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Ch 117 Q1: Cultural Research Mission. From the pop-up I can tell that cultural tech spread rate is increased – I suppose that should indirectly and eventually increase the research points once counties individually ‘level up’ in cultural tech? Interested if that’s how it works, how significant the effect is and any other illuminating points about this mission. Also is a ‘great philosopher’ of major use or benefit to research (cultural or otherwise)?
I don't know too much about that mission in particular, but as mentioned it's mostly for spreading the tech in your capital to other counties. Or perhaps if you're getting a lot of tech from other nations in your capital, it can amplify that effect (meaning you need fewer research points).
Do I have anything much to be worried about with these guys? Can neighbouring Muslim rulers, for example, decide they want to rub out the Fylkir using them?
They're an annoyance in my Byzantine games, but rarely if ever directly kill my ruler. Well, an annoyance in those games until I've ensured they have no potential pool of recruits.
I may have got this wrong, but read the tooltip as saying the fort would only help attrition in pagan lands. Or did it mean attrition there was worse, thus making the fort more useful there, but it might have helped a little anyway in Karvuna? I didn’t want to waste precious gold finding out (this being in Ironman mode, so I couldn’t experiment and scum-save) and per above, I had decided to pull out anyway, thinking the war nearly won by then and one more siege was not going to make a difference.
Yeah, just in pagan lands. You'd have seen a modifier if it mattered. I also use them as an extra layer of defense against raids, but I think that's not terribly relevant for you.
Another lesson learned. This whole drawn-out episode has proven something of a farce, I must admit … though a pretty good ‘character-building’ learning experience! On Sarpa, should I now hand it over to the ‘right’ type of ruler, to let them develop it (and eventually pay me taxes)? Or maybe wait for it to ‘turn feudal’ (presuming that is the reason the tribal holding is labelled the ‘wrong type’) so I can develop it myself to later boost the Imperial coffers more directly?
Seems to me I should probably start to build hospitals in my four core counties, unless the expert advice is that it can be safely delayed for a while.
On cultural research, it is my understanding that it will double the chance of the six cultural techs receiving an annual .1 boost. On tech, you have the tech screen where you accumulate points to spend and each province has a separate status for each of the eighteen techs. The province has a chance to get a .1 boost to each tech annually. You can hover over the three tech buttons to see the status of the techs and chance for annual gain. Thus you can tech up without spending points. Please forgive my rambling.
Time for some comment feedback, as there don't seem to be any more coming through and, with four different AAR updates finished in the last two post-holiday weeks, I'll be looking to play another session of this game soon.
Thanks for the shout-out, @Bullfilter ! Everyone should indeed heed his excellent advice and go check out all of the cool community initiatives going on atm.
As for this fine piece of work—I think I should focus on catching up with TT first, but I do keep the odd eye on what’s happening in Russia over here. And obviously what I’ve seen of the writing and exposition all meets the high standards one can expect from a Bullfilter AAR.
Thanks for that! With up to about another 400 game years to go, I'll probably still be here for quite a while, even if I do start to increase the time span for chapters further.
Those Karelians always know how to frustrate the Rurikids. If Hakon deserves a prize for being a persistent pest as a person, Karelia deserves it as an entire duchy. At least they should stop raiding as they don't raid co-religionists, so it wasn't all for naught.
Sarpa dragged on, but at least it didn't cause many problems and not much threat either. As for next targets - with Styrbjörn's excellent management of the factions, the time may have come to think bigger again. I believe that 30 years have passed since the last GHW... so it is time to call another one!
@Bullfilter, welcome back to the land where leaders were men and not glorified bullies (looking at cousin Adolf, uncle Joe and brother Winnie). The land where leaders fought battlefield duels instead of a land where the "mighty" generals hide in command posts. The land where beautiful wildflowers grow freely instead of gorgeous English roses with thorns to prick mortal men. The land where if you want to have a cook out, you invite your relatives to bring fuel instead of calling for delivery. Where wars can end with a simple "Sorry, I am a true believer not a vile heretic" instead of a list of victory conditions crafted by a squad of lawyers (aka Loki's playthings). Welcome back my friend to "the land worth living" and please stay for a while.
Yes, a simpler time in some ways, but more intricate and treacherous in others! As for those Karelians, we're really not sure about the sincerity of their conversion, but the Fylkir has no choice but to give them a go - for now. I might try @diskoerekto 's idea
The Questions
Ch 117 Q1: Cultural Research Mission.From the pop-up I can tell that cultural tech spread rate is increased – I suppose that should indirectly and eventually increase the research points once counties individually ‘level up’ in cultural tech? Interested if that’s how it works, how significant the effect is and any other illuminating points about this mission. Also is a ‘great philosopher’ of major use or benefit to research (cultural or otherwise)?
I mainly make use of that mission to turn heretic if I play an Abrahamic faith .
As I understand it, it only helps spreading your capital's cultural tech to the adjacent countries. Save for the great philosopher - if your seer discovers one, then you can get some tech points if you pay the guy.
So when you research a tech, actually that tech is increased in your capital. In time, it spreads to other provinces. Sometimes it's a neighbor province (of the same realm or a different realm) or a trading hotspot. When the spread rate is increased there's a better chance of a culture tech coming from a more cultured neighbor to your realm. Now for a culture tech to have an effect I'm thinking it needs to make its way to your capital so there are no sudden benefits but it's still something.
The great philosopher event gives a bunch (50 or 100 maybe) cultural tech points in exchange for some money.
I don't know too much about that mission in particular, but as mentioned it's mostly for spreading the tech in your capital to other counties. Or perhaps if you're getting a lot of tech from other nations in your capital, it can amplify that effect (meaning you need fewer research points).
On cultural research, it is my understanding that it will double the chance of the six cultural techs receiving an annual .1 boost. On tech, you have the tech screen where you accumulate points to spend and each province has a separate status for each of the eighteen techs. The province has a chance to get a .1 boost to each tech annually. You can hover over the three tech buttons to see the status of the techs and chance for annual gain. Thus you can tech up without spending points. Please forgive my rambling.
