What would become of us whithout Eurasia's favourite president for life, Putin?
Also, I loled at Germany's and Russia's race to see who's more liberal, rather silly....
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What would become of us whithout Eurasia's favourite president for life, Putin?
Also, I loled at Germany's and Russia's race to see who's more liberal, rather silly....
North Africa:
National France, 1920-1951
The Dark continent was the place where Syndicalism was more successful, even if by means of indirect influence, as in the case of National France. The Decolonization (speeded up and slowed down by the Syndicalist revolutions around the world) began in 1950. The vicious struggle of between the National France and the Commune had led to a serious change in the colonial adminstration France's colonial subjects were no longer taken for granted. Matters where complicated even further after the Italian unification and the emergence of the bitter cold war between the German Empire and the Syndicalist powers. The revolution in the homeland had opened French colonialism to unprecendented criticism and scrutiny.
Worse still, General de Gaulle and his continuing drive for political power seemed to jeopardize wartime and postwar goals, creating instability and the danger of civil strife in North Africa. Fed up by the behaviour of the French General, both Berlin and St. Petersburg left De Gaulle on his own and urged Churchill to do so. The new new Canadian prime minister was not to do it. While he did recognize "the true government of France", he did not mentioned "the French empire" and refered vaguely to "those French overseas territories which acknowledge its authority". It was a revenge by De Gaulle's reference to the "now defunct British Empire". Churchill's successors were not to be so patient with De Gaulle.
The French president was forced to adopt a policy that he did not like but he had been simply forced to react: De Gaulle and his Comissaire aux Colonies, René Pleven, were determined to show that they had no intention of relinquishing the French control of colonies. He hoped to reassert what had become to him a matter of principle: that France and its empire were an indissoluble whole. Thus the Conference of Brazzaville came into being,a conference of forty-four French colonial administrators and political and trade union leaders on January 1950.
Jean Jacques Bouttonant, governor of the French Marocco and one of the most trusted collaborators of De Gaulle.
The revolution hadn't changed too much the African "way of life"r: the locals were still ruled by the same colonial officials who continued to use forced labour and ruled them through the same indigénat as before the Weltkrieg. The conference envisaged transforming the colonial empire into a federation, to be governed by a new federal assembly with elected representatives from each of the associated territories. Within the federation, the colonies would enjoy considerable economic and administrative freedom, and local elected assemblies would afford Africans the opportunity to become involved in the management of their own affairs. The eventual possibility of self-government wasn't ruled out, but it was to take very long to implement it.
However, the conference had a weak point: it included no African political leaders. Some voices raised their objections. One of those who protested was Fily Dabo Sissoko, a local intellectual, who proposed to implement the British model of Dominions in Africa. However, it was to take a bit of time for the idea of colonial federation to be accepted. At once any future possibility of the colonies governing themselves was emphatically ruled out.
General Jean Mireau, governor of Central Africa, opposed De Gaulle's reform with all his heart. It is said that he wrote the following to the president: "C'est des conneries! Va te faire foutre, trouduc!" (1)
The Brazzaville Conference doomed National France. It recommended radical political, social, and economic reforms, but they were too few and too little for the African leaders. A new French constitution was to be drawn, and the colonies were to be administered with greater autonomy. Finally, both French citizens and Africans be permitted to elect a legislative assembly, a new unified penal code was to be adopted and labor conscription ended. It envisaged, too, the rapid extension of social services, particularly education. Alàs, it simply failed to give Africans what they wanted the most: self-determination.
The first revolts that doomed and caused De Gaulle's fall from power proved that, without a new political structure to the former colonial empire, it would not survive long either. The capacity of the government of National France to adapt itself to this situation would decide if it was to survive or not.
(1) Poetically speaking... how to translate that... oh yes: Mireau was suggesting to De Gaulle that Monsieur le president had lost his brains.
@Asalto: Finland is as isolationist as a Finland with a Tsarits-expasionist Russia can be... The Iron Guard had its own Perestroika. Too successfully, methinks
Ray Wise is your fault and Laura Palmer's,
@Xie: Sometimes I contradict myself. :blush:
@Mr. Santiago: Indeed. You've given me an idea for a candidate to the White House: Chuck Norris.
@Gukpa: Do it! That's my second KRMDS AAR, so try one youserlf. It's Oberst Kurt Steiner, by the way.
