That puts us up to 26 votes so far. Early polling suggests clear victors but also clear losers. I guess a victory always requires a defeat in politics.Voted
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For anyone interested, I've posted the first chapter of a short story I've been working on now for a while. You can find it here. The story itself is set in 1960s Belgium, but the first two chapters serve as a prologue set in the 40s at the height of the 2nd Weltkrieg.
With 24 hours left to vote and currently 29 votes, I want to remind those that have not yet voted to cast theirs through the following link:
https://forms.gle/q4w9m27mnBR9zg9fA
https://forms.gle/q4w9m27mnBR9zg9fA
2000 Election Results and the 1st Korwin-Mikke Cabinet
With the ballots closed and 30 votes counting, here are the election results! Some of the graphs were inspired by a user on the alterhistory forum.
Good evening and welcome to this special news broadcast covering the results of today’s elections. My name is Jens Riewa and I will be your host for tonight. Today was the first time in Prussia’s history that compulsory voting was implemented in practice, bringing thousands of citizens to the voting booths. Before we take a look at the actual results, we dug into our archives and selected several comments from guests we had after the 1997 elections. Their predictions regarding this election might shed some light on the results we already got from early polling throughout the country. Tito Vhosi, Professor of Comparative Politics at the University of Breslau, remarked the following about the 1997 elections:
Without further ado, here are the results:
As you can see, the Junkerpartei remains the biggest party with 33% and has even grown to increase the difference between the 1st and 2nd largest parties in the Landtag. The Syndicalists come in second place with 23% of the vote. The CD.P, biggest grower in these elections, have doubled their percentage in comparison to the 1997 elections from 10% to 20%. The Christian Democrats are seemingly the only former majority party who did not feel any effects from the Trump Scandal. This is possibly due to their strong election campaign centred around the promise of reunification with Germany. The SDP and the EP are both the biggest losers in these elections, both losing around 10% of their voters to other parties. We can estimate that the SDP lost most of them to the SAP, while the EP probably saw a drain to both the CD.P and the JP. Support for the BAS remained relatively stable, while the Greens saw a slight decrease in popularity.
If we take a look at the new Landtag, we can see that the balance of power has shifted to the right. The Junkerpartei came out as the biggest party on the one hand, while the Syndicalists on the other hand came out as largest party on the left. Possible coalitions include the obvious centre-right JP-CD.P coalition, a larger coalition of JP-SDP-BAS and either GfP or EP if CD.P does not wish to govern, or even a coalition of opposites between JP and the SAP, but that one is very unlikely.
In one of our polls, we also asked the voters which government coalition they preferred. Not surprisingly, the Christian Democrats are one of the most preferred coalition partners across the political spectrum. Only voters of the SAP don’t want to work with the CD.P. Perhaps a bigger surprise is the fact that despite the recent scandals, the EP is among the most preferred coalition partners of parties in the centre and on the right. The SAP is the least desired coalition partner, with only a small percentage of Junkerpartei-voters willing to admit that the SAP closely aligned to their own views.
All in all we can say that the elections punished the previous government parties, except for the CD.P which saw an increase in popularity. At the same time, the anti-EU parties, the JP on the right and the SAP on the left, further grew. The SAP has surged in popularity to the point that they now have overtaken the SDP as biggest party on the left. With these results, the Prussian people have sent a clear signal to President Birt, who will now have to kickstart the formation talks for our next government. We thank you for tuning in to us today and we wish you a good evening. This has been Jens Riewa, reporting on today’s elections.
Walenstadt steps down as leader of the Social Democrats – December 5-9
The recent results of the elections have shown that the SDP needs a new leader to reaffirm their position in the Prussian Landtag. So Ludwig Walenstadt formally resigned as leader of the party, triggering internal elections to appoint a successor. The young Patrick Schwarzenegger quickly managed to get a majority of the party membership behind him. Schwarzenegger was born in Munich in 1968 and moved with his mother to Posen when he was 3 years old. Schwarzenegger is in many ways a traditional Social Democrat, but he has recently come out in support of LGBT+ rights. He also regrets his party’s previous negligence of urgent issues such as the unemployment in Posen and the situation of workers across the country. In addition, he is considered as one of the SDP’s most pro-unification members and agrees that by 2010 Prussia and Germany should be reunited. In regards to the SAP, Schwarzenegger has said that he supports reform from below, but that ultimately the democratic process must be respected and upheld.