Ch 117 Q2: The Assassins.Do I have anything much to be worried about with these guys? Can neighbouring Muslim rulers, for example, decide they want to rub out the Fylkir using them?
I don't think so. The Hashashin randomly strike your courtiers sometimes if you rule over there natural sphere of influence IIRC... but I've never had the monarch himself struck down.
Their main use lies in joining them. Being the Grandmaster of the Assassins is very, very useful. Not only does it, as you'd expect, make murdering your enemies easier. I've found a main use especially if your marriage options aren't exactly inspiring. Threaten heathen, gain favour, use favour to marry, invade in the next generation with the inherited claim.
They're an annoyance in my Byzantine games, but rarely if ever directly kill my ruler. Well, an annoyance in those games until I've ensured they have no potential pool of recruits.
Very well, seems I can relax about them. Until they come to bite me on the arse one day!
Ch 117 Q3: Forts and Attrition.I may have got this wrong, but read the tooltip as saying the fort would only help attrition in pagan lands. Or did it mean attrition there was worse, thus making the fort more useful there, but it might have helped a little anyway in Karvuna? I didn’t want to waste precious gold finding out (this being in Ironman mode, so I couldn’t experiment and scum-save) and per above, I had decided to pull out anyway, thinking the war nearly won by then and one more siege was not going to make a difference.
Yeah, just in pagan lands. You'd have seen a modifier if it mattered. I also use them as an extra layer of defense against raids, but I think that's not terribly relevant for you.
Right, thanks for confirming. Still might be useful under certain circumstances elsewhere.
Ch 117 Q4: Sarpa.Another lesson learned. This whole drawn-out episode has proven something of a farce, I must admit … though a pretty good ‘character-building’ learning experience! On Sarpa, should I now hand it over to the ‘right’ type of ruler, to let them develop it (and eventually pay me taxes)? Or maybe wait for it to ‘turn feudal’ (presuming that is the reason the tribal holding is labelled the ‘wrong type’) so I can develop it myself to later boost the Imperial coffers more directly?
As a tribal holding, it is pretty useless. If you wish to keep it, you'd have to build stone forts, convert the county and then turn it into a castle. Then it starts becoming useful as a normal feudal holding.
No no no don't give it away! There was an option somewhere to turn that into feudal, which will in turn the buildings in it just like what happened when we feudalized. I don't exactly remember where, and it was a counterintuitive place but I'm pretty sure there was one. I'll send another reply if I can remember where.
I did want to hang on to it if possible as that was the whole idea - getting a rich province to build the Imperial demesne's income in time. I'll dig around and see if there's a quick way to feudalise, if not will have to take a slower path (per @alscon 's advice).
Ch 117 Q5: Hospitals.Seems to me I should probably start to build hospitals in my four core counties, unless the expert advice is that it can be safely delayed for a while.
Main focus with hospitals should be on your capital. While it is true that epidemics won't spread to your core lands, they can now originate there. And as your characters live in the capital, it's most important to protect it.
A well-built hospital can even keep the Black Death at bay, though luckily that one shouldn't plague Russia for a while.
OK, thanks guys, will probably just go for one of them for now and worry about the rest later, if didease starts to become more widespread as the empire develops.
Ch 117 Q6: Next Steps.Any general advice gentle readers may care to offer on where to next. Peace and development? War? Raiding?
Looks like it will be up to the Fylkir to pick his own way forward, which is fine! Thanks both for the feedback on the specific topics and the more general comments (which as you know are always equally welcome).
I really do need to increase the span of time updates cover if I want to finish this before CK4 has its first DLC published! So I'll try to use even more of the history book approach while still keeping the 'learning vibe' of the AAR going. Next, to play another session. Wish me luck!
:blushing: Happy to have helped! Although, it seems the first idea was the better one. Now I checked Wiki the Wise, and it seems we need either the de jure title of the Kingdom of Finland or Empire of Scandinavia (if not same culture we need to be de jure liege) so this probably won't work.
I did want to hang on to it if possible as that was the whole idea - getting a rich province to build the Imperial demesne's income in time. I'll dig around and see if there's a quick way to feudalise, if not will have to take a slower path (per @alscon 's advice).
Again from Wiki the Wise, if the province is the same religion we can upgrade with a hillfort like @alscon says, the good thing is on empty slots new holdings
Feudal rulers may upgrade a tribe (with Hillfort IV) to a castle
Republic rulers may upgrade a tribe (with Market IV) to a city
Theocracy rulers may upgrade a tribe (with Hillfort IV) to a temple
The province must share the ruler's religion. If there is "enough space" (it needs at least 2 empty holding slots for one extra free holding, so 3 empty slots for the normal two free holdings), additional minor settlements will be constructed until the county has a full set (generally in this direction: castle, then city, then temple).
I'd say try to fabricate and obtain the Trade Post province, it's a great source of income (if we have the tech to build a Trade Post on it) and being one province it's a small target.
Next could be pushing for the Empire of Scandinavia or Kingdom of Finland so the independent realms there can be peacefully vassalized. The non-germanic ones I expect to find the true faith in time.
Any tribal leader, whose religion is pagan unreformed, neighbouring a realm whose leader's religion is organized - e.g. Christianity, Islam, Eastern religions, reformed pagan faith, etc. - can ask the leader of this realm to help convert the tribal leader's realm to the organized religion. Benefactor needs to be non-tribal, non-nomadic, non-theocracy (so you can't ask Pope for mass conversion) king or emperor level
Of course, a GHW to Poland as a big target seems natural since it's the next big neighbor, and getting their lands would mean cutting off the Baltic realms from other religion neighbors so they'll also turn Germanic in time.
The name of the AAR is blut und schlacht, did you expect me to advise peace?
Again from Wiki the Wise, if the province is the same religion we can upgrade with a hillfort like @alscon says, the good thing is on empty slots new holdings
Now that you mention the empty holdings, I recall my usual way of dealing with tribal counties as a feudal - build a castle, make the castle county capital, and then hand the tribal holding over to someone else.
