A long reign, too long perhaps, seeing how the tsaritsa fell into what must have been dementia at the end.
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She repealed the Increased Levies privilege from the Nobility in order to grow her crownlands from them. Unfortunately we're out of manpower so we might need to add it back in. The situation right now is pretty dreary and I'm afraid the Ottomans might attack seeing as both empires have roughly similar military sizes but they have reserves that the Achaemenids don't. Combined with a weak leader, they might outscale and outtech the Empire. Let's see how that goes under Kyriake's rule.
That old Batman line, "Die a hero or live long enough to become the villain"? Unfortunately, the forces controlling the Empire grew too overconfident and dragged it into a hell war. (If that wasn't clear, it was the player).
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Interlude - The World in 1501 AD
The World in 1501 AD
Map of Europe, North Africa and the Near East in 1501 AD
A New World to Discover
As the 16th century dawned, the world began to turn its head West. A new world had been discovered by Iberian Christians looking for new routes around the Muslim and Orthodox forces in the Mediterranean. Captain Martinus Haemarus of Baetica was the first European to step ashore on an undiscovered continent and soon discovered opportunities for conquest and treasure from the natives, undreamt of by the rest of Europe. Many more Baetican men and ships would sail from Baetica to validate and enlarge the Christian presence. Portugal would soon join Baetica in capitalising on the opportunities there, allowing these two kingdoms to elevate themselves to a new level of prominence. The Romans had found their salvation against the Islamic threat. The treasure fleets of Baetica would sail back laden with gold to enrich the state coffers and allow them to hold down the Andalusian threat of Cordoba.
The Triangle Trade Easing the Bullion Shortage
The bullion shortage of the 15th century affecting Europe was due to the silver mines in Central Europe (such as those in Bohemia and Saxony) depleting or producing less metal than before. Combined by the fact that the European economy was highly dependent on luxury goods from the Middle East, India, and China (such as spices, silks, and porcelain), vast amounts of silver and gold were sent eastward via the Silk Road and Indian Ocean trade routes.
With Iberian states now bringing significant shipments of gold and silver, injecting it into the European economy. The influx of silver into Europe stimulated trade, expanded markets, and helped finance the rise of early capitalism. However, it also had major consequences, including inflation that would impact the Achaemenid economy. The rumoured riches would also trigger a gold rush from other states such as England and Axuchos to nail their own stake and claims to the new world.
A Snapshot of Western Europe
Iberia and Francia in 1501
Baetica
Baetica is ruled by Rex Marcellus II Deusdedit, a young yet ambitious monarch who ascended to the throne just five years ago following the death of his father. At only twenty-five years old, he stands at a critical juncture in history, poised to shape the destiny of Iberia and beyond. With the riches of the New World flowing into his kingdom, he seeks to expand his influence, not just in the western Mediterranean but across the shifting political landscape of Europe.
Despite the challenges of the past, Baetica has stemmed the tide of territorial losses against Andalusia, consolidating its defenses and reclaiming strategic positions along the frontier. His father’s last triumph - the capture of Gaelicia in the Iberian Northwest – has bolstered the reputation of the Deusdedits as true Roman warrior-kings. However, Marcellus' ambitions extend far beyond mere defense; he envisions himself as the leader of a renewed Christian Reconquisita, determined to expel Muslim rule from the peninsula once and for all.
In this endeavor, he is not alone. The Francien state of Axuchos wages its own war against the Muslim-controlled lands of Aquitaine, a struggle that Marcellus sees as parallel to his own. A grand alliance of Christian powers—rooted in faith, history, and shared ambition—is forming. In Portugal, he finds a natural ally, one that shares his vision of a resurgent Latin Christendom. Together, they seek to reclaim the legacy of Rome and restore the rightful dominion of the Roman people over Iberia.
Baetica’s ambitions are fueled by the immense wealth of the New World. As gold and silver flood into Seville from across the Atlantic, Marcellus sees an opportunity not just to finance his campaigns but to secure his standing in the greater European order. His kingdom’s ports are bustling with merchants, explorers, and privateers, eager to carve their fortunes from the distant lands of the west.
Cordoba
The once-mighty Flavius-Melchos dynasty lies in ruin, cast down in the wake of a disastrous war against Baetica. In their place now rules Sultan Aderinola Umayyad, a man of ambition, cunning, and an unshakable belief in Cordoba’s destiny. Rising to power through a military coup, he has seized the reins of the Muslim Roman state with a singular purpose: to restore Cordoba’s supremacy in Iberia and to punish the Christian kingdoms that seek to undermine its rule.
With Andalusia renamed Cordoba – a symbolic use of that great city’s status – the new regime has embraced a policy of revanchism, stoking the fires of war against the Christian powers that press against its borders. While Baetica may have reversed some of Cordoba’s past conquests, Aderinola is determined to reclaim lost lands and reaffirm Cordoban dominance over Western Europe.
Despite its recent setbacks, Cordoba remains the most formidable power in Western Europe, boasting a military and economy that far surpasses its rivals. Its standing army, hardened from decades of border conflicts, remains one of the most experienced and disciplined forces in the region. Unlike its Christian adversaries, Cordoba enjoys deep ties to the Islamic world, drawing military and financial support from the rich states of North Africa and the Levant.
While the Sultanate has not yet turned to colonial expansion, it has nonetheless found a way to benefit from the New World’s riches. Cordoba’s strategic control over key trading ports along Iberia’s east coast allows it to tax, intercept, and profit from the massive silver flows coming from Baetica and Portugal. While it does not yet send its own ships across the Atlantic, Cordoba’s merchants and financiers have established a powerful trade empire, acting as intermediaries between Europe and the wealth of the Americas.
Axuchos
The House of Axuchos, once a family of Achaemenid conquerors, now reigns over the vast and unified Francian state. Though their name speaks of Byzantine origins, their hearts beat with the spirit of Francia—fierce, unyielding, and devoted to the cause of Orthodoxy. Under the leadership of Queen Ermensendis Axuchos, this once-fractured land has been reforged into a powerful kingdom, its people united under the banner of faith and the drive to expel the last remnants of Muslim rule from France.
Ermensendis, now in her fifties, stands at the pinnacle of her reign. For decades, she has waged war, brokered alliances, and steered Axuchos toward dominance. Yet with victory near, new dilemmas arise: when the Muslim threat fades, what will define the kingdom’s place in Europe?
Over the past century, the Axuchos have driven the Muslims of Aquitaine to the brink of collapse. Once, the south of France stood as a stronghold of Islamic power, a challenge to Christian rule in the region. Now, after decades of hard-fought battles, sieges, and strategic campaigns, the Muslim presence in France is reduced to a handful of isolated territories clinging to the edge of survival.
Through sheer force of arms and unwavering Orthodox faith, Queen Ermensendis has not only solidified Axuchos' rule over the north but also pushed deep into the south. Unlike the Achaemenid Empire, which rules through dominance and cultural supremacy, Axuchos has pursued a policy of careful integration and diplomacy. Coexistence has been a hallmark of their rule – at least with fellow Christians. Ermensendis understands that Francia's strength lies not just in its armies but in its ability to hold together diverse Christian peoples under a single faith and banner.
Despite Axuchos' military might, the kingdom has not sought open confrontation with its Christian neighbors. With the Muslim hold on France near its end, Ermensendis now faces a dilemma. What will unite the Francians once their great enemy is gone? Will they continue their policy of coexistence, or will they seek greater ambitions – perhaps challenging the rising Latin powers like Baetica and the Holy Roman Empire?