Erneuerungspartei changes name to Liberale Partei Preussens – December 10
In an effort to rebrand the party after the Trump scandal, Sven Strassman of the EP has renamed the party to Liberale Partei Preussens (LPP). Explaining this choice, Strassman has said that “returning to our roots as a Liberal party, as well as honouring the ideas of Kant about the Rechtstaat, will prevent another Trump”. Donald Trump was not available for commentary, as he has seemingly retreated from public life after the Trump Scandal and has been under investigation ever since. In addition to a new name, the party also adopted a new logo to reflect the new era.
CD.P Christmas Conference – December 25
In the meantime, Josef Tusk of the CD.P had celebrated his party’s victory in Königsberg by inviting the German Leader of the Opposition, Angela Merkel (CDU), to the CD.P’s Christmas’ conference. The two talked about the future of both Prussia and Germany. With neither of them in power yet, there was only so much they could do. Merkel said that some likeminded politicians in the SPD could pressure German Chancellor Lafontaine into negotiations, but that ultimately only a CDU-led government would likely take the final steps in the unification process. Tusk announced that a referendum on German unity would be a requirement for any majority the CD.P would be part of, sending a clear signal to any party who was counting on the CD.P for a coalition.
Angela Merkel (CDU) and Josef Tusk (CD.P) discussing German unity after the 2000 Prussian elections.
Von Moltke steps down as leader of the Greens – December 5-26
After the election results, Konrad von Moltke, leader of the Grünen für Preussen, announced his retirement from Prussian politics. His succession was voted upon by all members of GfP and turned into a three way race. In the end, the 35-year old Margerete Weber from Silesia won, making her the only female party leader in the Prussian Landtag. Weber’s views can be described as ecological nationalism, meaning she wants to make Prussia completely self-reliant in terms of energy production and resource production. Of course one of her main goals is to turn away Prussia from fossil fuels and seek alternatives in solar and wind energy.
President Birt appoints Korwin-Mikke as formateur – December 27
22 days after the election, President Birt had spoken to all party leaders, including the newly elected Schwarzenegger. President Birt moved on to the next step of forming a new government and appointed Johan Korwin-Mikke (JP) as formateur. Korwin-Mikke moved quickly and immediately invited both Strassman of the LPP and Tusk of the CD.P. The former made it clear that the LPP would not partake in a government coalition, but Tusk accepted Korwin-Mikke’s invitation. Both politicians sat together with prominent members of their respective parties and discussed the foundation for a stable coalition. For Tusk, it was clear: a referendum on German reunification, large infrastructure works throughout the country, maternal leave in all sectors of the economy and perhaps most urgently: putting an end to unemployment around Posen. Korwin-Mikke agreed with all the proposals laid before him, but was most hesitant in regards to the referendum. Unification with Germany would mean the end of a strong Junkerpartei, as they had no counterpart in German politics, while the SDP had the SPD and the CD.P had the CDU. The Junkerpartei would be turned into a marginal force in German politics when comparing Germany’s population of more than 80 million to Prussia’s population of around 17 million. But Korwin-Mikke was willing to risk it. If they could get the CD.P on board by promising the referendum, they could probably still campaign successfully against German unification.
After the CD.P made clear what their demands were, it was the Junkerpartei’s turn to put forward theirs. Just like in 1997, an increase in import tariffs was high on their list. Prussia’s economy might be doing well, but globalisation and foreign competition still needed to be curtailed according to the JP. In addition, it was time for a large reform of the army. Walenstadt had neglected the armed forces and the navy ever since 1992 and had sold out the protection of Prussia’s borders to Germany by allying them. The JP proposed increasing defence spending while at the same time training more divisions so that the borders could truly be defended in case of a war. Another hot issue was the case of syndicalist violence in the streets. Increased security measures and a deployment of soldiers in the streets would deter violent actions of revenge and would also prevent further right-wing terrorism. The last and perhaps more farfetched of their demands was the return of the Hohenzollerns to the Prussian political system. A full return to monarchy seemed out of the question for the CD.P, and even a compromise where Georg Friedrich von Hohenzollern would become President was absurd. Georg Friedrich was only 24 years old and way too young to become Prussia’s President. Tusk could only agree to raising tariffs, army reforms and a better security system, but the details would have to be worked out in order to avoid conflicts between the CD.P and the JP. All in all it looked like Josef Tusk and Johann Korwin-Mikke managed to agree on the following points to form a coalition with a majority of 189 seats (+14):
· Referendum on German Unification
· Army reforms and a better security system to deal with terrorism by both right- and left-wing groups
· Large infrastructure works throughout the country
· Ending unemployment throughout the country
· Maternal leave and other social measure to support the family unit
· Increased import tariffs on certain goods, like dairy products
After all negotiations were completely over, the 1st Korwin-Mikke Cabinet looked as following:
Johann Birt is re-appointed in as President of Prussia – January 11th
Without a majority for Georg Friedrich von Hohenzollern’s candidacy, the Junkerpartei agreed to support Birt instead, giving him the necessary majority to succeed himself. Some within the Junkerpartei were not satisfied with the results, but they could not deny that the young Hohenzollern was perhaps too young to receive foreign dignitaries. Perhaps, instead of making Hohenzollern part of the political establishment, they could give him a high position in the army once the reforms were being implemented.