National France, 1920-1951
The Dark continent was the place where Syndicalism was more successful, even if by means of indirect influence, as in the case of National France. The Decolonization (speeded up and slowed down by the Syndicalist revolutions around the world) began in 1950. The vicious struggle of between the National France and the Commune had led to a serious change in the colonial adminstration France's colonial subjects were no longer taken for granted. Matters where complicated even further after the Italian unification and the emergence of the bitter cold war between the German Empire and the Syndicalist powers. The revolution in the homeland had opened French colonialism to unprecendented criticism and scrutiny.
Worse still, General de Gaulle and his continuing drive for political power seemed to jeopardize wartime and postwar goals, creating instability and the danger of civil strife in North Africa. Fed up by the behaviour of the French General, both Berlin and St. Petersburg left De Gaulle on his own and urged Churchill to do so. The new new Canadian prime minister was not to do it. While he did recognize "the true government of France", he did not mentioned "the French empire" and refered vaguely to "those French overseas territories which acknowledge its authority". It was a revenge by De Gaulle's reference to the "now defunct British Empire". Churchill's successors were not to be so patient with De Gaulle.
The French president was forced to adopt a policy that he did not like but he had been simply forced to react: De Gaulle and his Comissaire aux Colonies, René Pleven, were determined to show that they had no intention of relinquishing the French control of colonies. He hoped to reassert what had become to him a matter of principle: that France and its empire were an indissoluble whole. Thus the Conference of Brazzaville came into being,a conference of forty-four French colonial administrators and political and trade union leaders on January 1950.
Jean Jacques Bouttonant, governor of the French Marocco and one of the most trusted collaborators of De Gaulle.
The revolution hadn't changed too much the African "way of life"r: the locals were still ruled by the same colonial officials who continued to use forced labour and ruled them through the same indigénat as before the Weltkrieg. The conference envisaged transforming the colonial empire into a federation, to be governed by a new federal assembly with elected representatives from each of the associated territories. Within the federation, the colonies would enjoy considerable economic and administrative freedom, and local elected assemblies would afford Africans the opportunity to become involved in the management of their own affairs. The eventual possibility of self-government wasn't ruled out, but it was to take very long to implement it.
However, the conference had a weak point: it included no African political leaders. Some voices raised their objections. One of those who protested was Fily Dabo Sissoko, a local intellectual, who proposed to implement the British model of Dominions in Africa. However, it was to take a bit of time for the idea of colonial federation to be accepted. At once any future possibility of the colonies governing themselves was emphatically ruled out.
General Jean Mireau, governor of Central Africa, opposed De Gaulle's reform with all his heart. It is said that he wrote the following to the president: "C'est des conneries! Va te faire foutre, trouduc!" (1)
The first revolts that doomed and caused De Gaulle's fall from power proved that, without a new political structure to the former colonial empire, it would not survive long either. The capacity of the government of National France to adapt itself to this situation would decide if it was to survive or not.
(1) Poetically speaking... how to translate that... oh yes: Mireau was suggesting to De Gaulle that Monsieur le president had lost his brains.
@Asalto: Finland is as isolationist as a Finland with a Tsarits-expasionist Russia can be... The Iron Guard had its own Perestroika. Too successfully, methinks
Ray Wise is your fault and Laura Palmer's,@Xie: Sometimes I contradict myself. :blush:
@Mr. Santiago: Indeed. You've given me an idea for a candidate to the White House: Chuck Norris.
@Gukpa: Do it! That's my second KRMDS AAR, so try one youserlf. It's Oberst Kurt Steiner, by the way.
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Very creative setup for National France! Also, did Monsieur Bouttonant made a career in Gendarmerie before becoming the governor of Morocco by any chance? ^^
North Africa:
National France, 1951-2003
Short-sighted as they were, the measures taken by de Gaulle could have survived were not for the unexpected revolution that was nicknamed as the "Lybian Spring" (1955). After more than 30 years of undisputed rule, King Idris I of Lybia had been unable to improve the Libyan finances and the increasing resentment over the concentration of the nation's wealth in the hands of the King. This discontent preceded the wave of Arab nationalism/syndicalism throughout North Africa and the Middle East.