The Holy Roman Empire, Electors and Emperor in Brabant
The Holy Roman Empire
Once a symbol of unity and imperial grandeur, the Holy Roman Empire now stands as a fractured and fragile remnant of its past. What was once a realm that sought to recapture the glory of ancient Rome is now a loose confederation of squabbling princes, divided by ambition, faith, and regional interests.
The empire’s decline became inevitable after Italy broke away, unwilling to remain under the thumb of German overlords. Only a few Italian princedoms – Genoa, the Papacy, and Campania – still cling to the imperial system. Genoa and the Papacy remain electors, wielding influence disproportionate to their size, while Campania stubbornly holds onto its role as the seat of Empire, even as true imperial power drifts ever northward. The last Campanian Emperor, Gerolt II, was the final ruler of the old southern dynasty before the imperial crown began rotating among the German lords—first Utrecht, then Alemannia, and now Brabant.
If anyone can halt the empire’s decline, it is Kaiser Ariald II Feuchtwangen-Kassel of Brabant. Known as a fierce warrior and charismatic leader, Ariald recalls the legends of Gerolt I and II, whose iron rule once commanded all of Germany and Italy. He has the vision and strength to restore imperial authority, but his every move is blocked by the entrenched power of the German princes.
Ariald’s greatest challenge, however, comes not from foreign enemies but from within the Empire itself. A growing theological revolt is taking root – princes and clerics alike are questioning the primacy of the Catholic Church, emboldened by murmurs of reform and schism. Some have even begun forming their own religious communions, threatening to rupture the unity of the Catholic world just as a new age dawns.
The Alemannian Crisis
But perhaps the most immediate problem is the deepening divide between Brabant and Alemannia. The most powerful of the German kingdoms, Alemannia, should be the backbone of the Empire. For years, it stood as the Defender of the Catholic Faith, a bulwark against heretics and foreign invaders. It was Alemannian knights who bled in the Achaemenid War for Venice, and it was King Guntimer who oversaw that bloody conflict with the Eastern juggernaut until his death three years ago.
Yet, instead of being rewarded, Alemannia was denied the imperial crown. The reason? The sex of its ruler.
Queen-Elector Filomena van Brederode, Guntimer’s daughter, commands the respect of her people and the loyalty of her vassals, but the imperial electors have dismissed her right to rule. The Empire has never had a female Kaiser, and the traditionalists of Utrecht and Ostfalen refused to even consider her candidacy. To Alemannia, this was not just an insult - it was a betrayal.
Now, Alemannia stands aloof and defiant, refusing to cooperate with Kaiser Ariald II. Filomena still claims that Alemannia is the preeminent German nation, and some whisper that she may sever ties with the Empire altogether. The Holy Roman Empire’s fate rests in the hands of its electors, but divisions among them make unity impossible. The other Electors are the Prince of Utrecht, Duke of Ostfalen and the Duke of West Franconia.
Scandinavia
The Scandinavian Empire dominates the lands north of the Baltic Sea, stretching across Norway and Sweden with influence reaching into the icy waters of the North Atlantic. Though sparsely populated compared to the southern kingdoms of Europe, Scandinavia wields power through its formidable naval strength, trade networks, and warrior traditions.
At its helm is Emperor Eirikr II Irtegid, a ruler of Sámi descent, whose ancestors led the once-nomadic Northern Scandinavian tribes to conquer and unite the lands to the south. The Irtegid dynasty, tracing its lineage through both Norse and Sámi bloodlines, has ruled for centuries, blending indigenous traditions with Catholic governance. While the Achaemenid priestly delegation of diplomats sees little reason to engage with Scandinavia, they recognize it as a rising Catholic power eager for expansion and a key player in European affairs. The Catholic Church has a strong presence in the Empire, but pagan traditions remain, especially in the remote northern regions.
With its cold, rugged terrain yielding few natural riches, Scandinavia has turned outward, seeking new wealth through trade, conquest, and colonization. The Empire’s great merchant houses – many of which are run by Sámi, Norse, and Baltic families – control vital trade routes, ferrying furs, timber, iron, and amber from the Rus, Baltic states, and Arctic regions into Western Europe.
With the lure of silver and gold pouring in from the New World into Baetica and Portugal, Eirikr II sees an opportunity for his empire to claim its own share of the riches of the West. Scandinavian explorers and raiders, much like their Viking forebears, have begun to probe the edges of the Atlantic, setting up outposts in Greenland and Iceland, and even launching expeditions to the frigid shores of Vinland – long abandoned by their ancestors.
Major faiths in 1501 AD
The Eastern Powers
Now we come proper to the lands the Achaemenids know well. Across the Bosphorus, the Ottomans grow from strength to strength as their hold on Anatolia solidifies and they expand outwards, and other Islamic powers threaten the hegemony of Orthodoxy.
The Ottoman Empire
The Ottoman Empire stands stronger than ever, having crushed all rivals in Anatolia and now casting its eyes toward greater conquests. The Turks, under a lineage of capable and ruthless rulers, have eliminated or subjugated all competing Anatolian states, including the once-proud Crusader states of Galicia and Laconia.
Now, under Padishah Iollas II Osmanoğlu, a warrior-king of both cruelty and genius, the empire is at its peak. Just 28 years old, Iollas II has already proven himself on the battlefield, leading brutal campaigns against the Eranian Empire and securing his rule over the Persian vassal state centred around Adana.
With his eastern borders pacified and his authority undisputed, all eyes turn to the west, where the Byzantine Empress Kyriake II still holds the ancient capital of Achaemedia, separated only by the narrow waters of the Bosphorus. The Ottomans have built one of the most disciplined and deadly armies in the world, a force that has shattered crusaders and humbled Persian lords alike. The Janissaries, a force composed of Christian slaves, now serve as the backbone of Ottoman military power, wielding firearms with terrifying efficiency.
For centuries, the Turks have dreamed of taking the ancient capital of the Achaemenids. The Byzantines under Empress Kyriake II still hold the western shores of the Bosphorus, a glimmer of the old empire standing defiantly against the rising Ottoman power. Iollas II resents the Achaemenids’ defiance. Their survival is an insult to his dynasty, a lingering scar of past Turkish failures. Though Achaemedia is heavily fortified, and its navy still strong, the Ottoman war machine has grown mightier than ever before.
Should Iollas II wish it, he could strike across the Bosphorus, leading his armies into Europe, and bring the City to its knees. The only question is when. For now, Iollas II Osmanoglu sharpens his sword and waits. His Janissaries train, his Spahis ride, his cannons rest in their forges. The Ottomans are ready.
The Eranian Empire
The Eranian Empire, a Sunni-ruled titan with a legacy stretching back centuries, should have been a powerful counterweight to Ottoman aggression. Once the dominant force in northern Mesopotamia and the Caucasus, the Eranians had built a vast and diverse empire, ruling over a mosaic of Armenians, Georgians, Alans, Assyrians, Persians, and Turkic clans. But when the Ottoman Padishah Iollas II Osmanoğlu launched his war machine, the Eranians were in no position to resist.