--------------------------------
We have our first centre-right government. Because one of their deals is a referendum on German Unification, I will hold a poll from Wednesday to Sunday, so that I can incorporate the results in the next update. Be sure to vote in that referendum if you want your voice heard! As to the new style I will use, I will have 4 chapters in between elections, just like before. But instead of going year by year, each chapter is going to focus on a certain aspect of government policy during their term. Next chapter will be 'Domestic Policy', followed by 'Foreign Policy', then 'National News' where I'll probably give a voice to the other parties and their leaders and lastly 'International News' which will basically be the newspaper page that used to be at the end of every year. I hope this new style will make it easier and better to follow and have a good overview of what the government has achieved.
2000 Election Results and the 1st Korwin-Mikke Cabinet
Election news coverage – December 5Good evening and welcome to this special news broadcast covering the results of today’s elections. My name is Jens Riewa and I will be your host for tonight. Today was the first time in Prussia’s history that compulsory voting was implemented in practice, bringing thousands of citizens to the voting booths. Before we take a look at the actual results, we dug into our archives and selected several comments from guests we had after the 1997 elections. Their predictions regarding this election might shed some light on the results we already got from early polling throughout the country. Tito Vhosi, Professor of Comparative Politics at the University of Breslau, remarked the following about the 1997 elections:
In addition, a Turkish professor, exiled in the Netherlands because of his opinions about the Turkish regime, predicted the following:
Both of these experts predicted a rise in popularity for anti-EU parties such as the SAP and the JP as a response to a compromise government without any real ideology. Add to that the scandal the 3rd Walenstadt Cabinet and the Erneuerungspartei has found themselves in and their prediction of a backlash against the majority parties has some real ground to stand on.
Without further ado, here are the results:
As you can see, the Junkerpartei remains the biggest party with 33% and has even grown to increase the difference between the 1st and 2nd largest parties in the Landtag. The Syndicalists come in second place with 23% of the vote. The CD.P, biggest grower in these elections, have doubled their percentage in comparison to the 1997 elections from 10% to 20%. The Christian Democrats are seemingly the only former majority party who did not feel any effects from the Trump Scandal. This is possibly due to their strong election campaign centred around the promise of reunification with Germany. The SDP and the EP are both the biggest losers in these elections, both losing around 10% of their voters to other parties. We can estimate that the SDP lost most of them to the SAP, while the EP probably saw a drain to both the CD.P and the JP. Support for the BAS remained relatively stable, while the Greens saw a slight decrease in popularity.
If we take a look at the new Landtag, we can see that the balance of power has shifted to the right. The Junkerpartei came out as the biggest party on the one hand, while the Syndicalists on the other hand came out as largest party on the left. Possible coalitions include the obvious centre-right JP-CD.P coalition, a larger coalition of JP-SDP-BAS and either GfP or EP if CD.P does not wish to govern, or even a coalition of opposites between JP and the SAP, but that one is very unlikely.
In one of our polls, we also asked the voters which government coalition they preferred. Not surprisingly, the Christian Democrats are one of the most preferred coalition partners across the political spectrum. Only voters of the SAP don’t want to work with the CD.P. Perhaps a bigger surprise is the fact that despite the recent scandals, the EP is among the most preferred coalition partners of parties in the centre and on the right. The SAP is the least desired coalition partner, with only a small percentage of Junkerpartei-voters willing to admit that the SAP closely aligned to their own views.
All in all we can say that the elections punished the previous government parties, except for the CD.P which saw an increase in popularity. At the same time, the anti-EU parties, the JP on the right and the SAP on the left, further grew. The SAP has surged in popularity to the point that they now have overtaken the SDP as biggest party on the left. With these results, the Prussian people have sent a clear signal to President Birt, who will now have to kickstart the formation talks for our next government. We thank you for tuning in to us today and we wish you a good evening. This has been Jens Riewa, reporting on today’s elections.