The tribal vassal is as good as useless, but you can still build up his lands so that he'll eventually feudalize himself.
Now that you mention the empty holdings, I recall my usual way of dealing with tribal counties as a feudal - build a castle, make the castle county capital, and then hand the tribal holding over to someone else.
The tribal vassal is as good as useless, but you can still build up his lands so that he'll eventually feudalize himself.
Now that you mention the empty holdings, I recall my usual way of dealing with tribal counties as a feudal - build a castle, make the castle county capital, and then hand the tribal holding over to someone else.
The tribal vassal is as good as useless, but you can still build up his lands so that he'll eventually feudalize himself.
Some of this is tested in the next session, which I played yesterday and am now writing up. There are some other things that happen that bear on the fate of Sarpa ...
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Chapter 118: Glorious Battle (9 December 950 to 24 September 952)
Chapter 118: Glorious Battle (9 December 950 to 24 September 952)
Previously, on Blut und Schlacht … Styrbjörn had been forced to accept peace in his almost-won Holy War against the perennially irritating Karelians; now he had to extinguish yet another peasant revolt in one of his vassal’s Pomeranian holdings and then decide what course to take next. Domestically, the Council was still under the thrall of Jarl Tryggve through a network of favours, blocking the Fylkir’s revocation plans for the disgruntled and faction-playing Chief Pakstyan of Kostroma. Sarpa had been occupied, but it seemed some work would be needed to make it into a lucrative feudal outpost on the Silk Road.
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1. Domestic Affairs
Advice from the Þing and the tomes of Wiki the Red had made clear what would be needed to develop Sarpa further. And for reasons of both religion and lack of local expertise, this would be a good distance off.
But as a precaution, a new hospital was begun in the capital to help guard against the ravages of plague, should it ever reach there.
Chancellor Refil was still working on fabricating a claim on Austerbotn. Suggestions had been made about one day revoking the Silk Road terminus of Tana. Currently, such a revocation would not be possible anyway (even ignoring the desirability of a legitimate claim), as it was owned by former-Jarl Sumarliði, who was leading a revolt against Jarl Hasten of Sarkel (who had usurped the tile from him first). It meant Sumarliði both held a temporary title and was not a direct vassal of the Fylkir, invalidating any revocation attempt.
In more gossipy news, in December 950 Sörkver the Lewd – an old personal enemy and a troublesome pants-man – had been made Steward by High Chieftess Bodil of Lithuania. It must have been too much (of either honour or work) for the old lecher, as he expired as soon as news of the promotion found him! Styrbjörn had a good chuckle.
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Sadder news of another death came in May 951 when Empress Ulfhildr – whose previous dalliances had long been forgiven by the Fylkir – succumbed to her long battle with cancer. Courtiers encouraged him to remarry quickly, but he was not really interested and thought he had plenty of children already (six with of them with Ulfhildr alone).
In religious matters, the slow spread of Germanicism saw the southern county of Sharukan brought to the Allfather on 28 July 951.
By November that year, the various factions remained under control. And it seemed the Fylkir’s brother Jarl Gorm had lost interest in his own faction.
Twelve days later, it disbanded entirely.
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And on 10 March 952, even Chief Pakstyan was getting bored of plotting – he was the last one out of the faction agitating for elective succession in Sviþjod, closing the door as he left. By then, Tryggve’s hold on the Council was fading: in the next four to nine months, the last three favours owed him by Advisors Jarl Totil and Gorm and Chancellor Refil would expire.
On 1 April, Refil finally succeeded in fabricating the claim on Austerbotn - but Styrbjörn did not have the spare 158 gold needed to use it due to exigent circumstances that will be discussed in the sections below. He feigned piety by letting it go. Even while inwardly disappointed.
News that Naumadal, over in Norway, had come to the true faith on 4 June was at least welcome. At a loose end, Refil was sent in mid-June to start fabricating a claim on Tana – with the hope it would one day be available to revoke and that the treasury to have the cash to confirm it.
More satisfying by far was the news in July that the Council no longer objected to the revocation of Kostroma – which the Fylkir duly enforced, finally adding another county to his personal demesne and making Pakstyan bitter and unlanded. Excellent: win-win-win!
It was the ‘wrong’ (ie tribal) type and not easily converted to feudalism, but that didn’t really worry Styrbjörn: this was personal, not business.
By September 952, Germanicism remained one of the three great European religions, along with Catholicism and Eastern Orthodoxy.
The spread of Norse culture was far more stubbornly tardy. Outside the ‘core Imperial counties’ of Holmgarðr, in Russia it had only spread to Sugrov in Sarkel.
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2. Military and Diplomatic Affairs - The First Wolgastian Revolt
Despite converting to Germanicism under duress, High Chief Pudak of Karelia refused to become a vassal of the Russian Emperor, largely on the basis of cultural dissonance, and also because Styrbjörn’s lack of a de jure claim. The experiment of offering a small financial inducement improved relations significantly, but the effect on Pudak’s attitude to vassalisation was only slight.
With the Karelian Holy War over prematurely, levies were dismissed where possible, while those still in Karelian territory marched home. Styrbjörn remained with the Imperial Guard in Austerbotn: it might be a useful location for a new foray in the region, if it came to that. The Fylkir had his eye of High Chief Pentti of Satakunta as a useful target: his general plan for the coming years was to try to consolidate the Scandinavian hinterland as a reserve ‘fortress’ for the Norse Russian Empire.
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Hrafn commanded the levy army that had been left under arms and previously sent by sea to put down the rebels in Wolgast. He landed with 1,647 men in nearby Werle on 1 January 951 to rebuild their condition after the voyage. By the 16th, Hrafn judged they had recovered enough and set off west.
As he approached the rebels, on 24 January word came that Warchief Palnatoke of the Jomsvikings had joined the Pagan pact against his Fylkir, Styrbjörn – as its only member!