The timing could not have been worse. The sudden death of the previous Padishah threw the empire into a regency, leaving a government of squabbling nobles and ineffective ministers to face one of the greatest military threats in their history. The boy emperor, Kamran Ediguid, only three years old, sat on the throne, but real power lay in the hands of feuding nobles and ambitious governors.
For decades, the Eranian Empire had ruled through compromise. The ruling Ediguid dynasty, of Turkic origin, had maintained control over a vast realm by allowing local elites to rule in their own lands. The Armenians, Georgians, Alans, and Assyrians had long been granted broad autonomy, their loyalty bought with privileges rather than force.
But when the Ottomans came, these peoples saw no reason to fight for a distant imperial court in Kamrasir. Many saw the war as a Turkic struggle, one that had little to do with them. The Christian Armenians and Georgians, long wary of their Sunni rulers, hesitated to send their best warriors to die for the Ediguids. The Alans, always fiercely independent, abandoned their posts and returned to their mountain strongholds. Even within the empire’s core Turkic and Persian populations, factionalism reigned.
When the Ottomans stormed into Armenia, Eranian armies collapsed before they could even mount a proper defence. The mighty fortress lines along the border were left undermanned, their garrisons either retreating or defecting outright. Kamrasir, the empire’s capital just beyond the border, was left undefended, its great walls holding only the ghosts of warriors who should have been there to defend it.
The Padishah Kamran Ediguid is still only 9 years old, and it seems the Empire will be trapped in a moribund state for the foreseeable future, much to the unhappiness of the Achaemenids who hoped for the Eranians to fight in a two-front war against the Ottomans.
Jerusalem
At the heart of the Holy Kingdom of Jerusalem stands Ayatollah Rostam II, both Imam and absolute ruler, a man who claims direct descent from the Prophet Muhammad himself. This lineage grants him an undisputed religious and political authority, making him not only a king but a spiritual guide to the millions who follow his rule.
The Shia Kingdom of Jerusalem, unlike its Sunni neighbors, has become the great Shi’a stronghold of the Western world, controlling the sacred city of Jerusalem, the powerhouses of Cairo and Alexandria, and the fertile floodplains of the Nile. With Egypt under its rule, the kingdom enjoys access to immense agricultural wealth and commands the key trade routes of the Indian Ocean, ensuring its importance in global commerce.
The Holy Kingdom of Jerusalem is not an ancient entity, but rather the product of a dramatic revolution and war of faith. Two centuries ago, the region was ruled by the House of Mihran, a dynasty that traced its bloodline both to the Prophet Muhammad and Cyrus the Great, blending Persian and Islamic legitimacy. However, their rule came to an abrupt and bloody end when the Nizari Jihad swept through the region, toppling the Mihranid rulers and replacing them with a new Shi’a order led by the Ayatollahs.
Since then, Jerusalem has become the spiritual heartland of Shi’ism outside of Persia, a beacon of faith in a world largely dominated by Sunni rulers. Under Ayatollah Rostam II, the dream of a united and pious Shi’a realm has been fully realized. The once-divided populace of Egypt and the Levant has been brought into the fold, and what was once a chaotic, multi-sectarian region has become an ideological stronghold of the faith.
The other major ally of the Achaemenids, Jerusalem has aided them previously in the wars against Morocco but this alliance holds only as long as the threat of the Ottomans’ existence.
Great Powers of the World in 1501 AD
This is the world Kyriake II finds herself in. The Catholics have arranged themselves into a coalition to defend themselves against the Achaemenids.
Combined with the unreliable nature of their allies, the 16th century looks to be one of danger and turbulence.
The Achaemenid Empire and its vassals and allies in 1501 AD
Map of Europe, North Africa and the Near East in 1501 AD
A New World to Discover
As the 16th century dawned, the world began to turn its head West. A new world had been discovered by Iberian Christians looking for new routes around the Muslim and Orthodox forces in the Mediterranean. Captain Martinus Haemarus of Baetica was the first European to step ashore on an undiscovered continent and soon discovered opportunities for conquest and treasure from the natives, undreamt of by the rest of Europe. Many more Baetican men and ships would sail from Baetica to validate and enlarge the Christian presence. Portugal would soon join Baetica in capitalising on the opportunities there, allowing these two kingdoms to elevate themselves to a new level of prominence. The Romans had found their salvation against the Islamic threat. The treasure fleets of Baetica would sail back laden with gold to enrich the state coffers and allow them to hold down the Andalusian threat of Cordoba.
The bullion shortage of the 15th century affecting Europe was due to the silver mines in Central Europe (such as those in Bohemia and Saxony) depleting or producing less metal than before. Combined by the fact that the European economy was highly dependent on luxury goods from the Middle East, India, and China (such as spices, silks, and porcelain), vast amounts of silver and gold were sent eastward via the Silk Road and Indian Ocean trade routes.
With Iberian states now bringing significant shipments of gold and silver, injecting it into the European economy. The influx of silver into Europe stimulated trade, expanded markets, and helped finance the rise of early capitalism. However, it also had major consequences, including inflation that would impact the Achaemenid economy. The rumoured riches would also trigger a gold rush from other states such as England and Axuchos to nail their own stake and claims to the new world.
A Snapshot of Western Europe
Iberia and Francia in 1501
Baetica
Baetica is ruled by Rex Marcellus II Deusdedit, a young yet ambitious monarch who ascended to the throne just five years ago following the death of his father. At only twenty-five years old, he stands at a critical juncture in history, poised to shape the destiny of Iberia and beyond. With the riches of the New World flowing into his kingdom, he seeks to expand his influence, not just in the western Mediterranean but across the shifting political landscape of Europe.
Despite the challenges of the past, Baetica has stemmed the tide of territorial losses against Andalusia, consolidating its defenses and reclaiming strategic positions along the frontier. His father’s last triumph - the capture of Gaelicia in the Iberian Northwest – has bolstered the reputation of the Deusdedits as true Roman warrior-kings. However, Marcellus' ambitions extend far beyond mere defense; he envisions himself as the leader of a renewed Christian Reconquisita, determined to expel Muslim rule from the peninsula once and for all.
In this endeavor, he is not alone. The Francien state of Axuchos wages its own war against the Muslim-controlled lands of Aquitaine, a struggle that Marcellus sees as parallel to his own. A grand alliance of Christian powers—rooted in faith, history, and shared ambition—is forming. In Portugal, he finds a natural ally, one that shares his vision of a resurgent Latin Christendom. Together, they seek to reclaim the legacy of Rome and restore the rightful dominion of the Roman people over Iberia.
Baetica’s ambitions are fueled by the immense wealth of the New World. As gold and silver flood into Seville from across the Atlantic, Marcellus sees an opportunity not just to finance his campaigns but to secure his standing in the greater European order. His kingdom’s ports are bustling with merchants, explorers, and privateers, eager to carve their fortunes from the distant lands of the west.
Cordoba
The once-mighty Flavius-Melchos dynasty lies in ruin, cast down in the wake of a disastrous war against Baetica. In their place now rules Sultan Aderinola Umayyad, a man of ambition, cunning, and an unshakable belief in Cordoba’s destiny. Rising to power through a military coup, he has seized the reins of the Muslim Roman state with a singular purpose: to restore Cordoba’s supremacy in Iberia and to punish the Christian kingdoms that seek to undermine its rule.
With Andalusia renamed Cordoba – a symbolic use of that great city’s status – the new regime has embraced a policy of revanchism, stoking the fires of war against the Christian powers that press against its borders. While Baetica may have reversed some of Cordoba’s past conquests, Aderinola is determined to reclaim lost lands and reaffirm Cordoban dominance over Western Europe.
