army resisted the German attack on Bucharest. The Romanian Army fought against the Garmany Army until 28 August when the German Army in Bucharest and surrounding areas was whiped out. Around 56.000 German troops were taken prisoner. King Michael I later said about the event: "After August 23, the Russian offensive stopped. I suppose they wanted the same result as in Warsaw, where they stopped the offensive, letting the Germans destroy the Poles, then resumed the offensive".
Meanwhile, the Soviet Army started to advance in Romania, still counting Romania as an enemy territory and acting as such, confiscating munition and goods on their way to Bucharest, both public and civillian goods, and taking thousands of Romanian soldiers and officers as prisoners, who stopped fighting since 23 August. Still, starting with 23 August, the Romanian territory was exempted from being a theater of war, the Romanian-Soviet Truce was formally signed on 12 September 1944. When the Soviet Army reached Bucharest on 31 August, the pro-Antonescu regime, including Ion Anontescu, were given to the Red Army.
In 1980's, a document came out that Captain Gheorghe Teodorescu from the guard of the royal palace, who was stationed on August 23, claimed that it was written by Ion Antonescu the day immediately after his arrest. Ion Antonescu said that he did not in principle oppose the exit from the war, but that he refused it, arguing both with the difficult conditions of armistice in relation to the Soviet Union, signing a political act of surrender of Bessarabia and Northern Bukovina, accepting Soviet occupation, payment of indefinite damages, as well as most importantly with his total refusal to turn arms against Nazi Germany, a refusal assumed as the main argument and understood as such by the other participants. The document was published after the 1989 Romanian Revolution in the Romanian nationalist newspaper, published by circles seeking the rehabilitation of Antonescu and was included in several anthologies of period documents and works of other nationalist historians, but it is not difficult to revise the vision in any way.
After Ion Anontescu was given to the Soviet Army, general Constantin Sănătescu was tasked with forming a new government formed of democratic parties, the communist party and officers of the Romanian Army. This government negociated the truce with the Soviet Union and was forced to play war reparations, admit the territorial losses in 1940 and give more important functions to the communists. The Soviet Army completly occupied Romania, although initally the Romanian soldiers and officers were taken prisoner, the Soviet Union eventually accepted Romanian collaborations against Nazi Germany.
British Field Marshal and military advisor to Winston Churchill, Alan Brooke, declared that through the coup d'etat on 23 August 1944, Romania opened up the Balkans to the Soviet Union and contributed to the liberation of this region, shortening the war by 6 months and saving hundreds of thousands of lives. German General Johannes Friessner, commander of German Army Corps South, declared that the coup d'etat on 23 August 1944 was a betrayal of Romania towards the German Reich.
The Sovet Army gave Marshal Ion Antonescu to Soviet General Burenin, he was kept prisoner in the Soviet Union, not being judged at the Nurnberg Trials. Eventually, he was brought to Romania and judged by the People's Tribunal in a facade trial. Although he would have asked for a pardon, Marshal Ion Antonescu refused to sign the request for pardon brought to him by his lawyer, in order not to put King Michael I in a difficult situation, where King Micahel I would have been accused of pro-nazi sentiments if he would have accepted it and anti-Romanian sentiments if he would have rejected it. Marshal Ion Antonescu said during his trial: "If I had won the war, you would have built me statues in every city, but because I lost I will have to die. I ask to be sentenced to death and refuse any pardon". And then told the Romanian Communists "I foresee a third world war that will put humanity on its true social foundations. As such, you and your followers will do tomorrow what I tried to do today". Marshal Ion Antonescu was sentenced to death and executed on 1 June 1946 next to Jilava prison.
When the truce with the United Nations was formally signed on 12 September 1944, Romania assumed the obligation to contribute with 38 divisions against the anti-Nazi struggle effort. On October 25, the last Romanian towns are liberated: Carei and Satu-Mare. For the offensives in Hungary and Czechoslovakia, Romania mobilized approximately 567,000 soldiers. The heaviest battles took place in the siege of Budapest and in the Tatra Mountains, with heavy losses of human lives.