Walenstadt steps down as leader of the Social Democrats – December 5-9
The recent results of the elections have shown that the SDP needs a new leader to reaffirm their position in the Prussian Landtag. So Ludwig Walenstadt formally resigned as leader of the party, triggering internal elections to appoint a successor. The young Patrick Schwarzenegger quickly managed to get a majority of the party membership behind him. Schwarzenegger was born in Munich in 1968 and moved with his mother to Posen when he was 3 years old. Schwarzenegger is in many ways a traditional Social Democrat, but he has recently come out in support of LGBT+ rights. He also regrets his party’s previous negligence of urgent issues such as the unemployment in Posen and the situation of workers across the country. In addition, he is considered as one of the SDP’s most pro-unification members and agrees that by 2010 Prussia and Germany should be reunited. In regards to the SAP, Schwarzenegger has said that he supports reform from below, but that ultimately the democratic process must be respected and upheld.
Erneuerungspartei changes name to Liberale Partei Preussens – December 10
In an effort to rebrand the party after the Trump scandal, Sven Strassman of the EP has renamed the party to Liberale Partei Preussens (LPP). Explaining this choice, Strassman has said that “returning to our roots as a Liberal party, as well as honouring the ideas of Kant about the Rechtstaat, will prevent another Trump”. Donald Trump was not available for commentary, as he has seemingly retreated from public life after the Trump Scandal and has been under investigation ever since. In addition to a new name, the party also adopted a new logo to reflect the new era.
CD.P Christmas Conference – December 25
In the meantime, Josef Tusk of the CD.P had celebrated his party’s victory in Königsberg by inviting the German Leader of the Opposition, Angela Merkel (CDU), to the CD.P’s Christmas’ conference. The two talked about the future of both Prussia and Germany. With neither of them in power yet, there was only so much they could do. Merkel said that some likeminded politicians in the SPD could pressure German Chancellor Lafontaine into negotiations, but that ultimately only a CDU-led government would likely take the final steps in the unification process. Tusk announced that a referendum on German unity would be a requirement for any majority the CD.P would be part of, sending a clear signal to any party who was counting on the CD.P for a coalition.
Angela Merkel (CDU) and Josef Tusk (CD.P) discussing German unity after the 2000 Prussian elections.
Von Moltke steps down as leader of the Greens – December 5-26
After the election results, Konrad von Moltke, leader of the Grünen für Preussen, announced his retirement from Prussian politics. His succession was voted upon by all members of GfP and turned into a three way race. In the end, the 35-year old Margerete Weber from Silesia won, making her the only female party leader in the Prussian Landtag. Weber’s views can be described as ecological nationalism, meaning she wants to make Prussia completely self-reliant in terms of energy production and resource production. Of course one of her main goals is to turn away Prussia from fossil fuels and seek alternatives in solar and wind energy.
President Birt appoints Korwin-Mikke as formateur – December 27
22 days after the election, President Birt had spoken to all party leaders, including the newly elected Schwarzenegger. President Birt moved on to the next step of forming a new government and appointed Johan Korwin-Mikke (JP) as formateur. Korwin-Mikke moved quickly and immediately invited both Strassman of the LPP and Tusk of the CD.P. The former made it clear that the LPP would not partake in a government coalition, but Tusk accepted Korwin-Mikke’s invitation. Both politicians sat together with prominent members of their respective parties and discussed the foundation for a stable coalition. For Tusk, it was clear: a referendum on German reunification, large infrastructure works throughout the country, maternal leave in all sectors of the economy and perhaps most urgently: putting an end to unemployment around Posen. Korwin-Mikke agreed with all the proposals laid before him, but was most hesitant in regards to the referendum. Unification with Germany would mean the end of a strong Junkerpartei, as they had no counterpart in German politics, while the SDP had the SPD and the CD.P had the CDU. The Junkerpartei would be turned into a marginal force in German politics when comparing Germany’s population of more than 80 million to Prussia’s population of around 17 million. But Korwin-Mikke was willing to risk it. If they could get the CD.P on board by promising the referendum, they could probably still campaign successfully against German unification.