Despite its recent setbacks, Cordoba remains the most formidable power in Western Europe, boasting a military and economy that far surpasses its rivals. Its standing army, hardened from decades of border conflicts, remains one of the most experienced and disciplined forces in the region. Unlike its Christian adversaries, Cordoba enjoys deep ties to the Islamic world, drawing military and financial support from the rich states of North Africa and the Levant.
While the Sultanate has not yet turned to colonial expansion, it has nonetheless found a way to benefit from the New World’s riches. Cordoba’s strategic control over key trading ports along Iberia’s east coast allows it to tax, intercept, and profit from the massive silver flows coming from Baetica and Portugal. While it does not yet send its own ships across the Atlantic, Cordoba’s merchants and financiers have established a powerful trade empire, acting as intermediaries between Europe and the wealth of the Americas.
Axuchos
The House of Axuchos, once a family of Achaemenid conquerors, now reigns over the vast and unified Francian state. Though their name speaks of Byzantine origins, their hearts beat with the spirit of Francia—fierce, unyielding, and devoted to the cause of Orthodoxy. Under the leadership of Queen Ermensendis Axuchos, this once-fractured land has been reforged into a powerful kingdom, its people united under the banner of faith and the drive to expel the last remnants of Muslim rule from France.
Ermensendis, now in her fifties, stands at the pinnacle of her reign. For decades, she has waged war, brokered alliances, and steered Axuchos toward dominance. Yet with victory near, new dilemmas arise: when the Muslim threat fades, what will define the kingdom’s place in Europe?
Over the past century, the Axuchos have driven the Muslims of Aquitaine to the brink of collapse. Once, the south of France stood as a stronghold of Islamic power, a challenge to Christian rule in the region. Now, after decades of hard-fought battles, sieges, and strategic campaigns, the Muslim presence in France is reduced to a handful of isolated territories clinging to the edge of survival.
Through sheer force of arms and unwavering Orthodox faith, Queen Ermensendis has not only solidified Axuchos' rule over the north but also pushed deep into the south. Unlike the Achaemenid Empire, which rules through dominance and cultural supremacy, Axuchos has pursued a policy of careful integration and diplomacy. Coexistence has been a hallmark of their rule – at least with fellow Christians. Ermensendis understands that Francia's strength lies not just in its armies but in its ability to hold together diverse Christian peoples under a single faith and banner.
Despite Axuchos' military might, the kingdom has not sought open confrontation with its Christian neighbors. With the Muslim hold on France near its end, Ermensendis now faces a dilemma. What will unite the Francians once their great enemy is gone? Will they continue their policy of coexistence, or will they seek greater ambitions – perhaps challenging the rising Latin powers like Baetica and the Holy Roman Empire?
The Holy Roman Empire, Electors and Emperor in Brabant
The Holy Roman Empire
Once a symbol of unity and imperial grandeur, the Holy Roman Empire now stands as a fractured and fragile remnant of its past. What was once a realm that sought to recapture the glory of ancient Rome is now a loose confederation of squabbling princes, divided by ambition, faith, and regional interests.
The empire’s decline became inevitable after Italy broke away, unwilling to remain under the thumb of German overlords. Only a few Italian princedoms – Genoa, the Papacy, and Campania – still cling to the imperial system. Genoa and the Papacy remain electors, wielding influence disproportionate to their size, while Campania stubbornly holds onto its role as the seat of Empire, even as true imperial power drifts ever northward. The last Campanian Emperor, Gerolt II, was the final ruler of the old southern dynasty before the imperial crown began rotating among the German lords—first Utrecht, then Alemannia, and now Brabant.
If anyone can halt the empire’s decline, it is Kaiser Ariald II Feuchtwangen-Kassel of Brabant. Known as a fierce warrior and charismatic leader, Ariald recalls the legends of Gerolt I and II, whose iron rule once commanded all of Germany and Italy. He has the vision and strength to restore imperial authority, but his every move is blocked by the entrenched power of the German princes.
Ariald’s greatest challenge, however, comes not from foreign enemies but from within the Empire itself. A growing theological revolt is taking root – princes and clerics alike are questioning the primacy of the Catholic Church, emboldened by murmurs of reform and schism. Some have even begun forming their own religious communions, threatening to rupture the unity of the Catholic world just as a new age dawns.
The Alemannian Crisis
But perhaps the most immediate problem is the deepening divide between Brabant and Alemannia. The most powerful of the German kingdoms, Alemannia, should be the backbone of the Empire. For years, it stood as the Defender of the Catholic Faith, a bulwark against heretics and foreign invaders. It was Alemannian knights who bled in the Achaemenid War for Venice, and it was King Guntimer who oversaw that bloody conflict with the Eastern juggernaut until his death three years ago.
Yet, instead of being rewarded, Alemannia was denied the imperial crown. The reason? The sex of its ruler.
Queen-Elector Filomena van Brederode, Guntimer’s daughter, commands the respect of her people and the loyalty of her vassals, but the imperial electors have dismissed her right to rule. The Empire has never had a female Kaiser, and the traditionalists of Utrecht and Ostfalen refused to even consider her candidacy. To Alemannia, this was not just an insult - it was a betrayal.
Now, Alemannia stands aloof and defiant, refusing to cooperate with Kaiser Ariald II. Filomena still claims that Alemannia is the preeminent German nation, and some whisper that she may sever ties with the Empire altogether. The Holy Roman Empire’s fate rests in the hands of its electors, but divisions among them make unity impossible. The other Electors are the Prince of Utrecht, Duke of Ostfalen and the Duke of West Franconia.
Scandinavia
The Scandinavian Empire dominates the lands north of the Baltic Sea, stretching across Norway and Sweden with influence reaching into the icy waters of the North Atlantic. Though sparsely populated compared to the southern kingdoms of Europe, Scandinavia wields power through its formidable naval strength, trade networks, and warrior traditions.
At its helm is Emperor Eirikr II Irtegid, a ruler of Sámi descent, whose ancestors led the once-nomadic Northern Scandinavian tribes to conquer and unite the lands to the south. The Irtegid dynasty, tracing its lineage through both Norse and Sámi bloodlines, has ruled for centuries, blending indigenous traditions with Catholic governance. While the Achaemenid priestly delegation of diplomats sees little reason to engage with Scandinavia, they recognize it as a rising Catholic power eager for expansion and a key player in European affairs. The Catholic Church has a strong presence in the Empire, but pagan traditions remain, especially in the remote northern regions.
With its cold, rugged terrain yielding few natural riches, Scandinavia has turned outward, seeking new wealth through trade, conquest, and colonization. The Empire’s great merchant houses – many of which are run by Sámi, Norse, and Baltic families – control vital trade routes, ferrying furs, timber, iron, and amber from the Rus, Baltic states, and Arctic regions into Western Europe.
With the lure of silver and gold pouring in from the New World into Baetica and Portugal, Eirikr II sees an opportunity for his empire to claim its own share of the riches of the West. Scandinavian explorers and raiders, much like their Viking forebears, have begun to probe the edges of the Atlantic, setting up outposts in Greenland and Iceland, and even launching expeditions to the frigid shores of Vinland – long abandoned by their ancestors.