During Operation Barbarossa when Romania entered the Second World War on 22 June 1941, the 1st Romanian army was inside Romania while the 3rd and 4th armies formed the main Romanian assault force. After King Micahel's Coup, the 1st Romanian army became one of the main Romanian armies fighting for the Red Army on the Eastern Front. In its campaign from August 1944 to May 1945, the Romanian army lost about 64,000 men. At the Battle of Debrecen in October 1944, the Romanian units played a key part in the overall Soviet offensive, then took part in the Budapest Siege as part of the Red Army's 3rd Ukrainian Front.
Dr. Florin C. Stan, adviser to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, said that most of the 20 points of the armistice required the Romanian state to be subordinated to the Soviets. "Not without significance was the signing of the Armistice only by Romanians and Soviets, the Anglo-Americans accepting representation through Soviet delegates. In the watermark, the message was obvious: Moscow was free to impose its own political interests on Bucharest". The only positive point was the 19th, which provided that the Second Vienna Award of 1940 is "null and void", this territory is to be returned to Romania. On the one hand, the armistice shortened the war by several months, saving hundreds of thousands of soldiers from death. However, on the other hand, it allowed the occupation of the country by the Red Army, which lasted until 1958, during which time the Soviets ensured the establishment of communism.
Year 1945 was one of internal disputes between the democrats and the communists. The great material shortcomings faced by the Romanians, due to the state of war and the obligations imposed by the Armistice Convention, facilitated the communist action to bring out the Romanians in the streets and to cause many to support the expected political and social changes. To participate in the removal by force of the state institutions and to impose on the leadership the political regime agreed by Moscow.
In January 1945, the leader of the Communist Party of Romania, Gheorghe Gheorghiu Dej, is summoned to Moscow together with Ana Pauker. Stalin gives them clear instructions for the rapid seizure of power in Romania: the army, the interns, the public administration.
On 11 February 1945, in the face of this situation, General Nicolae Rădescu, now Prime Minister of the Romania, made known the main points of his government program. Among the most important were the continuation of the war, with all the power, together with the Allies, until the total defeat of Nazism, the loyalty and unobtrusive fulfillment of the clauses of the armistice concluded with the Allied Powers, the keeping of the order so that we could work in peace and as much as possible, more intensively in order to increase production and thus be able to cope with the contracting duties through the concluded truce.
Former General and now Prime Minister Nicolae Rădescu also said "I will defend, at any cost, the peace and order in the country, nobody should be afraid of anything if he steps on the right path, and I ask the Romanian people for reasonableness, keeping the most perfect order and peace, eagerness for hard and sporadic work, this are the only means of not slipping on the slope of the collapse”. These statements were received by Communist leader Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej as "an act of hostility towards our whole people, an act of defiance, an act of hostility towards our great allies and in the first place towards the Soviet Union”. Demonstrating firmness in maintaining the country's internal peace and the democratic structures, Prime Minister Nicolae Rădescu ordered that: "if the demonstrators, who are trying to occupy the institutions, do not withdraw, at the warning, to be fired", admitting even the possibility of reaching civil war.
Given the existence of the Soviet troops in Romania due to the armistice, in case of civil war there was a real danger of the direct intervention of the Soviet troops, marching through the streets, and of the military occupation of the country, which could easily be triggered by the patriotic guards, organized by the communists, they were ready to move to "the occupation by force of the main state institutions". At the order of the Soviet Union, 15 military bases from Bucharest were disarmed, including the Great General Staff.
In some cities such as Craiova, Caracal and Bucharest, in the attempt of the protesters to occupy, by force, the headquarters of the mayors and prefectures, the military and the police forces fired, being dead and injured, at the order of Prime Minister Nicolae Rădescu. Historian Alesandru Duţu said that: "It is worth mentioning that bullets of another caliber, which did not belong to the Romanian Army, were also fired”. The ministers of the National Democratic Front and the communist press accused the Romanian Army of being "fascist", assassinating the peaceful citizens of the country.
Afterwards, some of the military who had executed the order of Nicolae Rădescu were arrested and sentenced to prison, including General Iosif Teodorescu, the military commander of Bucharest. In most of the garrisons however, no weapon was used and the commanders avoiding bloodshed, by talking with the leaders of the protesters or with the commanders of the Soviet troops in the area.