After the CD.P made clear what their demands were, it was the Junkerpartei’s turn to put forward theirs. Just like in 1997, an increase in import tariffs was high on their list. Prussia’s economy might be doing well, but globalisation and foreign competition still needed to be curtailed according to the JP. In addition, it was time for a large reform of the army. Walenstadt had neglected the armed forces and the navy ever since 1992 and had sold out the protection of Prussia’s borders to Germany by allying them. The JP proposed increasing defence spending while at the same time training more divisions so that the borders could truly be defended in case of a war. Another hot issue was the case of syndicalist violence in the streets. Increased security measures and a deployment of soldiers in the streets would deter violent actions of revenge and would also prevent further right-wing terrorism. The last and perhaps more farfetched of their demands was the return of the Hohenzollerns to the Prussian political system. A full return to monarchy seemed out of the question for the CD.P, and even a compromise where Georg Friedrich von Hohenzollern would become President was absurd. Georg Friedrich was only 24 years old and way too young to become Prussia’s President. Tusk could only agree to raising tariffs, army reforms and a better security system, but the details would have to be worked out in order to avoid conflicts between the CD.P and the JP. All in all it looked like Josef Tusk and Johann Korwin-Mikke managed to agree on the following points to form a coalition with a majority of 189 seats (+14):
· Referendum on German Unification
· Army reforms and a better security system to deal with terrorism by both right- and left-wing groups
· Large infrastructure works throughout the country
· Ending unemployment throughout the country
· Maternal leave and other social measure to support the family unit
· Increased import tariffs on certain goods, like dairy products
After all negotiations were completely over, the 1st Korwin-Mikke Cabinet looked as following:
Johann Birt is re-appointed in as President of Prussia – January 11th
Without a majority for Georg Friedrich von Hohenzollern’s candidacy, the Junkerpartei agreed to support Birt instead, giving him the necessary majority to succeed himself. Some within the Junkerpartei were not satisfied with the results, but they could not deny that the young Hohenzollern was perhaps too young to receive foreign dignitaries. Perhaps, instead of making Hohenzollern part of the political establishment, they could give him a high position in the army once the reforms were being implemented.
--------------------------------
We have our first centre-right government. Because one of their deals is a referendum on German Unification, I will hold a poll from Wednesday to Sunday, so that I can incorporate the results in the next update. Be sure to vote in that referendum if you want your voice heard! As to the new style I will use, I will have 4 chapters in between elections, just like before. But instead of going year by year, each chapter is going to focus on a certain aspect of government policy during their term. Next chapter will be 'Domestic Policy', followed by 'Foreign Policy', then 'National News' where I'll probably give a voice to the other parties and their leaders and lastly 'International News' which will basically be the newspaper page that used to be at the end of every year. I hope this new style will make it easier and better to follow and have a good overview of what the government has achieved.
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Im glad to see my predictions were correct, though I'm personally dissapointed with the new formed coalition.
This new military plans are just an excuse to increase goverment authority and power, they will probably use this new power to disuade the people at the Syndicalist Movement.
But Im sure this won't work as the base is already too active and alienated, or at least I hope so.
About German Unification, is another way for the Western powers to expand his influence over our land, I will personaly urge every convinced Syndicalist or reader of mine to vote against it in the next referendum.
We need an Independent,Syndicalist and Progressive Prussia free from Imperialist control!
Just that way we will have the Prussia that we all need, from Workers to all oppresed people.
-Tito Vhosi, Professor of Comparative Politics of the University of Breslau in a Syndicalist Radio interview following the 2000 Elections-
This new military plans are just an excuse to increase goverment authority and power, they will probably use this new power to disuade the people at the Syndicalist Movement.
But Im sure this won't work as the base is already too active and alienated, or at least I hope so.
About German Unification, is another way for the Western powers to expand his influence over our land, I will personaly urge every convinced Syndicalist or reader of mine to vote against it in the next referendum.
We need an Independent,Syndicalist and Progressive Prussia free from Imperialist control!
Just that way we will have the Prussia that we all need, from Workers to all oppresed people.
-Tito Vhosi, Professor of Comparative Politics of the University of Breslau in a Syndicalist Radio interview following the 2000 Elections-
Center-right liberalism is just veiled fascism, and with the new policing plans it's just transparent for anybody to see. They can oppress the working class, but the people's will is going to strike them. The gears of history is turning. Here, I also shout out to our comrades in West Germany. Their country being richer means they're somewhat better off to keep them pacified, but they know from their hearts the bigwigs are getting the big part of the pie while the farmers and workers get the scraps. Unite, one day of course we shall, but not as the slaves of the capitalists but as the workers free from our shackles!
A troubling result. All power to the people as they prepare for four years of right-wing capitalist rule.