On April 1st 1955, the so-called Free Officers Movement, a group of young army officers and enlisted men, seized control of the government and in a stroke abolished the Libyan monarchy. The coup was launched at Benghazi, and within two hours the takeover was completed. Army units quickly rallied in support of the coup, and within a few days firmly established military control in Tripoli and elsewhere throughout the country. Popular reception of the coup, especially by younger people in the urban areas, was enthusiastic. Soon the Free Officers Movement, which claimed credit for carrying out the coup, was overcome by the events they had set in motion when a civilian Revolutionary Command Council (RCC) was created and formed the de facto Libyan government. In its initial proclamation on April 2nd, the RCC declared the country to be a free and sovereign state called the Libyan Syndicalist Republic. The rule of the Turks and Italians and the "reactionary" government just overthrown were things of the past. When most of the Army supported the RCC, the Free Officers Movement purged its own ranks and then, leaded by Major Abdel Salam Jallud, joined the RCC.
Abdel Salam Jallud
De Gaulle saw the writting on the wall: he had to reform before the Syndicalist revolution spread out. He was too late. On the evening of June 6th, he was arreasted in another bloodles coup d'etat led by Generals Henri Navarre, Raoul Salan and René Cogny and the CO of the Bérets verts, capitaine de frégate Phillippe Kieffer.
Phillippe Kieffer.
One of the first measures of the new goverment was to declare "le Communité des États indépendants", or CEI (1955-1981), a voluntary association of 7 independent sovereign states, most of which were former French colonies or dependencies of these colonies. It was a short-lived attempted as, once turned independent, the new countries were not in the mood the become subservient to the central government in Algier. Thus, in 1966, Niger and Mauretania declared their complete independence from the CEI, albeit in good terms. They were followed (in 1970-81) by the Union of Cote D'Ivore et Ghana, from then on simply know as the Coastal Union; Guinea, Chad and Niger.
Those new states, fiercely independent, anti-syndicalist and poor were soon to become pawns in the new scramble for Africa. Thus the road of the fall of MittleAfrika was open.
Meanwhile, the remnats of the National France withdrew to the last fortress available to them, and from Algiers they made public to the world its proud defiance when another strong man became in 1982 the head of the country: general Phillipe de Lioncourt.
@Asalto: Thank you. Ms. Bouttonant had a very long (and creative) career...
@Gukpa: I saw it
@KaiserMuffin: I hate blocs. If they have to be created, it will be during this AAR.
National France, 1951-2003
Short-sighted as they were, the measures taken by de Gaulle could have survived were not for the unexpected revolution that was nicknamed as the "Lybian Spring" (1955). After more than 30 years of undisputed rule, King Idris I of Lybia had been unable to improve the Libyan finances and the increasing resentment over the concentration of the nation's wealth in the hands of the King. This discontent preceded the wave of Arab nationalism/syndicalism throughout North Africa and the Middle East.
On April 1st 1955, the so-called Free Officers Movement, a group of young army officers and enlisted men, seized control of the government and in a stroke abolished the Libyan monarchy. The coup was launched at Benghazi, and within two hours the takeover was completed. Army units quickly rallied in support of the coup, and within a few days firmly established military control in Tripoli and elsewhere throughout the country. Popular reception of the coup, especially by younger people in the urban areas, was enthusiastic. Soon the Free Officers Movement, which claimed credit for carrying out the coup, was overcome by the events they had set in motion when a civilian Revolutionary Command Council (RCC) was created and formed the de facto Libyan government. In its initial proclamation on April 2nd, the RCC declared the country to be a free and sovereign state called the Libyan Syndicalist Republic. The rule of the Turks and Italians and the "reactionary" government just overthrown were things of the past. When most of the Army supported the RCC, the Free Officers Movement purged its own ranks and then, leaded by Major Abdel Salam Jallud, joined the RCC.
Abdel Salam Jallud
De Gaulle saw the writting on the wall: he had to reform before the Syndicalist revolution spread out. He was too late. On the evening of June 6th, he was arreasted in another bloodles coup d'etat led by Generals Henri Navarre, Raoul Salan and René Cogny and the CO of the Bérets verts, capitaine de frégate Phillippe Kieffer.
Phillippe Kieffer.