Major faiths in 1501 AD
The Eastern Powers
Now we come proper to the lands the Achaemenids know well. Across the Bosphorus, the Ottomans grow from strength to strength as their hold on Anatolia solidifies and they expand outwards, and other Islamic powers threaten the hegemony of Orthodoxy.
The Ottoman Empire
The Ottoman Empire stands stronger than ever, having crushed all rivals in Anatolia and now casting its eyes toward greater conquests. The Turks, under a lineage of capable and ruthless rulers, have eliminated or subjugated all competing Anatolian states, including the once-proud Crusader states of Galicia and Laconia.
Now, under Padishah Iollas II Osmanoğlu, a warrior-king of both cruelty and genius, the empire is at its peak. Just 28 years old, Iollas II has already proven himself on the battlefield, leading brutal campaigns against the Eranian Empire and securing his rule over the Persian vassal state centred around Adana.
With his eastern borders pacified and his authority undisputed, all eyes turn to the west, where the Byzantine Empress Kyriake II still holds the ancient capital of Achaemedia, separated only by the narrow waters of the Bosphorus. The Ottomans have built one of the most disciplined and deadly armies in the world, a force that has shattered crusaders and humbled Persian lords alike. The Janissaries, a force composed of Christian slaves, now serve as the backbone of Ottoman military power, wielding firearms with terrifying efficiency.
For centuries, the Turks have dreamed of taking the ancient capital of the Achaemenids. The Byzantines under Empress Kyriake II still hold the western shores of the Bosphorus, a glimmer of the old empire standing defiantly against the rising Ottoman power. Iollas II resents the Achaemenids’ defiance. Their survival is an insult to his dynasty, a lingering scar of past Turkish failures. Though Achaemedia is heavily fortified, and its navy still strong, the Ottoman war machine has grown mightier than ever before.
Should Iollas II wish it, he could strike across the Bosphorus, leading his armies into Europe, and bring the City to its knees. The only question is when. For now, Iollas II Osmanoglu sharpens his sword and waits. His Janissaries train, his Spahis ride, his cannons rest in their forges. The Ottomans are ready.
The Eranian Empire
The Eranian Empire, a Sunni-ruled titan with a legacy stretching back centuries, should have been a powerful counterweight to Ottoman aggression. Once the dominant force in northern Mesopotamia and the Caucasus, the Eranians had built a vast and diverse empire, ruling over a mosaic of Armenians, Georgians, Alans, Assyrians, Persians, and Turkic clans. But when the Ottoman Padishah Iollas II Osmanoğlu launched his war machine, the Eranians were in no position to resist.
The timing could not have been worse. The sudden death of the previous Padishah threw the empire into a regency, leaving a government of squabbling nobles and ineffective ministers to face one of the greatest military threats in their history. The boy emperor, Kamran Ediguid, only three years old, sat on the throne, but real power lay in the hands of feuding nobles and ambitious governors.
For decades, the Eranian Empire had ruled through compromise. The ruling Ediguid dynasty, of Turkic origin, had maintained control over a vast realm by allowing local elites to rule in their own lands. The Armenians, Georgians, Alans, and Assyrians had long been granted broad autonomy, their loyalty bought with privileges rather than force.
But when the Ottomans came, these peoples saw no reason to fight for a distant imperial court in Kamrasir. Many saw the war as a Turkic struggle, one that had little to do with them. The Christian Armenians and Georgians, long wary of their Sunni rulers, hesitated to send their best warriors to die for the Ediguids. The Alans, always fiercely independent, abandoned their posts and returned to their mountain strongholds. Even within the empire’s core Turkic and Persian populations, factionalism reigned.
When the Ottomans stormed into Armenia, Eranian armies collapsed before they could even mount a proper defence. The mighty fortress lines along the border were left undermanned, their garrisons either retreating or defecting outright. Kamrasir, the empire’s capital just beyond the border, was left undefended, its great walls holding only the ghosts of warriors who should have been there to defend it.
The Padishah Kamran Ediguid is still only 9 years old, and it seems the Empire will be trapped in a moribund state for the foreseeable future, much to the unhappiness of the Achaemenids who hoped for the Eranians to fight in a two-front war against the Ottomans.
Jerusalem
At the heart of the Holy Kingdom of Jerusalem stands Ayatollah Rostam II, both Imam and absolute ruler, a man who claims direct descent from the Prophet Muhammad himself. This lineage grants him an undisputed religious and political authority, making him not only a king but a spiritual guide to the millions who follow his rule.
The Shia Kingdom of Jerusalem, unlike its Sunni neighbors, has become the great Shi’a stronghold of the Western world, controlling the sacred city of Jerusalem, the powerhouses of Cairo and Alexandria, and the fertile floodplains of the Nile. With Egypt under its rule, the kingdom enjoys access to immense agricultural wealth and commands the key trade routes of the Indian Ocean, ensuring its importance in global commerce.
The Holy Kingdom of Jerusalem is not an ancient entity, but rather the product of a dramatic revolution and war of faith. Two centuries ago, the region was ruled by the House of Mihran, a dynasty that traced its bloodline both to the Prophet Muhammad and Cyrus the Great, blending Persian and Islamic legitimacy. However, their rule came to an abrupt and bloody end when the Nizari Jihad swept through the region, toppling the Mihranid rulers and replacing them with a new Shi’a order led by the Ayatollahs.
Since then, Jerusalem has become the spiritual heartland of Shi’ism outside of Persia, a beacon of faith in a world largely dominated by Sunni rulers. Under Ayatollah Rostam II, the dream of a united and pious Shi’a realm has been fully realized. The once-divided populace of Egypt and the Levant has been brought into the fold, and what was once a chaotic, multi-sectarian region has become an ideological stronghold of the faith.
The other major ally of the Achaemenids, Jerusalem has aided them previously in the wars against Morocco but this alliance holds only as long as the threat of the Ottomans’ existence.
Great Powers of the World in 1501 AD
This is the world Kyriake II finds herself in. The Catholics have arranged themselves into a coalition to defend themselves against the Achaemenids.
The Achaemenid Empire and its vassals and allies in 1501 AD
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Interlude - The Achaemenid Empire in 1501AD
The Achaemenid Empire in 1501AD
Despite the troubled Venetian War severely depleting the manpower and treasury of the empire, Kyriake II was blessed with a relatively strong position. Even with a significant amount of the tribute from Alemannia being siphoned off by Kephradates and his cronies, there was still enough to refill the vaults in Achaemedia, and trade with Jerusalem and Rum was proving fruitful, with the fleet protecting ships bound for Alexandria and Antioch.
Kephradates would pass on shortly after Artanis in 1501 AD and his replacement as Ciliarch was Gisgo Rhangabe, his old right hand man. More aligned with the kefaliyas than the court, he would petition Kyriake for greater control of the treasury and mints, assigning three main merchant houses Control over Monetary Policy. It’s said during the petition, Kyriake barely paid attention as Gisgo explained how the crown would enjoy lower inflation and better interest rates with actual money men in control of the coinage.
A major legacy of Kephradates’ vizierate was the granting of more privileges to the nobility to keep them happy. He had already invaded Venetia et Histria, but he also awarded them the right to Expand Their Fortifications and put into law certain inalienable powers of magnates to allow them to maintain Strong Duchies, independent of the crown. These went against Artanis’ principles, she had already revoked certain rights from them earlier in her reign as she no longer saw a need for Increased Levies.