Haha love it that you went all in with the character. I might just use your slogans for the SAP's campaign leading up to the referendum.
The Junkerpartei leading Prussia was inevitable after their good results in both the 1997 and 2000 elections.
Something is coming for the syndicalists, this time not in Europe, but in the United States. I don't think anyone will see the butterflies coming.
I've already played the next four years and I must say that I was surprised by the relative calmness compare to the 1990s. Although there appears to be something brewing in Africa and the Middle East.
Dutch newspaper Telegraaf, 12th of January 2001
Editorial: an analysis of the Prussian political situation
By prof. Hendrik van Weert
Whilst it was clear from the moment that the first exit poll came out that there had been a large shift within Prussian politics, only yesterday, with the Korwin-Mikke government being made official, did it become clear what this shift would mean for Prussian politics. The wonderful people at the Telegraaf have asked for my opinion, and I am not unwilling to deliver.
At first, it must be made clear that if one thing will define Prussian politics for at least the coming decade, it will be political polarization. With the JP and SAP making up over 55% of the Prussian electorate, it is clear that the center position within Prussian politics has become a minority opinion held. The massive electoral loss of the EP, now re-branded as the LPP, has shown that the main driver behind the EP was Trumpism, or, in effect, a more moderate position, yet still holding true to the principals behind the JP. The Trump scandal has driven the more moderate voters to the CD.P, and the EP right wingers back to the JP where they will once again make up the more moderate backers of the party. More interesting is perhaps the redefining of the party. Re-branding yourself as a political party is often not a successful strategy. Extrapolating from the mere exposure effect, we are more willing to vote for a familiar party. Yet, it is possible that the Trump legacy has forever attached itself to the EP label, thus, I remain somewhat hopeful to, for once, see a successful re-branding happen. On a final note, I think it must be noted that placing the LPP between the CD.P and JP is not correct in the post-Trump era. Seeing the shift within the party, adopting a more pro-western and socially liberal position will eventually place the party at the center of the Prussian political spectrum, just left of the CD.P.
Looking over to the left, the SDP is stuck between a rock and a hard place. Over to the left is the SAP, a party larger than her and the leading opposition party for the coming four years. the SDP is at a serious risk of having her voice drowned out by a more radical and vocal fraction in the Prussian parliament. The choice they must make might seem clear: moving to the left to try to recapture the voters they lost to the SAP. Perhaps even consider a good degree of co-operation with the SAP. Yet, if we were to ask the SDP voter, they see nothing in co-operation with the SAP. Prussian exit polls also asked about the preferred coalition partner, and the SAP was a solid shared last with the JP. SDP voters see much more in a more moderate route, working with the Greens and CD.P. Not only that, but the recent leadership change also indicates a greater degree of focus on social liberalism, which will see the SDP clash with the LPP over that section of the Prussian politics. A clash at the center of Prussian politics isn't unlikely.
To take a look at the government coalition is to immediately look at the likelihood of unification with Germany. Predicting the outcome is relatively easy, it will be a solid no. Whilst the CD.P made some impressive gains based on the promise of German unification, the base of support simply isn't there in the rest of Prussian society. SAP is solidly against, BAS fears becoming an even smaller minority and the rest is pretty neutral. And whilst the JP isn't necessarily against unification, the political realities of monarchism and their own electoral position in a reunified Germany will force them to campaign against it. If I were to predict it at this current moment, 2/3rds of the Prussian populous would vote against. Considering the rest of the government plans, I predict that the CD.P has much more to loose. The JP is the only party on the right against European integration, immigration and for a more independent foreign policy. Their voters have no alternatives. The losses they can suffer will be the more moderate voters they gained back from the EP this last election, yet, with the EP gone, they will be very reluctant to shift to the CD.P. The CD.P is at a much more contested position in Prussian politics. Whilst their position on German unification does make them unique for the moment, losing voters to a resurgent LPP in case of economic failure seems like a likely possibility. Not to forget that loosing the unification referendum is likely to take much wind out of the sails of the CD.P ship.
(Instead of posting a massive wall of text, I decided to take some inspiration from other and post a bit of a in character thing.)
Editorial: an analysis of the Prussian political situation
By prof. Hendrik van Weert
Whilst it was clear from the moment that the first exit poll came out that there had been a large shift within Prussian politics, only yesterday, with the Korwin-Mikke government being made official, did it become clear what this shift would mean for Prussian politics. The wonderful people at the Telegraaf have asked for my opinion, and I am not unwilling to deliver.