One of the first measures of the new goverment was to declare "le Communité des États indépendants", or CEI (1955-1981), a voluntary association of 7 independent sovereign states, most of which were former French colonies or dependencies of these colonies. It was a short-lived attempted as, once turned independent, the new countries were not in the mood the become subservient to the central government in Algier. Thus, in 1966, Niger and Mauretania declared their complete independence from the CEI, albeit in good terms. They were followed (in 1970-81) by the Union of Cote D'Ivore et Ghana, from then on simply know as the Coastal Union; Guinea, Chad and Niger.
Those new states, fiercely independent, anti-syndicalist and poor were soon to become pawns in the new scramble for Africa. Thus the road of the fall of MittleAfrika was open.
Meanwhile, the remnats of the National France withdrew to the last fortress available to them, and from Algiers they made public to the world its proud defiance when another strong man became in 1982 the head of the country: general Phillipe de Lioncourt.
@Asalto: Thank you. Ms. Bouttonant had a very long (and creative) career...
@Gukpa: I saw it
@KaiserMuffin: I hate blocs. If they have to be created, it will be during this AAR.
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Mittlefrika: 1920-1982
In 1931 MittleAfrika was granted independence from the German Empire with the passage of the Statute of Leipizig but it won't be until 1940 that this independence would be true. By 1936 the Freistaat had seen the rise of the MittleAfrika Partei, aimed in principle to secure the domination of the German speaking whites but, from 1940 onwards, to all whites, regardless of their native tongue.
In 1948, the MittleAfrika Party, now know as the National Party, was elected to power. It strengthened the already existing racial segregation begun under British, Belgian and German colonial rule. The new Regime classified all peoples into three races and developed rights and limitations for each, with the white minority controlling the vastly larger black majority. hile the White minority enjoyed the highest standard of living in all of Africa, comparable to First World Western nations, the Black majority remained disadvantaged by almost every standard, including income, education, housing, and life expectancy.
This measures were not quite liked by Berlin, however. Trying to overcome the militaristic past of the Empire, the successive German government pressed MittleAfrika to dismantle that racist system and the successive National Party's governments ignored them. This would end in the crisis of 1951, when, after a whites-only referendum, the country became a republic and broke all its relations with the German Empire. The Kaiser ceased to be head of state, and the last Statthalter became State President.
Two German colonial officers
Despite opposition both within and outside the country, the government legislated hardest measures to ensure the white supremacy in the continent. Thus some Western nations and institutions began to boycott doing business with MittleAfrika because of its racial policies and oppression of civil rights. International sanctions, divestment of holdings by investors accompanied growing unrest and oppression within the county. The government harshly oppressed resistance movements, and violence became widespread, with anti-regime activists using strikes, marches, protests, and sabotage by bombing and other means. The African Congress (AC) was a major resistance movement.
The fall of the regime began with a failed attempt to end the racist regime, when the State President Harald Schwarz signed the Mahlabatini Declaration (1971), which was to open the path to a peaceful transition of power and equality for all, dismantling discrimination and lifting the ban on political organisations.
Harald Schwarz addressing to its nation to annouce them the Mahlabatini Declaration
All came to naught when the radical Nationalist reacted with a coup d'etat in 1973. With Johann Schmidt as new Head of the State, the new regime attempted to harden their stance, and this led to the world reacting by imposing wide economic sanctions in 1975, which were expanded again in 1976. The chaos which followed finally led to a civil war (1976-1980) between Jomo Kenyatta's African National Union (ANU), Patrice Lumumba's African People's Union (APU) an the government. The APU received assistance from the Combined Syndicates of America, the Commune of France and the Union of Britain while the ANU was supported by Germany, Portugal and South Africa. Over the years, the bloody war intensified. In March 1980 with his regime near the brink of collapse, Schmidt signed an accord with the rebel leaders, giving them the right to held free elections in exchange of safeguards for white civilians. As a result of this, elections were held in April 1981. Schmidt played a last trick by murdering Lumumba and Kenyatta, but their successors went ahead and, by the Unilateral Declaration of Independence (commonly abbreviated to "UDI"), dismembered MittleAfrika: thus Kenya, Zaire, Zambia, Congo, Tanzania, Uganda, the Central African Republic, Cameroon and Nigeria became independent nations, reducing the domains of a weakened MittleAfrika to just a small corner with their back against the Indian Ocean. On 1 June 1982, Julius Nyerere became the country's prime minister and its name was changed to Tanzania.
MittleAfrika had ceased to exist.