“What a f&$king liberty!” was the Fylkir’s irritated response to this news.
The Battle of Uckermunde in Wolgast began on 26 January, with 1,652 Russian levies taking on 1,408 more lightly armed peasant rebels. It was all over by 17 February, with 94 Russians and 279 rebels killed. Their leader Sambor surrendered and was imprisoned – hopefully he would still be alive when the next blot came around!
Hrafn’s levy army was disbanded – so Russia would be ready for its next gambit.
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3. Holy War for Satakunta
By late February 951, High Chief Pentti had left the Pagan pact – and would now be targeted in a Holy War for the remaining Finnish counties in thre de jure duchy of Satakunta. Styrbjörn hoped to thus link the two halves of his empire, through the crossing from Finland to Uppsala in Sweden.
Pentti’s own levy was small and not too much trouble was expected from any tribal vassals or allies he might muster. The the Guard was poised to quickly strike Satakunta itself from Austerbotn.
It was only later that the Fylkir and his advisers took note of how prestigious and devout Pentti was. But that was in the future. The Guard, with Hrafn leading and Styrbjörn commanding the right wing, set off south immediately. The Swedish vassal levies – almost 600 in total – would muster near the border with Pentti’s holdings on that side of the Gulf of Bothnia. The available Imperial and vassal levies of the Rus heartland were to gather in Kexholm: they currently numbered 3,889 men, a figure which should increase on the march through friendly territory. Finally, the fleet (44 ships) was recalled from Werle to the Gulf of Finland, in case they may be needed.
Regarding Pentti, by ‘later’, the Rurikid Scroll Trove disclosed that the first problem appeared just two days later: scouts brought word that Pentti had called up a tribal army of 2,500 men. The quick strike on Satakunta was suddenly off. Instead, Styrbjörn and the Guard changed course and made for Kexholm to await reinforcements.
As the Russian levies gathered, news came on 10 March that another 2,500 man tribal army had been raised in Satakunta, with the first already on its way south to the Russian outpost of Finland, which would have to fend for itself. This was going to be a harder fight than had been anticipated.
To be sure of the numbers, and now facing a foe with more than 5,000 men under his banners, Styrbjörn decided to spend some precious coin on a mercenary band. He first thought of the Holy Order of the Jomsvikings – 7,700 determined warriors, who could be hired for around a 190 gold up front retainer, though a huge monthly fee of almost 28 gold would apply. Styrbjörn then had 318 in the coffers. But he discovered the Jomsvikings were already under contract to King Steinn of Jorvik!
Of the other companies in the right price range, the Lithuanian Band run by Captain Bukantas would cost 180 gold and a monthly fee of around 9 gold. For that, Styrbjörn would get 1,800 men, with 900 light and 200 heavy infantry, 400 cavalry and 300 archers. Not world beaters, but a comforting addition to the troops already massing. They were retained on 13 March, gathering in Holmgarðr and then marching off to join everyone else in Kexholm.
Just a week later came a welcome bolt out of the blue: not an ally, so much as an enemy of the Fylkir’s enemy. Uoti of Kemi took Pentti’s moment of distraction to raise a substantial host to claim all his lands in Lappi, on the west of the Gulf of Bothnia. He too raised a 2,500 man tribal army to add to his existing force of 1,316 men. This was just as well, as by then Pentti had raised a 2,000 man religious army to add to his two tribal armies! He had over 7,200 now descending on Finland.
By 13 April Finland was under siege and Pentti had succeeded in calling up most of his vassals, who now added themselves to the fun. The Guard was in Kexholm waiting for the rest of the army to join them.
The main Satakuntan army under Valteri soon assaulted the town walls in Finland and took it on 26 April, losing just 98 men. They then headed west to Häme,arriving there on 9 May. But rather than continuing on for Kexholm, where only about 2,800 Russians had yet gathered, Valteri took his army plus some vassal allies and started heading north for Austerbotn. The Russians let them go, hoping they would now respond to Outi’s host which was now intent on ravaging Pentti’s lands in Lappi.
Valteri would be joined by yet another religious army Pentti had raised, giving him a force of over 9,000 men. The only good thing to be taken from this was that he had now exerted almost all his prestige and piety and should not be able to summon any more of these hosts.
Meanwhile, in June one of Pentti’s vassals had appeared with a force of 686 men in Pskov, making for Luki. Troops not yet in Kexholm would now gather in Ingria to form an army to hunt them down and keep the heartland safe.
The next day, the Russians were reassured when word came that the whole Satakuntan force, now numbering around 9,500 (over 5,100 of whom were light infantry) had arrived in Austerbotn and were continuing north to Kemi. Good news indeed.
On 6 July, Styrbjörn took personal command of the detachment in Ingria: he would lead the chase of the enemy force which was now in Luki. The heir, Prince Eilif, was given command of the small force gathered in Sweden. By 12 July, Styrbjörn had just over 1,200 men and set off south, deciding he now had enough to do the job. The chase was on!
A month later, Styrbjörn was in Holmgarðr and Chief Ihavald’s force from Saaremaa was south of them in Toropets, making east for Torzhok. Styrbjörn feinted the same way, causing Ihavald to stop and head south instead, with Styrbjörn now closer on his heels.
In late August, the Satakuntan army was in Kemi and heading south-west for Uoti’s host in Länsipohja. This gave the all-clear for Velmayka to march the main Russian army (now over 5,800 men, around half heavy infantry) to Uusimaa.
In Russia, news came on 29 August 951 that Sumarliði’s revenge was complete and he was Jarl of Sarkel once more after a successful counter-revolt against Hasten.
On 11 September, Uoti had arrived in Lappi to attack a smaller vassal ally of Pentti’s. Uoti had about 3,800 men against 800 led by Duttá of Länsipohja, winning by 21 September with estimated losses of around 50 men against 300 for Duttá. Styrbjörn was very happy to see the Suomenusko fighting each other far off in the frozen north!