At first, it must be made clear that if one thing will define Prussian politics for at least the coming decade, it will be political polarization. With the JP and SAP making up over 55% of the Prussian electorate, it is clear that the center position within Prussian politics has become a minority opinion held. The massive electoral loss of the EP, now re-branded as the LPP, has shown that the main driver behind the EP was Trumpism, or, in effect, a more moderate position, yet still holding true to the principals behind the JP. The Trump scandal has driven the more moderate voters to the CD.P, and the EP right wingers back to the JP where they will once again make up the more moderate backers of the party. More interesting is perhaps the redefining of the party. Re-branding yourself as a political party is often not a successful strategy. Extrapolating from the mere exposure effect, we are more willing to vote for a familiar party. Yet, it is possible that the Trump legacy has forever attached itself to the EP label, thus, I remain somewhat hopeful to, for once, see a successful re-branding happen. On a final note, I think it must be noted that placing the LPP between the CD.P and JP is not correct in the post-Trump era. Seeing the shift within the party, adopting a more pro-western and socially liberal position will eventually place the party at the center of the Prussian political spectrum, just left of the CD.P.
Looking over to the left, the SDP is stuck between a rock and a hard place. Over to the left is the SAP, a party larger than her and the leading opposition party for the coming four years. the SDP is at a serious risk of having her voice drowned out by a more radical and vocal fraction in the Prussian parliament. The choice they must make might seem clear: moving to the left to try to recapture the voters they lost to the SAP. Perhaps even consider a good degree of co-operation with the SAP. Yet, if we were to ask the SDP voter, they see nothing in co-operation with the SAP. Prussian exit polls also asked about the preferred coalition partner, and the SAP was a solid shared last with the JP. SDP voters see much more in a more moderate route, working with the Greens and CD.P. Not only that, but the recent leadership change also indicates a greater degree of focus on social liberalism, which will see the SDP clash with the LPP over that section of the Prussian politics. A clash at the center of Prussian politics isn't unlikely.
To take a look at the government coalition is to immediately look at the likelihood of unification with Germany. Predicting the outcome is relatively easy, it will be a solid no. Whilst the CD.P made some impressive gains based on the promise of German unification, the base of support simply isn't there in the rest of Prussian society. SAP is solidly against, BAS fears becoming an even smaller minority and the rest is pretty neutral. And whilst the JP isn't necessarily against unification, the political realities of monarchism and their own electoral position in a reunified Germany will force them to campaign against it. If I were to predict it at this current moment, 2/3rds of the Prussian populous would vote against. Considering the rest of the government plans, I predict that the CD.P has much more to loose. The JP is the only party on the right against European integration, immigration and for a more independent foreign policy. Their voters have no alternatives. The losses they can suffer will be the more moderate voters they gained back from the EP this last election, yet, with the EP gone, they will be very reluctant to shift to the CD.P. The CD.P is at a much more contested position in Prussian politics. Whilst their position on German unification does make them unique for the moment, losing voters to a resurgent LPP in case of economic failure seems like a likely possibility. Not to forget that loosing the unification referendum is likely to take much wind out of the sails of the CD.P ship.
(Instead of posting a massive wall of text, I decided to take some inspiration from other and post a bit of a in character thing.)
@J_Master Wow that's an absolutely amazing analysis of the elections. I agree with most of it, but I don't agree that Junker-voter automatically means anti-unification, so there's still a possibility that for some people the process of German reunification will take priority over partisan politics. Anyways, I'm currently working on some posters for the referendum and as soon as those are done, the poll should be up and running.
2003 Referendum on German Reunification
2003 German Unification Referendum
With the referendum on German reunification at the doorstep, campaigned was mainly divided into three camps. With the question of whether or not Prussia and Germany should become one country, the Yes-campaign was headed by a multi-party alliance including prominent members from the CD.P, the SDP and the LPP. Main arguments for reunification were the common historical and cultural backgrounds of the Prussian and German people, the promise of stability, economic prosperity and a bigger impact on the world stage. The SDP pointed to the fact that Germany had an advanced social welfare system, far beyond that of Prussia. With reunification, chances were high that the benefits of that system would also become available to the Prussian people. For the Liberal Party of Prussia, the main argument was that the freedom of movement, freedom of goods and freedom of labour that were associated with the EU would allow Prussian businesses to prosper. The CD.P went a more tradition route in their campaign and heavily tied into the common culture and values of Germany and Prussia. A strong Christian identity, as well as a hard working mentality, was what shaped the German people. In addition, the promise of families being reunited after decades of separation swayed many people on the border to consider voting yes.