Kephradates and Kyriake would also walk back key imperial reforms implemented by previous rulers, including dismantling elements of the Centralised Monarchical Bureaucracy in favour of an Expanded Royal Court.
When the Patriarch of Achaemedia petitioned for more rights for the church, she granted Lands to the Monasteries that would be exempted from taxes and granted significant autonomy. From her perspective, she merely viewed it as sharing the riches that the Achaemenid Empire enjoyed, as the crownlands had grown significantly during the reigns of Emiliya and Artanis. Redistribution of such wealth made sense to her equitable nature. Of course, none in her court countenanced such a decision.
The corruption in Achaemedia, bloodiness of the last war and the callous expansion of the state were all building up to a disaster for Kyriake. She was just too oblivious to see it yet.
Despite the troubled Venetian War severely depleting the manpower and treasury of the empire, Kyriake II was blessed with a relatively strong position. Even with a significant amount of the tribute from Alemannia being siphoned off by Kephradates and his cronies, there was still enough to refill the vaults in Achaemedia, and trade with Jerusalem and Rum was proving fruitful, with the fleet protecting ships bound for Alexandria and Antioch.
A major legacy of Kephradates’ vizierate was the granting of more privileges to the nobility to keep them happy. He had already invaded Venetia et Histria, but he also awarded them the right to Expand Their Fortifications and put into law certain inalienable powers of magnates to allow them to maintain Strong Duchies, independent of the crown. These went against Artanis’ principles, she had already revoked certain rights from them earlier in her reign as she no longer saw a need for Increased Levies.
Kephradates and Kyriake would also walk back key imperial reforms implemented by previous rulers, including dismantling elements of the Centralised Monarchical Bureaucracy in favour of an Expanded Royal Court.
When the Patriarch of Achaemedia petitioned for more rights for the church, she granted Lands to the Monasteries that would be exempted from taxes and granted significant autonomy. From her perspective, she merely viewed it as sharing the riches that the Achaemenid Empire enjoyed, as the crownlands had grown significantly during the reigns of Emiliya and Artanis. Redistribution of such wealth made sense to her equitable nature. Of course, none in her court countenanced such a decision.
The corruption in Achaemedia, bloodiness of the last war and the callous expansion of the state were all building up to a disaster for Kyriake. She was just too oblivious to see it yet.
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The empire is in a precarious situation. Surely the OE will strike if this situation develops further...
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We shall see if the Ottomans take the opportunity. I've only played up to 1506 just as the disaster strikes.
The other concern is the lack of an heir. Kyriake is old and not sure if EU4 functions like CK where female rulers become infertile after 40+.
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Worst case you get an heir of another dynasty with close to zero legitimacy. Or, a personal union with someone might be worse ofc. In any case it's not game over like in CK.
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Enemies are everywhere, and there doesn't seem to be much loyalty or drive with Achaemenia itself to reform into something stronger. Maybe the disaster will be just what is needed for a change in course.
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One thing is sure, Achamedinia needs more friends and to destroy the OE. Securing Anatolia has to be to priority.
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Oh, I'm not worried about a game over in absolute terms but can this be an Achaemenid Megacampaign without an Achaemenid on the throne?
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Well, a dynasty married into it, having Achemaenid blood, perhaps?
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Hey guys, wanted to take stock and get some feedback. I realized my updates have been getting longer. Do you enjoy the expansions and asides or is a more focused narrative preferred? I'm just settling in to write the next chapter and wanted some sense of how you prefer to consume this AAR. Shorter updates are simpler for me to write while longer ones take more time to research.
Unlike other mega-campaign, I've tried to maitain a certain alignment with familiar history so that it's more relatable for readers. Is it worthwhile to talk about how the divergences have impacted history or keeping things focused on the Empire clear enough?
Overall, thank you for reading so far through a year+ campaign and the breaks taken. Without your readership and comments, this would have ended a long time ago.
Unlike other mega-campaign, I've tried to maitain a certain alignment with familiar history so that it's more relatable for readers. Is it worthwhile to talk about how the divergences have impacted history or keeping things focused on the Empire clear enough?
Overall, thank you for reading so far through a year+ campaign and the breaks taken. Without your readership and comments, this would have ended a long time ago.
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personally I prefer longer more detailed updates, and I'm always a fan of seeing a bit more of the world- doesn't have to be detailed but it would be good to have brief notes of notable developments elsewhere
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I enjoy both types, so I'd say write what makes you write more, what makes it fun to do for you. You enjoying the writing makes for better story overall, short or long.
You enjoying the writing makes for better story overall, short or long.- 1
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I think one of the joys of a megacampaign is seeing the divergences from our own history. I'd welcome shorter asides about the wider world. They would help give context to Achaemia's current situation. But it is whatever you feel would make for the most fun story and is the most fun to write. Ultimately, this is your game and your story.
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I enjoy both types, so I'd say write what makes you write more, what makes it fun to do for you.
Thank you everyone for the comments. I agree that the divergences and exploration of the world in an alternate universe are fun things to focus on. The challenge I've faced is the growing size of updates we enter a more complicated era - the tale does get long in the telling. In order to address it, I'll be breaking up my narrative into smaller sections instead of trying to tackle a ruler's entire reign in one telling moving forward. We'll be kicking off this new approach with the first update on Kyriake's reign.
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I think that makes a lot of sense. Can't wait to see what happens next.
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The Time of Tumult - The Early Reign of Kyriake II - 1501AD- 1518AD
Kyriake II
I've been listening to Farya Faraji's Byzantine themed music a lot recently and I feel that his sound is almost a perfect representation of the world of the Achaemenid Empire. Hope you enjoy listening and reading along.
A portrait of Kyriake II on her coronation, intended to exemplify her martial nature
The Achaemenid name was a powerful opiate that still maintained its hold on the peasantry and the lower classes in this period. Even after the hardships engendered during the War for Venetia et Histria in the 1490s, the people found it difficult to conceive of a system of government which did not have an Achaemenid at the helm. Tsar Dominik had once declared that the soil of Thrace was red as the Achaemenid banner for all the generations of Tsars that had bled in defence of the people. Fine propaganda but not truly a lie. The deeds of the bloodline of Cyrus the Great, Darius the 1st Christian and Tsar Nikola still resonated powerfully among the lay folk who viewed it as proof of god’s favour on them and that legends still walked the land.
So when Tsaritsa Kyriake II took the throne, it was assumed by the good and great that the commonfolk would accept another cycle of paying and bleeding for their betters – but even the strongest ox will break under a heavy enough yoke. The empire now seemed willing to accept female rulers after the capable reigns of Emiliya and Artanis II. The conspiracies committed during the Tyranny of the Three Witches or the betrayals against the first Kyriake had lain dormant under the last two Tsaritsas and the palace administration hoped a long enough peace would heal the fissures of the Venetian war.
Kyriake II was not pre-possessed to lead the empire, content to arrange soirees and tournaments to celebrate Bulgarian martial traditions. Already 41 years old by the time she took the throne, Kyriake’s child bearing chances were low, not that she viewed it as her responsibility to continue the imperial line. Dressed in armour for court ceremonies like her great-grandfather Dominik, and often preferring frivolities over practicalities, a superficial veneer of competence grew around Kyriake. She took the son of her Nicaean vassal as her husband. Twenty years separated the couple and the young Manuchehr Rhangabe was viewed more as decoration than a true partner to the Tsaritsa. Handsome and elegant in action, Kyriake enjoyed the contrast with her more put-upon war leader appearance.