Back in Russia, the Fylkir finally ran Ihavald to ground in Vitebsk on 26 September, leading his troops to a resounding victory by 16 October, in which the enemy commander was captured. Styrbjörn revelled in the glory of blood and battle. It also helped to ‘even out’ the relative balance [ie warscore] of the two sides in the Holy War.
As that battle was won, Velmayka arrived in Uusimaa. With some attrition eating away at his large force, plus a couple of sieges and poorer weather on the way, he received permission to spend precious gold on the first Russian siege fort to be used on foreign territory [at last! ].
Even with the Holy War still in full swing, on 2 October 951 Jarl Gorm decided to support a vassal’s claim in the intricately named ‘Jarl Gorm the Lionheart’s Bulgarian War for Ingemar’s claim on Denmark against King Þorolfr of Denmark’. Jarls will be Jarls, the Fylkir noted indulgentlyof his brother in his personal diary.
It was on 19 October that the ‘big one’ between Uoti’s host and the main Satakuntan army began, when the latter caught up with the invaders in Lappi. The battle lasted until around 10 November, seeing Uoti defeated (as expected), losing around 900 of his 3,700 men, with the Satakunatan force of 9,500 taking around 600 casualties – and subject to attrition as they tried to sustain such a large force in poor country.
Back in Uusimaa, by late October Velmayka’s army was snug in its new siege fort, suffering no attrition and reinforcing at a rate of 70 men per month. Which was just as well, as they were now down to 5,145 in strength after some siege casualties (137) and the departure of 478 of Jarl Gorm’s men, off to join his war against Denmark. The tribal fort fell on 11 November [warscore to +11%] and the siege moved on to the Temple of Porvoo.
By early December 951, Styrbjörn’s financial situation was getting a bit sticky, with only around 32 gold left and troop support costs running an estimated monthly deficit of 14 gold. If things got much worse, the mercenaries may need to be let go, to start with.
On 12 December, Bertil finally managed to win one of his repeated attempts to gain a foothold in Britannia, by winning his conquest of Sussex against King Bourchard the Fat of Luxembourg, who still held Surrey and Kent in his English enclave.
Then on 17 December, a decisive blow was struck in the Holy War, with the fall of the rich Temple of Porvoo in Uusimaa[warscore to +63%]. Over 13 gold was seized, no troops were lost and the enemy host was still stuck freezing its arse off all the way up in Lappi. The next Russian move would probably be to bypass Häme and try to take Satakunta itself, to force Pentti to the bargaining table, despite his superior numbers.
Pentti must have made a similar calculation, because the very next day he took a leaf out of the Karelian play-book and announced his immediate embrace of the Allfather and conversion to Germanicism!
But in this case, with funds running low and the enemy still with over 9,000 troops in the field, Styrbjörn was not quite so disappointed to welcome another northern ruler into the Germanic faith at spear-point. And once the various tribal armies in the north dispersed at some point (they remained in the field due to the continuing war with Outi), at least the northern realms should be easier targets next time.
The Holy War therefore officially lapsed the following day, its casus belli now invalid. Due to the financial situation, those levies that could be and the mercenaries were dismissed immediately, while the rest of the army in Uusimaa headed back to Kexholm, the Guard to winter quarters and the levies for dismissal.
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4. Raiding and the Second Wolgastian Revolt
After the troop repatriations were completed and a short period of recuperation, in mid-February 952 it was decided that another great raid should be launched to replenish the coffers and fuel the development of the core Imperial counties. Funds were now slowly building again (thanks to the improved feudal economy in the Imperial Jarldom of Holmgarðr). The levies (Styrbjörn’s personal forces only, not wishing to unduly antagonise the vassals by call on them again) mustered and were toggled to looter after the appropriate ceremony. A limited raider mobilisation could at least be sustained financially.
The troops would muster in three different locations, then the fleet (enlarged further now by feudal ship levies) would pick them up on the way to fame and fortune somewhere in western Europe.
As the ships and troops gathered, yet another peasant revolt broke out in Wolgast on 1 April, this time led by one Havel, yet another disgruntled former soldier. If only some way of gruntling them could be found!
Wolgast tribe was taken and sacked on 20 May by the 2,139 rebels, for no loss (only a 137 man garrison was present, no doubt only just rebuilding after the last revolt). By 2 June, the first (and largest) part of the Russian raiding force (almost 2,500 men) embarked in Ingria aboard a fleet of 70 ships. Hrafn led, with Styrbjörn taking the right flank again.
Not two weeks after the fleet headed off, the reinstated Jarl Sumarliði of Sarkel founded an independence faction [875 men - 13.2% strength] – the impudent toad! Well, he could wait, for now.
The fleet picked up the Guard from Finland and other forces from Sweden simultaneously on 6 July and then made for Werle without delay, with almost 4,600 well-armed troops on board. They arrived at Werle on 27 July and began some post-voyage training to regain their readiness. At this point, Styrbjörn decided to swap to the centre and take overall command of the army: these vile rebels would be punished by the Emperor himself. A good warm up event for the raid to come, Styrbjörn noted in his diary on 2 August 952.
As the Fylkir waited in Werle, the ever-active Bertil decided to revoke Breda from his vassal Hrörekr, who refused, war breaking out on 23 August. The odds seemed well in Bertil’s favour. But this was just a sideshow as far as Styrbjörn was concerned. He had rebels to slaughter, and the Russian army had closed on them by 2 September. The battle was soon going excellently and by the 16th the enemy were all routing. In triumph, the Fylkir raised his sword aloft and ordered the pursuit.
As the battle played out, Jarl Tryggve had yet another success, winning his conquest of Belgorod against King Antal of Bulgaria on 6 September. In Wolgast, Styrbjörn was enjoying himself immensely: “They are broken, onward to vic…”
A stray arrow through the eye ended the reign of Fylkir Styrbjörn Rurikid, Emperor of Russia, on 16 September 952 AD. He hadn’t even managed to earn a nickname yet. His reign would necessarily be thought of as a holding period within the Rurikid dynasty, where modest gains had been made and where feudalism had begun to slowly take hold in the Empire. But his grand plans for conquests had either taken inordinately long periods to consummate, or had been thwarted by wily Suomenusko lords acknowledging the Allfather in order to get off the hook when losing Holy Wars. Vale Styrbjörn, grandson of Rurik, now draining a horn with his illustrious ancestors in Valhalla.
ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ
5. A New Fylkir and Emperor
Kind words were said about Styrbjörn’s life and its glorious ending, but he was still stone cold dead. Eilif II inherited the Imperial crown and the Fylkirate, but apart from that only retained the core Jarldom of Holmgarðr as his personal demesne. The other titles his father had gained – the Jarldom of Yaroslavl and the counties of Sarpa and Kostroma – went to siblings. And the Kingdom of Sviþjod went to his brother Sigurðr.
Eilif himself knew his duties, even if his heart wasn’t necessarily in it and it ran against his personal romantic preferences. He knew – and his Council and senior magnates reminded him – that his as yet unfruitful marriage must produce an heir, for the stability of the realm. So he pledged to focus on family and grooming an heir. It would also help his mediocre diplomatic skills [raising the score to 8] while his already strong military ability would be aided by inheriting his great-grandfathers battle axe, the ‘Neckbiter’ [+2 to 17]. All this should raise his chances of siring children – though perhaps he might find time for other romantic outlets in due course.
The new Empress Björg Orming Bertilsdottir would complement her husband's lack of skills in stewardship and learning, at least. She was considered a clever and good woman with a kind heart - if rather suspicious of those around her. Though the relationship between the two was lukewarm – for understandable reasons.
Sigurðr, the Emperor’s younger brother, was now also his heir and had a strong relationship with his Emperor. At the age of 20, did not yet have a wife. He was amiable and fairly smart, but a reputation for cowardice detracted from his military potential. All the Swedish jarls would now report to him instead of the Emperor.
Ch118 Q1: Should Sigurðr be married off?Views on the pros and cons of getting the heir married soon, to ensure a back-up to the main dynastic line, or leaving him unmarried so if he dies the Swedish crown reverts to Eilif would be welcome. Either way, if one or the other dies early without children, it would re-unify the crowns.
Only one main Council position became vacant on succession, with Chancellor Refil resigning [for unknown reasons I didn’t bother chasing up]. A ready replacement was found in the very competent Arnbjörn of Connacht.
The good will of the powerful (and touchy) Jarl Bertil ‘the Devil’ of Brabant was bought off with a position as Advisor. This left the balance of the group split between three factions. It was too early yet for any to be considered loyalists, but that was something Eilif should be able to work on over time – if he was given that luxury.
Technological research in the Empire progressed well enough – and studies into cultural matters was now mature enough to allow the advancement of legalism.
Ch118 Q2: Legalism.I take it this is one I should adopt without hesitation, given it is on the previous wish list for inheritance change. Any contra-advice?
As young Fylkir Eilif II contemplated his unexpectedly sudden elevation, he took note of the family tree through which he could trace his lineage straight back to Rurik, the dynasty’s founder over 80 years before.
More widely, the succession also meant there were no foreign pacts in existence against the young Russian Emperor. More internal factions also faded away straight after Elif’s elevation, except for the fairly powerful Elective Succession in Garðariki faction, led by Bodil of Lithuania, and Sumarliði of Sarkel’s smaller independence faction.
The Wolgastian revolt still needed to be wound up, however, even if it was only the pursuit of a beaten force. This was completed on 24 September and had been a great victory – alas with the Emperor being one of only 91 men Russians lost.
The reviled peasant leader Havel, the ‘Fylkir-murderer of Wolgast’, was thrown in chains, thrashed to within an inch of his life and then left to the mercy of the young Emperor. The only decision was whether to execute him immediately – there were calls for the blood eagle to be inflicted, as the man was a Norseman – or keep him in the hope of sacrificing him at the next Great Blot?
As Eilif contemplated his next steps – most likely the continuation of the planned raid, but he could of course now reconsider – he received a report on the relative strengths (to him) of his vassals.
He was a little surprised not to see his brother King Sigurðr on the list, nor his uncle Jarl Tolir. He mused aloud about this and Chancellor Arnbjörn undertook to seek advice from the Þing.
“Perhaps it has something to do with his being a separate Kingdom, and that Tolir is now his vassal,” ventured Arnbjörn. “Or perhaps his own personal demesne is small and not large enough by itself to register in the ‘top 16’ the scribes have provided here.”
“They are still my vassals though, aren’t they?” asked a slightly worried young Fylkir. “I have received no messages to the contrary and the Imperial Realm has not had any chunks taken out of it – has it?”
“No, all is well in that regard, Fylkir Eilif, as you can see” said the Chancellor as he flourished a current map. “You still rule from Steppe to Shining Sea.”
“And here is the current list of those who owe direct fealty to you – including your brother, King Sigurðr – and the troops they would be obliged to provide if called to war.”
“I can confirm that your Uncle Tolir, as Jarl of Berglagen, is now King Sigurðr’s vassal, along four other jarls and sundry counts. Powerful among them of Jarl Oddr of Vestergautland and Totil of Sviþjod.”
“One final question, Arnbjörn. With the passing of my father, is there any diplomatic reasons preventing me from attacking either Satakunta or Karelia, if I so wished?”
“Ah, nothing, my Fylkir. You would just need a valid casus belli, of course. And a holy war on either is now no longer an option. Of course, High Chief Pentti still has many thousands of tribal and religious warriors under arms. But yes, these are possibilities.”
“Though our treasury may not be able to bear such a burden straight away, Fylkir Eilif,” volunterred a slightly worried-sounding Steward, Godi Åke of Toropets.
“Hmm, thank you everyone, that is all. I’ll await the wisdom of the Þing before deciding what to do next,” said Fylkir Eilif, Second of His Name, just a week into his reign as Emperor of Russia, King of Garðariki and Jarl of Holmgarðr.
ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ
Questions
Apart from the usual seeking of general comments and strategic advice, there are just the specific questions and curiosity about who appears on the ‘rogues list’ page and why Sigurðr might not have appeared on it.
Ch118 Q1: Should Sigurðr be married off? Views on the pros and cons of getting the heir married soon, to ensure a back-up to the main dynastic line, or leaving him unmarried so if he dies the Swedish crown reverts to Eilif would be welcome. Either way, if one or the other dies early without children, it would re-unify the crowns.
Ch118 Q2: Legalism.I take it this is one I should adopt without hesitation, given it is on the previous wish list for inheritance change. Any contra-advice?
Q1: Does not matter. King Sig can and probably will marry on his own. You can try to marry him to an older woman or homosexual to lessen baby chance. But he can add concubines.
Q2: Is King Sig your only heir? If so, WAIT! You are currently paying a 78 point ahead of time preminum. I do not know the rate of preminum decay but it will not get worse and tech points will not vanish (unless you purchase a different culture advance). Also there is a chance of an annual .1 passive gain to also reduce legalism cost. You may hover over the culture advance button on your capital's to learn the annual chance of the .1 gain. If Sig is only heir, then change can wait until YOU have a second son.
Q3: Resigning Councilor? Councilors resign for two reasons on ruler change: 1) Unlanded. 2) Someone else is his direct liege. If the old chancellor was no longer a choice then he is in someone else's court. A vassal of a vassal can not be on your council or in a faction against you (ending factions?).
Q4: King Sig not on realm tree? His force is less than 3% of yours thus not top 16. Give the game time to adjust and he will be climbing the charts faster than the Beatles in 1965.
Was this a battlefield duel or just "you are dead"? A great victory with the loss of Emperor and a general is more tarnished than uncleaned silver. Emperor S did not have the luckiest life. Did Empress Ulf die on the same day of month as her children were born and were all her children born on same day of month? (Amateur DNA swabs)
Welcome Eilif II (it must feel good to have an Eilif back in charge) and please be safe. Thank you for updating.
My answers are only best guesses and could be totally wrong!
Advice from the Þing and the tomes of Wiki the Red had made clear what would be needed to develop Sarpa further. And for reasons of both religion and lack of local expertise, this would be a good distance off.
Does the heir already hold any land? If not, giving this to the heir will keep the province inside the demesne after succession, and being the capital of a realm it has better chance to develop the required tech, and a better chance to turn Germanic (although it'll turn Germanic like this anyway). If the heir already has land elsewhere, it can be granted to an elder and female relative who'll not be able to give birth to a heir and will revert back to crown on her succession.
Half of the stats of the wife is added to the ruler, so if you want to avoid more children there're always women with great stats who are too old to bear children. So marry not for lust, but for wisdom.
This maps also shows that by taking the de jure kingdom of Poland from Poland, we can completely isolate the remaining unreformed pagans from the Christians.
In the long term, this can be arranged this way or the other, we already have a lot of provinces in the de jure kingdom of Finland and that title does not exist so with acquiring a few provinces it can be created, opening the way to peacefully vassalize realms like this. In fact if I'm counting correct you already have 8 out of 15 provinces, right?
Valteri would be joined by yet another religious army Pentti had raised, giving him a force of over 9,000 men. The only good thing to be taken from this was that he had now exerted almost all his prestige and piety and should not be able to summon any more of these hosts.
Pentti must have made a similar calculation, because the very next day he took a leaf out of the Karelian play-book and announced his immediate embrace of the Allfather and conversion to Germanicism!
When the warscore is below 50%, they never consider this. After 50%, there's a chance every week or every month that they decide to convert. Still good, if my calculation is right and we create the title of Kingdom of Finland, we can vassalize them peacefully.
A stray arrow through the eye ended the reign of Fylkir Styrbjörn Rurikid, Emperor of Russia, on 16 September 952 AD. He hadn’t even managed to earn a nickname yet. His reign would necessarily be thought of as a holding period within the Rurikid dynasty, where modest gains had been made and where feudalism had begun to slowly take hold in the Empire. But his grand plans for conquests had either taken inordinately long periods to consummate, or had been thwarted by wily Suomenusko lords acknowledging the Allfather in order to get off the hook when losing Holy Wars. Vale Styrbjörn, grandson of Rurik, now draining a horn with his illustrious ancestors in Valhalla.
Ch118 Q1: Should Sigurðr be married off?Views on the pros and cons of getting the heir married soon, to ensure a back-up to the main dynastic line, or leaving him unmarried so if he dies the Swedish crown reverts to Eilif would be welcome. Either way, if one or the other dies early without children, it would re-unify the crowns.
I think it's better to leave him unmarried, or better, married to an infertile person. If Eilif II dies before producing any heirs we'll go on as Sigurdhr and can create heirs via concubines. If not, there are less people with claims running around. But that's not a definitive strategy, just how I would do in this situation.
Ch118 Q2: Legalism.I take it this is one I should adopt without hesitation, given it is on the previous wish list for inheritance change. Any contra-advice?
“Ah, nothing, my Fylkir. You would just need a valid casus belli, of course. And a holy war on either is now no longer an option. Of course, High Chief Pentti still has many thousands of tribal and religious warriors under arms. But yes, these are possibilities.”
To repeat myself, I'd try to create the title of Kingdom of Finland and go for the peaceful route, and direct any major war efforts to the Kingdom of Poland (unless the claim to the endpoint of silk road is fabricated). Of course after filling the coffers first.
Great episode, but also tragic! I'm already restless for the next episode
Q1: Does not matter. King Sig can and probably will marry on his own. You can try to marry him to an older woman or homosexual to lessen baby chance. But he can add concubines.
Q2: Is King Sig your only heir? If so, WAIT! You are currently paying a 78 point ahead of time preminum. I do not know the rate of preminum decay but it will not get worse and tech points will not vanish (unless you purchase a different culture advance). Also there is a chance of an annual .1 passive gain to also reduce legalism cost. You may hover over the culture advance button on your capital's to learn the annual chance of the .1 gain. If Sig is only heir, then change can wait until YOU have a second son.