Whenever an action by the communists was trying to be blocked by the Romanian authorities, the tanks of the Red Army were moved on the streets of Bucharest. The army, the police, the gendarmerie and the press were all in the hands of the Soviets, and the British and the Americans were just spectators of the play that Stalin had staged in Bucharest.
On 24 February 1945, the Communists summon a huge rally against the government in Bucharest. Over 25,000 people, led by Ana Pauker, pour into the square in front of the Government and the Royal Palace. The Soviets create diversion: they shoot a few gunshots in the crowd, kill people and then accuse the prime minister of having ordered the army to fire.
On 27 February 1945, Gheorghe Ghiorghiu Dej and Ana Pauker are helped by Moscow to seize power. Their political opponents, among whom Iuliu Maniu and Dinu Brătianu are labeled as enemies of the people. Stalin sends Andrei Vashinsky, the prosecutor who has instrumentalized the political processes in Moscow during the great purge, to Bucharest. Andrei Vashinsky comes directly to the Elisabeta Palace and asks King Michael I to dismiss Prime Minister Rădescu and replace him with communist Petru Groza.
King Micahel I asks for a break of thought. And makes a desperate appeal to Americans in an attempt to help him not appoint a Communist prime minister. The reply of the US representative in Bucharest, however, is a plastic one, telling King Michael I that "We don't want to put our fingers in the Romanian political soup". Irritated and frustrated, King Michael I responds in the same way: "Why do you refuse to put your fingers in my soup, when you know very well that your ally has put his hand in my throat?".
On 28 February 1945, however, Vashinsky returns, slamms the table, slamms the cabinet door and forces King Micahel I to dismiss Prime Minister Nicolae Radescu. In face of the Soviet tanks patrolling the streets of Bucharest and without any Western ally next to him, King Michael I accepts the demand and Prime Minister Nicolae Radescu is dismissed. King Michael I later said about the events: "During the period from 1944 to 1947 I was very unhappy. I can't say I was very hurt, but I was upset and disappointed, because I really hoped that the US and the UK would do something to stop the Russians".
On 6 March 1945, Andrei Vashinsky forces King Micahel I to appoint the pro-Soviet prime minister Petru Groza, who would shortly authorize the faithful military forces, especially the Division "Tudor Vladimirescu-Debrecen", established in 1943 on the Soviet territory from Romanian prisoners of war, to intervene in the street, this time against the opposition protesters represented by the democratic parties, in particular.
The Romanian government run by the Communists for the first time, who call themselves "the democratic force". The Petru Groza Government begins to purge the administration and intellectuals. And make a new land reform. He confiscates the large agricultural properties, divides them into small strips and gives them to the peasants. King Michael I went on a royal strike to block the government decisions imposed by the pro-Soviet regime.
The last offensive the 1st Romanian army took part in World War II was the Prague Offensive in May 1945. During the Prague Offensive, the 1st Romanian army operated together with the 4th Romanian army as part of the Soviet 2nd Ukrainian Front. Marshal Ivan Koniev, the commander of the 1st Ukrainian Front, was the main Soviet commander in the area. Together with Marshal Georgy Zhukov's 1st Byelorussian Front, Koniev had launched the great attack on April 16 that resulted in the fall of Berlin and Soviet victory on the Eastern Front. The 260 days of participation in the anti-Nazi war ended on 12 May 1945 when Nazi Germany surrended, leaving room for the strengthening of Soviet influence in Romania.
With the first step already taken, the communists did not find it difficult to take complete and exclusive control of the country in the following years: they falsified the parliamentary elections of 1946, arrested the leaders of the National Liberal Party and the Peasant National Party, they forbade any opposition party and eventually ousted the king from the country. What started on 6 March 1945 ended on 30 December 1947 with the proclamation of the Romanian People's Republic and would last for almost half a century.
During the Paris Peace Treaties of 1947, Romania gained back Northern Transylvania, but not Southern Dobruja, Northern Bukovina and Bessarabia. Former democratic prime minister Gheorge Tatarescu said about the the Paris Peace treaties that: "This must be seen as an end, and at the same time as a beginning, it wipes out a lost war and it is a starting point for a new life." and later added that "The Russians will continue to stay. I do not believe in a war between the West and communism. My duty is to sign the Peace Treaty and save what is left of Romania".