The Years After the War
It can’t be said that Kyriake was impotent or actively harmful to the empire, but she had a poor grasp of strategy and often mistook grand acts would lead to significant impact. Her own personal code of courtly and knightly courtesy guided her interactions and she often placed a premium on treaties, formal pacts and the faithfulness of her word.
Alongside her grants of land to the church for building new monasteries, she would also sponsor the building of a large monastic complex in a valley of the Rilska River. The Monastery of Saint John of Rila or simply the Rila Monastery would grow to become the largest such complex in the empire and a popular pilgrimage site over the centuries.
She also indulged in courtly graces – music, formal banquets, ceremonial hunts – seeking a return to a bygone era, of the time of the Steward Kings and the glorious empire. She would establish permanence to the style of the Achaemenid court – bring together old Byzantine bureaucratic formalities layered with Bulgarian aristocratic privilege, and coded with ancient Persian imperial ceremony. Her love of grand chivalric hospitality ballooned the royal household expenses. Tension with treasury officials who pressed for new taxes led to her giving in to maintain civility and her fancies, worsening her popularity among many country boyars such as the Kaukadenos family, an offshoot of the powerful Bogoris clan, who held lands in the old country of Bulgaria.
Tumult in the Countryside
The first decade of her reign would pass relatively peacefully but the pressure on the dam was building. Focused on subduing Venetia et Histria and putting down uprisings, the mercenary army established up by Emiliya was kept at a high readiness level, which drove costs up to keep current with their payments and ensure they had enough rations to prevent mutiny or banditry. The old military legends such as Strategos Mihail Krum and the Master of Fleet Germanus Terter, now in their 60s, retired and a new generation of commanders took charge of the army and admiralty, seeking to build their own reputations and measure up to the idolized Krum.
When months of heavy rain washed away the topsoil in the fertile Danubian basin, the dam broke. Farms all along the river fell to famine and the breadbasket provinces in old Bulgaria and Wallachia could not grow enough crops to feed its own people, let alone the rest of the empire. Kyriake’s privy council or Symboulion, made up of the Ciliarch Gisgo Rhangabe, Megaspahbed Yazdegerd Hriz and the Protomowbed-o Vasil Strahil could do little and Kyriake herself, who rarely ventured beyond Achaemedia had little understanding of the nature of the disaster. The city itself could import grain from the fertile Black Soil region of the Bosporan Kingdom but Gisgo could not fund imports for the whole empire, at least without sinking into crippling debt.
In 1506, the first rebellions sprung up in the African provinces. Peasants captured the major city of Sousse while Constantinian nobles swayed the local troops in Kabylia to their side. An area rich in olive groves and maritime trade felt the effects of the famine more strongly due to their harsh climate and reliance on ships from Achaemedia bringing in grain supplies. Long gone were days when Africa was the granary of the Mediterranean as warmer temperatures transformed the land into arid drylands. The Baetican and Cordoban traders who dominated the harbours and markets of Kef and Tunis were not inclined to aid the citizenry and capitalised on the famine, marking up the prices of grain from their homelands to maximise profits and buying up eastern goods such as spices and silks below the market rate. The Shishman ‘family’ were outrage and local members were among those who led the charge at Kabylia.
Syrgarius Achaemenid was tasked with putting down the uprising and he set sail with 24,000 men to subdue the region. It would take him 2 years to defeat the rebels and recapture the fortress cities of Kabylia and Sousse, and the movement of troops led to a cascade of trouble in the Balkans and Bulgaria.
The country magnates, realizing that some of the garrisons along the imperial roads now sat empty, rose up in rebellion. The Boyars and Dynatoi had been bypassed by the Imperial mercenary system but they still maintained their own soldiers and feudal obligations by lesser lords under the old Bulgarian ‘Banner’ system. From the time of Nikola and the restoration of the empire at the turn of the 10th century, each boyar was obligated to provide a specific number of cavalry and foot soldiers in the event of war, along with “camp taxes” to feed their feudal lords. It had lain dormant but not forgotten in the past half a century, and so the Banners were called across the countryside as magnates sought to carve out their own independence and lessen the suffering of their families and serfs.
Seslav Kaukadenos
The Kaukadenos family were tasked by the greater Bogoris clan with overseeing the trade and family property in the city of Tirgoviste and the surrounding region. Seslav, the head of the household, was a man in his 50s and had been content during the reigns of Emiliya and Artanis to maintain the status quo. But the devastation of the Venetian war and the famine of 1505-06 forced this principled man to rise up. He would raise a rallying cry and many of the rebel boyars gathered under his banner and sought to raise him up as Tsar. This triggered an immediate reaction from the throne.
50,000 men pledged themselves to the would-be Tsar Seslav Kaukadenos and other nobles whispered conspiracy, debating on which side to stand on. Among them was Yazdegerd Hriz. Kyriake would have the man imprisoned and executed in short order as this time of crisis brooked no wavering thought while pulling back Syrgarius home to deal with uprisings across the Balkans.
The Symboulion would double down on Artanis’ mercenary strategy, taking significant loans to ensure they hired only the best. Condottieri from Italy and brave knightly orders promised to serve Kyriake for coin, coordinated by the new Megasphabed, Mihail Krum, brought out of retirement to save the empire one last time. Too old for the field, he still possessed a legendary strategic mind. Coordinating three different armies, the loyalists would catch the pretenders in the Bulgarian mountain passes. With all avenues of escape denied, the pretender rebels were killed near to the last man.
Krum would also bring about much-needed change within the palace. His mere presence inspired others to do better. The corruption of Grisgo Rhangabe were brought to light and slowly but surely the last vespers of Kephradates Terter’s long shadow was banished. Over the next couple of years, the empire righted itself as the famine abated and Tsar-consort Manuchehr, Mihail Krum and others worked to undo two decades of mismanagement and corruption. By 1512 AD, things were in a more stable position and the major flareups were done.
Perhaps God did favour the empire and sought to ready it against bigger challenges later in Kyriake’s reign.
The Age of Reformation Begins
As Western Powers rushed to sail their ships across the Atlantic, religious reforms were triggering within Europe and other parts of the world. In Carmarthen, Wales, a lowly monk would nail his document criticizing the Catholic Church to the door of All Saints’ Church. This treatise would eventually be called the Ninety-Five Theses and trigger a firestorm throughout Europe.
I've been listening to Farya Faraji's Byzantine themed music a lot recently and I feel that his sound is almost a perfect representation of the world of the Achaemenid Empire. Hope you enjoy listening and reading along.
A portrait of Kyriake II on her coronation, intended to exemplify her martial nature
The Achaemenid name was a powerful opiate that still maintained its hold on the peasantry and the lower classes in this period. Even after the hardships engendered during the War for Venetia et Histria in the 1490s, the people found it difficult to conceive of a system of government which did not have an Achaemenid at the helm. Tsar Dominik had once declared that the soil of Thrace was red as the Achaemenid banner for all the generations of Tsars that had bled in defence of the people. Fine propaganda but not truly a lie. The deeds of the bloodline of Cyrus the Great, Darius the 1st Christian and Tsar Nikola still resonated powerfully among the lay folk who viewed it as proof of god’s favour on them and that legends still walked the land.