In 1931 MittleAfrika was granted independence from the German Empire with the passage of the Statute of Leipizig but it won't be until 1940 that this independence would be true. By 1936 the Freistaat had seen the rise of the MittleAfrika Partei, aimed in principle to secure the domination of the German speaking whites but, from 1940 onwards, to all whites, regardless of their native tongue.
In 1948, the MittleAfrika Party, now know as the National Party, was elected to power. It strengthened the already existing racial segregation begun under British, Belgian and German colonial rule. The new Regime classified all peoples into three races and developed rights and limitations for each, with the white minority controlling the vastly larger black majority. hile the White minority enjoyed the highest standard of living in all of Africa, comparable to First World Western nations, the Black majority remained disadvantaged by almost every standard, including income, education, housing, and life expectancy.
This measures were not quite liked by Berlin, however. Trying to overcome the militaristic past of the Empire, the successive German government pressed MittleAfrika to dismantle that racist system and the successive National Party's governments ignored them. This would end in the crisis of 1951, when, after a whites-only referendum, the country became a republic and broke all its relations with the German Empire. The Kaiser ceased to be head of state, and the last Statthalter became State President.
Two German colonial officers
Despite opposition both within and outside the country, the government legislated hardest measures to ensure the white supremacy in the continent. Thus some Western nations and institutions began to boycott doing business with MittleAfrika because of its racial policies and oppression of civil rights. International sanctions, divestment of holdings by investors accompanied growing unrest and oppression within the county. The government harshly oppressed resistance movements, and violence became widespread, with anti-regime activists using strikes, marches, protests, and sabotage by bombing and other means. The African Congress (AC) was a major resistance movement.
The fall of the regime began with a failed attempt to end the racist regime, when the State President Harald Schwarz signed the Mahlabatini Declaration (1971), which was to open the path to a peaceful transition of power and equality for all, dismantling discrimination and lifting the ban on political organisations.
Harald Schwarz addressing to its nation to annouce them the Mahlabatini Declaration
All came to naught when the radical Nationalist reacted with a coup d'etat in 1973. With Johann Schmidt as new Head of the State, the new regime attempted to harden their stance, and this led to the world reacting by imposing wide economic sanctions in 1975, which were expanded again in 1976. The chaos which followed finally led to a civil war (1976-1980) between Jomo Kenyatta's African National Union (ANU), Patrice Lumumba's African People's Union (APU) an the government. The APU received assistance from the Combined Syndicates of America, the Commune of France and the Union of Britain while the ANU was supported by Germany, Portugal and South Africa. Over the years, the bloody war intensified. In March 1980 with his regime near the brink of collapse, Schmidt signed an accord with the rebel leaders, giving them the right to held free elections in exchange of safeguards for white civilians. As a result of this, elections were held in April 1981. Schmidt played a last trick by murdering Lumumba and Kenyatta, but their successors went ahead and, by the Unilateral Declaration of Independence (commonly abbreviated to "UDI"), dismembered MittleAfrika: thus Kenya, Zaire, Zambia, Congo, Tanzania, Uganda, the Central African Republic, Cameroon and Nigeria became independent nations, reducing the domains of a weakened MittleAfrika to just a small corner with their back against the Indian Ocean. On 1 June 1982, Julius Nyerere became the country's prime minister and its name was changed to Tanzania.
MittleAfrika had ceased to exist.
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And thus Mittleafrika had their own little apartheid and imploded, very nice update.
The impossible friends: Egypt, South Africa and the Ottoman Empire: 1920-2012
The odd Istambul-Pretoria-Cairo triangle was one of the enduring features of the 1950-1970s period. How it became possible was a thrilling story of its own.
It began by the failed attempts of the Ottoman Empire to avoid lossing his grip over Lybia from the 1920s onwards. As Egypt moved eagerly to take profit of the power vacuum, it emereged the possibility of a war between Cairo and Istambul. However, even if king Farouk I and Sultan Mehmed VI were eager to tear each other apart, their own countries were not in the best shape to do so. The Ottoman Empire depended very much of the German help, which was not to jeopardize its hold on Suez Canal to please the Sultan and Egypt was busy keeping Sudan calm and peaceful. So, for a while, both countries did nothing and Lybia became an independnt country free from its ties to Istambul.