Q3: Resigning Councilor? Councilors resign for two reasons on ruler change: 1) Unlanded. 2) Someone else is his direct liege. If the old chancellor was no longer a choice then he is in someone else's court. A vassal of a vassal can not be on your council or in a faction against you (ending factions?).
Q4: King Sig not on realm tree? His force is less than 3% of yours thus not top 16. Give the game time to adjust and he will be climbing the charts faster than the Beatles in 1965.
Was this a battlefield duel or just "you are dead"? A great victory with the loss of Emperor and a general is more tarnished than uncleaned silver. Emperor S did not have the luckiest life. Did Empress Ulf die on the same day of month as her children were born and were all her children born on same day of month? (Amateur DNA swabs)
Welcome Eilif II (it must feel good to have an Eilif back in charge) and please be safe. Thank you for updating.
My answers are only best guesses and could be totally wrong!
For Styrbjorn, it was just 'you are dead' as a result of the battle, not a duel or event (I would have been sure to write it up). Just a bit of bad luck in the end.
Not sure re dates of births and deaths etc - not something I keep track of myself.
It is good to have another Eilif indeed, though I would have liked a few more years from his father. That's life and death in CK2 for you!
Does the heir already hold any land? If not, giving this to the heir will keep the province inside the demesne after succession, and being the capital of a realm it has better chance to develop the required tech, and a better chance to turn Germanic (although it'll turn Germanic like this anyway). If the heir already has land elsewhere, it can be granted to an elder and female relative who'll not be able to give birth to a heir and will revert back to crown on her succession.
Half of the stats of the wife is added to the ruler, so if you want to avoid more children there're always women with great stats who are too old to bear children. So marry not for lust, but for wisdom.
This maps also shows that by taking the de jure kingdom of Poland from Poland, we can completely isolate the remaining unreformed pagans from the Christians.
In the long term, this can be arranged this way or the other, we already have a lot of provinces in the de jure kingdom of Finland and that title does not exist so with acquiring a few provinces it can be created, opening the way to peacefully vassalize realms like this. In fact if I'm counting correct you already have 8 out of 15 provinces, right?
Yes, I'd been thinking along those lines and it was behind the two frustrated plans to grab more Finnish territory in large clumps from the Holy Wars for Karelia and then Satakunta. Alas, those slippery Suomis escape my clutches!
When the warscore is below 50%, they never consider this. After 50%, there's a chance every week or every month that they decide to convert. Still good, if my calculation is right and we create the title of Kingdom of Finland, we can vassalize them peacefully.
I think it's better to leave him unmarried, or better, married to an infertile person. If Eilif II dies before producing any heirs we'll go on as Sigurdhr and can create heirs via concubines. If not, there are less people with claims running around. But that's not a definitive strategy, just how I would do in this situation.
To repeat myself, I'd try to create the title of Kingdom of Finland and go for the peaceful route, and direct any major war efforts to the Kingdom of Poland (unless the claim to the endpoint of silk road is fabricated). Of course after filling the coffers first.
Great episode, but also tragic! I'm already restless for the next episode
To all: about to play the next session, so the chapter will emerge in due course. I hope we are coming out of the 'slow period' of the forum now, which tends to be a thing in January. But it could be the audience is shrinking for CK2 in general (with CK3 out) and the original intent of the AAR as a learning vehicle for a now superseded game (I never thought the game/AAR would last this long when I started it in 2017).
I will finish it off, fear not, but may do more to change the pace and nature of the updates if the above is the case, given how many other projects I have going right now. Please let me know with either a short comment or even just a 'like' for this post if you're still reading and interested, or have any comments or suggestions re the above. It can be very hard to tell how many people are still reading sometimes.
If you write, I will read! For a ruler, Styrbjörn's battlefield death was weak! No epic dual death duel! No "I will give my life for my country"! Just the emperor is missing, let us search the battlefield, I told him not to collect used spears and arrows until they stopped moving. Fylkir Eilif II, Have Fun!
If you write, I will read! For a ruler, Styrbjörn's battlefield death was weak! No epic dual death duel! No "I will give my life for my country"! Just the emperor is missing, let us search the battlefield, I told him not to collect used spears and arrows until they stopped moving. Fylkir Eilif II, Have Fun!
Might have somewhat forgotten to reply to the last chapter, but I'm still here and very much interested in reading how the Rurikids' adventure continues .
Styrbjörn's death is pretty much the reason why I never send non-warrior-lodge-members to battle against peasants. The number of rulers who found their deaths in the pursuit phase of battles against peasants must be high - it is at least in my experience.
But at least he found his way to Valhalla.
Don't think you can do much about Sigurðr anyway, as he's very much master of his own destiny. And yeah, legalism is the way to go for late medieval administration.
Might have somewhat forgotten to reply to the last chapter, but I'm still here and very much interested in reading how the Rurikids' adventure continues .
Styrbjörn's death is pretty much the reason why I never send non-warrior-lodge-members to battle against peasants. The number of rulers who found their deaths in the pursuit phase of battles against peasants must be high - it is at least in my experience.
But at least he found his way to Valhalla.
Don't think you can do much about Sigurðr anyway, as he's very much master of his own destiny. And yeah, legalism is the way to go for late medieval administration.
Thank you - and I do appreciate your regular commenting, especially in recent times.
In a way, Styrbjorn was being played as being a bit fatalistic after recent events, going against my ‘tradition’ of rulers generally not fighting personally after Rurik’s early misadventure in Italy. Interesting observation about peasant revolts and pursuits. Would him being of low martial skill have contributed? Noting I don’t have the last few DLCs that I understand expanded the personal combat aspects.
Thank you, my friend. Oh, I will indeed keep going and just hope a few of the earlier commentAARs come back, or at least click the like' button to let me know they're still lurking around.
To All: The next exciting chapter is finished and will be published soon. You should get something a little different this time as we delve deeper into the 'learning experience'.