So when Tsaritsa Kyriake II took the throne, it was assumed by the good and great that the commonfolk would accept another cycle of paying and bleeding for their betters – but even the strongest ox will break under a heavy enough yoke. The empire now seemed willing to accept female rulers after the capable reigns of Emiliya and Artanis II. The conspiracies committed during the Tyranny of the Three Witches or the betrayals against the first Kyriake had lain dormant under the last two Tsaritsas and the palace administration hoped a long enough peace would heal the fissures of the Venetian war.
Kyriake II was not pre-possessed to lead the empire, content to arrange soirees and tournaments to celebrate Bulgarian martial traditions. Already 41 years old by the time she took the throne, Kyriake’s child bearing chances were low, not that she viewed it as her responsibility to continue the imperial line. Dressed in armour for court ceremonies like her great-grandfather Dominik, and often preferring frivolities over practicalities, a superficial veneer of competence grew around Kyriake. She took the son of her Nicaean vassal as her husband. Twenty years separated the couple and the young Manuchehr Rhangabe was viewed more as decoration than a true partner to the Tsaritsa. Handsome and elegant in action, Kyriake enjoyed the contrast with her more put-upon war leader appearance.
The Years After the War
It can’t be said that Kyriake was impotent or actively harmful to the empire, but she had a poor grasp of strategy and often mistook grand acts would lead to significant impact. Her own personal code of courtly and knightly courtesy guided her interactions and she often placed a premium on treaties, formal pacts and the faithfulness of her word.
Alongside her grants of land to the church for building new monasteries, she would also sponsor the building of a large monastic complex in a valley of the Rilska River. The Monastery of Saint John of Rila or simply the Rila Monastery would grow to become the largest such complex in the empire and a popular pilgrimage site over the centuries.
She also indulged in courtly graces – music, formal banquets, ceremonial hunts – seeking a return to a bygone era, of the time of the Steward Kings and the glorious empire. She would establish permanence to the style of the Achaemenid court – bring together old Byzantine bureaucratic formalities layered with Bulgarian aristocratic privilege, and coded with ancient Persian imperial ceremony. Her love of grand chivalric hospitality ballooned the royal household expenses. Tension with treasury officials who pressed for new taxes led to her giving in to maintain civility and her fancies, worsening her popularity among many country boyars such as the Kaukadenos family, an offshoot of the powerful Bogoris clan, who held lands in the old country of Bulgaria.
Tumult in the Countryside
The first decade of her reign would pass relatively peacefully but the pressure on the dam was building. Focused on subduing Venetia et Histria and putting down uprisings, the mercenary army established up by Emiliya was kept at a high readiness level, which drove costs up to keep current with their payments and ensure they had enough rations to prevent mutiny or banditry. The old military legends such as Strategos Mihail Krum and the Master of Fleet Germanus Terter, now in their 60s, retired and a new generation of commanders took charge of the army and admiralty, seeking to build their own reputations and measure up to the idolized Krum.
When months of heavy rain washed away the topsoil in the fertile Danubian basin, the dam broke. Farms all along the river fell to famine and the breadbasket provinces in old Bulgaria and Wallachia could not grow enough crops to feed its own people, let alone the rest of the empire. Kyriake’s privy council or Symboulion, made up of the Ciliarch Gisgo Rhangabe, Megaspahbed Yazdegerd Hriz and the Protomowbed-o Vasil Strahil could do little and Kyriake herself, who rarely ventured beyond Achaemedia had little understanding of the nature of the disaster. The city itself could import grain from the fertile Black Soil region of the Bosporan Kingdom but Gisgo could not fund imports for the whole empire, at least without sinking into crippling debt.
In 1506, the first rebellions sprung up in the African provinces. Peasants captured the major city of Sousse while Constantinian nobles swayed the local troops in Kabylia to their side. An area rich in olive groves and maritime trade felt the effects of the famine more strongly due to their harsh climate and reliance on ships from Achaemedia bringing in grain supplies. Long gone were days when Africa was the granary of the Mediterranean as warmer temperatures transformed the land into arid drylands. The Baetican and Cordoban traders who dominated the harbours and markets of Kef and Tunis were not inclined to aid the citizenry and capitalised on the famine, marking up the prices of grain from their homelands to maximise profits and buying up eastern goods such as spices and silks below the market rate. The Shishman ‘family’ were outrage and local members were among those who led the charge at Kabylia.
The country magnates, realizing that some of the garrisons along the imperial roads now sat empty, rose up in rebellion. The Boyars and Dynatoi had been bypassed by the Imperial mercenary system but they still maintained their own soldiers and feudal obligations by lesser lords under the old Bulgarian ‘Banner’ system. From the time of Nikola and the restoration of the empire at the turn of the 10th century, each boyar was obligated to provide a specific number of cavalry and foot soldiers in the event of war, along with “camp taxes” to feed their feudal lords. It had lain dormant but not forgotten in the past half a century, and so the Banners were called across the countryside as magnates sought to carve out their own independence and lessen the suffering of their families and serfs.
Seslav Kaukadenos
The Kaukadenos family were tasked by the greater Bogoris clan with overseeing the trade and family property in the city of Tirgoviste and the surrounding region. Seslav, the head of the household, was a man in his 50s and had been content during the reigns of Emiliya and Artanis to maintain the status quo. But the devastation of the Venetian war and the famine of 1505-06 forced this principled man to rise up. He would raise a rallying cry and many of the rebel boyars gathered under his banner and sought to raise him up as Tsar. This triggered an immediate reaction from the throne.
50,000 men pledged themselves to the would-be Tsar Seslav Kaukadenos and other nobles whispered conspiracy, debating on which side to stand on. Among them was Yazdegerd Hriz. Kyriake would have the man imprisoned and executed in short order as this time of crisis brooked no wavering thought while pulling back Syrgarius home to deal with uprisings across the Balkans.
The Symboulion would double down on Artanis’ mercenary strategy, taking significant loans to ensure they hired only the best. Condottieri from Italy and brave knightly orders promised to serve Kyriake for coin, coordinated by the new Megasphabed, Mihail Krum, brought out of retirement to save the empire one last time. Too old for the field, he still possessed a legendary strategic mind. Coordinating three different armies, the loyalists would catch the pretenders in the Bulgarian mountain passes. With all avenues of escape denied, the pretender rebels were killed near to the last man.
Krum would also bring about much-needed change within the palace. His mere presence inspired others to do better. The corruption of Grisgo Rhangabe were brought to light and slowly but surely the last vespers of Kephradates Terter’s long shadow was banished. Over the next couple of years, the empire righted itself as the famine abated and Tsar-consort Manuchehr, Mihail Krum and others worked to undo two decades of mismanagement and corruption. By 1512 AD, things were in a more stable position and the major flareups were done.
Perhaps God did favour the empire and sought to ready it against bigger challenges later in Kyriake’s reign.
The Age of Reformation Begins
As Western Powers rushed to sail their ships across the Atlantic, religious reforms were triggering within Europe and other parts of the world. In Carmarthen, Wales, a lowly monk would nail his document criticizing the Catholic Church to the door of All Saints’ Church. This treatise would eventually be called the Ninety-Five Theses and trigger a firestorm throughout Europe.
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A grim period for the Empire, although it sounds like there was enough strength left to weather the storm.
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Good you weathered the storm! Is there an Achaemenid heir in waiting, though?
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