This just worsened the relations betweeen the two powers. Then South Africa joined the game. The 1920-1930s were busy decades for Pretoria as they implemented the apartheid (1) while trying to avoid the mistakes the the Staathalter was doing in the northern behemont. As they war with the Commune of France became more and more less posible, Canada became more and more pressing about the apartheid question until the strained relations reached a point of almost no return. which ended in a non-declared embargo by Ottawa. Relations were kept at a minimun, but, for a while (1950-1980), Canada stopped selling weapons to South Africa.
As Germany wasn't interested in alienating Canada, Berlin also blocked Sotuh Afric from buying weapons directly from them, and there Egypt and the Ottoman Empire entered into the fray, when both governments were approached by Afrikaaners bussinnesmen interested in "new kinds of weapons". Then, all along 1950s and 1960s, Egypt and the Ottoman Empire found themselves selling all kinds of military materiél to keep the South African Armed Forces alive.
Thus, in exchange, Pretoria attempted to keep both powers in peace. As Egypt provided South Africa with Centurion tanks, Canadair CL-13 Sabre fighters and ASW weapons, the Ottoman Empire sent German StuG G2 assault rifles and all kind of mortars and light and heavy guns, along with SAMs and Dornier Do 795 Pfeil light bombers (2).
At least, it looked that way.
(1) The Mittleafrika experiment gave them too much ideas
(2) The German answer to the Canadair Canberra.
The odd Istambul-Pretoria-Cairo triangle was one of the enduring features of the 1950-1970s period. How it became possible was a thrilling story of its own.
It began by the failed attempts of the Ottoman Empire to avoid lossing his grip over Lybia from the 1920s onwards. As Egypt moved eagerly to take profit of the power vacuum, it emereged the possibility of a war between Cairo and Istambul. However, even if king Farouk I and Sultan Mehmed VI were eager to tear each other apart, their own countries were not in the best shape to do so. The Ottoman Empire depended very much of the German help, which was not to jeopardize its hold on Suez Canal to please the Sultan and Egypt was busy keeping Sudan calm and peaceful. So, for a while, both countries did nothing and Lybia became an independnt country free from its ties to Istambul.
This just worsened the relations betweeen the two powers. Then South Africa joined the game. The 1920-1930s were busy decades for Pretoria as they implemented the apartheid (1) while trying to avoid the mistakes the the Staathalter was doing in the northern behemont. As they war with the Commune of France became more and more less posible, Canada became more and more pressing about the apartheid question until the strained relations reached a point of almost no return. which ended in a non-declared embargo by Ottawa. Relations were kept at a minimun, but, for a while (1950-1980), Canada stopped selling weapons to South Africa.
As Germany wasn't interested in alienating Canada, Berlin also blocked Sotuh Afric from buying weapons directly from them, and there Egypt and the Ottoman Empire entered into the fray, when both governments were approached by Afrikaaners bussinnesmen interested in "new kinds of weapons". Then, all along 1950s and 1960s, Egypt and the Ottoman Empire found themselves selling all kinds of military materiél to keep the South African Armed Forces alive.
Thus, in exchange, Pretoria attempted to keep both powers in peace. As Egypt provided South Africa with Centurion tanks, Canadair CL-13 Sabre fighters and ASW weapons, the Ottoman Empire sent German StuG G2 assault rifles and all kind of mortars and light and heavy guns, along with SAMs and Dornier Do 795 Pfeil light bombers (2).
Thus, for some decades, their common South African "friend" kept Cairo and Istambul in peace. When Pretoria began to "humanize" the apartheid, Canada lifted their blockade in the 1980s and relations were normalized again, the South African interest in the two Northern powers diminished a bit while the common hatred of the two had long died down.
At least, it looked that way.
(1) The Mittleafrika experiment gave them too much ideas
(2) The German answer to the Canadair Canberra.
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So, humanized or not, is the apartheid still going on in South Africa or not?. The non-black leaders seem to suggest so....
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Did the Mittelafrican Whites flee to Sud Afrika? What happened? And also, did the Rhodesians and Katangans escape into the South Africans' welcoming arms?
So it looks like Vasile Blaga was chased so badly by Romanians that he fled to South Africa, changed his name to Marius van der Heijden and became Prime Minister. :laugh: (I know, I know, minister pics don't appear out of nowhere)
Sharp eye there. And it's also a testament to Sudafrika's tolerance and multiculturalism that they elected a Romanian as Prime Minister.