The second major campaign was the Junkerpartei’s No-camp. The JP was mainly concerned about exposing Prussia to American imperialism. Especially farmers would have a hard time adjusting to the sudden influx of foreign food if Prussia suddenly became part an EU-member as part of Germany. The JP therefore urged their voters to protect Prussia and vote no, even though their gut feeling might tell them that they are German. As an independent country, Prussia could continue to implement protectionist policies and favour locally produced goods over foreign competition. An independent Prussia would also have more control over its own spending on social welfare, the military and farmer’s subsidies, which were all quite regulated under either German or EU law.
The third campaign was carried by a small group in the SAP which vehemently opposed reunification with Germany by referendum because it threatened the worker’s revolution in Prussia. Germany had adopted the revisionist stance ever since the German Social Democrats became part of the establishment, but in Prussia the syndicalist movement was still strong and had the possibility of eventually setting up a syndicalist society. A Prussia reunited with Germany would only be dominated by exploitative capitalists and submissive revisionists. To the SAP, the referendum was just a way for Berlin to expand its imperialist influence across Eastern Europe. It was time to break the chains with capitalist Germany once and for all and vote no.
You can vote in the referendum by clicking the orange button below. The polls close on Sunday 2 PM Brussels Time.
With the referendum on German reunification at the doorstep, campaigned was mainly divided into three camps. With the question of whether or not Prussia and Germany should become one country, the Yes-campaign was headed by a multi-party alliance including prominent members from the CD.P, the SDP and the LPP. Main arguments for reunification were the common historical and cultural backgrounds of the Prussian and German people, the promise of stability, economic prosperity and a bigger impact on the world stage. The SDP pointed to the fact that Germany had an advanced social welfare system, far beyond that of Prussia. With reunification, chances were high that the benefits of that system would also become available to the Prussian people. For the Liberal Party of Prussia, the main argument was that the freedom of movement, freedom of goods and freedom of labour that were associated with the EU would allow Prussian businesses to prosper. The CD.P went a more tradition route in their campaign and heavily tied into the common culture and values of Germany and Prussia. A strong Christian identity, as well as a hard working mentality, was what shaped the German people. In addition, the promise of families being reunited after decades of separation swayed many people on the border to consider voting yes.
The second major campaign was the Junkerpartei’s No-camp. The JP was mainly concerned about exposing Prussia to American imperialism. Especially farmers would have a hard time adjusting to the sudden influx of foreign food if Prussia suddenly became part an EU-member as part of Germany. The JP therefore urged their voters to protect Prussia and vote no, even though their gut feeling might tell them that they are German. As an independent country, Prussia could continue to implement protectionist policies and favour locally produced goods over foreign competition. An independent Prussia would also have more control over its own spending on social welfare, the military and farmer’s subsidies, which were all quite regulated under either German or EU law.
The third campaign was carried by a small group in the SAP which vehemently opposed reunification with Germany by referendum because it threatened the worker’s revolution in Prussia. Germany had adopted the revisionist stance ever since the German Social Democrats became part of the establishment, but in Prussia the syndicalist movement was still strong and had the possibility of eventually setting up a syndicalist society. A Prussia reunited with Germany would only be dominated by exploitative capitalists and submissive revisionists. To the SAP, the referendum was just a way for Berlin to expand its imperialist influence across Eastern Europe. It was time to break the chains with capitalist Germany once and for all and vote no.
You can vote in the referendum by clicking the orange button below. The polls close on Sunday 2 PM Brussels Time.
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Already voted no,hoping that every other inteligent citizen will follow my way and fight against western imperialism and capitalism.
Only unified can the prussian people prosper! Prussia is German and needs to return to its leading role insode a german state!
Hastly unification would be a mistake. Voting no, is the only way to protect the Prussian economy and the laws. A unification could disrupt the Prussian Economy. If we are ever to unify with Germany, we have to take slow and gradual steps to unify. I fear that a unification by poll would destabilise Prussia unnecessary, when we can stay as an independent nation with close ties to our German bothers.
Voted yes. Time for the two nations to unite as one, just think, what would Bismark do?
God I wish for Prussia to remain independent; But to preserve and honour the work and memory of von Bismarck, a united Germany is for a better future.
Whilst the heart says yes, the mind says no. The dream remains a united Germany, but reunifying now would destroy everything that would make that united Germany great. A no from me