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Chapter 88, Whitehall, 23 March 1937

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Eden sat in the Cabinet Room, in contemplative mood, and looked again at the newspapers; it had been a fairly intense month of strong lobbying by all camps, the editorials ranging from stridently pro-George (the ever loyal The Times leading this particular cause) to the Beaverbook press’ confused lamentations for the long-departed Edward, to the occasional flickers suggesting that, really, neither was much good. This last week, to the nation’s relief (and that included, Eden suspected, of the editors) and in the glow of some events of state having passed without incident, the tone appeared to have calmed down. But Eden had, in reading a collation of articles, letters and editorials, picked up a common theme among both professional writers and lay correspondents. It was, now, widely acknowledged that the Civil Service (that bit of it that was known about among the populace) hadn’t quite managed the crisis as well it could have done. Things had been missed, continuity, a critical element of British governance, had not been achieved. A development of that theme was that political neutrality did not mean an abdication (!) of responsibility; dereliction of duty had been mentioned, though at this stage largely by the retired Colonels and Indian Civil Service types than the weight of the public. Eden had agreed with many a writer that a significant element of the collapse of Whitehall over the winter stemmed from the collusion between Crown and the makeshift Government. The Civil Service could deal with an errant Prime Minister, or an errant King; one could be deployed to remind the other of their duty. But to have both acting so brazenly in defiance of the conventions had broken Whitehall. Further change was afoot, and probably needed; everyone with an ounce of sense could see that, it was just the scale of the pain that worried so.

Eden had not attended to this, yet, and he was beginning to wonder if he had ‘missed the bus’; his priority had been to corral his Cabinet, support the accession of King George, and to arrange the King’s Speech. All of this had been done, with solid rather than spectacular results. But he realised that the MPs and peers, as well as the Palace staff, had assumed roles and duties that properly sat with the Whitehall bureaucracy.

The sounds of muttered voices in the corridor signalled to Eden that his guests had arrived. Sir Warren Fisher and Edward Bridges were not surprised when, with Vansittart of the Foreign Office and Sir Archibald Carter of the Admiralty, they were summoned to meet with Eden. As befitted the ongoing sense of crisis in the country this was what the waspish Beaverbrook press had called ‘meeting by gaslight’, in that it was a late night meeting. The anti-Eden (or anti-Government, or frankly anti-everything, for as the dust settled most newspaper editors were wearily scratching heads and wondering what the hell they did now) press dryly remarked that the new Government ‘had something of the night about it’, seeming to conduct most of the business of state in the hours of darkness.

Stanley, Kingsley Wood and Margesson, his four senior Cabinet appointments, entered without the usual chatter, banter, of colleagues. Eden wordlessly handed one of today’s editorials to Kingsley Wood, who looked at it, and then at Eden.

“They are all, like that,” he said tiredly. “All of them. All criticising us for not rebuilding the bureaucracy, ah, dealing with the Civil Service.”

Margesson, who had been sitting back, now suddenly leaned forward, like a tiger about to attack the hapless Foreign Secretary. “We’re at the stage where they have a point.”

“What,” Oliver Stanley asked quizzically, “would you do first?”

“Cabinet Secretary,” Margesson snapped.

Eden, who was eerily disengaged, now also leaned forward, as if somehow joining the fray. “We can look to that,” he said simply. “Are they here?”

“The last of ‘em has just arrived now,” Kingsley Wood said simply.

Margesson rose bring to them in. The four senior civil servants trooped in, and found themselves arrayed opposite the politicians. Whether that was deliberate confrontation, or unfortunate choreography, none of the bureaucrats could tell. Fisher, taking his seat opposite, raised an eyebrow, with Secretaries of State, including his own, here then this was clearly a relatively important matter.

“Ah, gentlemen, sit, ah, please.” Eden had risen from his chair as they entered, a respectful gesture only just copied in time by the rest of the politicians. Fisher had seemed to appreciate this and saw that Vansittart did too. “I want this process to be, ah, as painless as possible.”

“Getting rid of Lloyd George, and the blessed Neville, has already achieved that,” Fisher said waspishly. Stanley and Kingsley Wood laughed nervously. Eden and Margesson did not.

“Ah, yes,” Eden replied uncertainly. “The fact of the ah, matter is this,” he continued earnestly, warming up and growing into the task ahead, “the Civil Service has taken as much of a battering over the last few months as the Whitehall establishment, and, of course, the ah Palace.”

“Hankey gone, Horace Wilson gone, huge changes in the Home Department,” Stanley muttered in support of his Prime Minister. “And then there’s Kell.”

Sir Warren Fisher noted that the Home Secretary, the nominal ‘owner’ of the Civil Servants in the Home Department as well as Kell in the Security Service (was he restored to greatness? Wasn’t he? As with everything, no one quite knew), was nodding along with this. “We need, I suppose, to replenish our stocks,” Fisher said slightly flippantly, as if trying to push Eden past this issue by making light of it.

“Not just that,” Eden said with a surprising firmness, sounding rather like Attlee in his snappiness and alarming the civil servants. He sighed, seemingly wanting to get to the point. “I have decided to orchestrate a wholesale review of the senior domestic Civil Service. This review will be led by Sir John Anderson.”

“The Governor of Bengal?” Bridges, the most junior member of the Civil Service delegation, was nevertheless too stunned to be deferential.

“Ah, yes. He was PUS at the, ah, Home Department,” Eden explained in a measured tone, “and was due to come home soon anyway. “He will lead an internal review, perhaps view it as a Star Chamber, of the Civil Service. He will be supported by the Metropolitan Police Commissioner and you, Sir Archibald; we’re leaving the Admiralty alone.” As Carter nodded with relief Eden leaned forward, rather an assertive gesture. “I want you to understand that this is not, ah, an aggressive, yes, aggressive move. It is rather one of your own coming home to clear out the stables.”

Fisher, who hadn’t anticipated this, took refuge in a question. “What are the terms of this review?”

Eden nodded at the question. “We will first put in place the leadership required, of all of the departments affected, at a senior level. Each PUS will then be able to work with Sir John on carrying out the structural reforms that are necessary.”

Eden sat back, and looked at Stanley, who nodded. “And you, Sir Warren, will support this.” Stanley seemed firm.

Fisher straightened, in a mildly imperious way. “I will?” He made those two syllables sound very elaborate, very pompous. The challenge was obvious, the gauntlet thrown down.

Eden looked away, guiltily, from the senior civil servant, while Kingsley Wood blushed. “Call it your legacy,” Stanley said, still surprisingly firm.

“Legacy? You make me sound like a Victorian governor…”

Margesson suddenly snapped. “Call it retirement planning.” Fisher, thus put on notice that his own tenure was ending, looked like a newly landed fish.

“We have nothing but respect for your efforts,” Eden began, before Fisher could rally, “and you will be duly recognised by the system for your years of public service.”

Sir Warren Fisher was lost for words. Vansittart, looking as though he had ‘survivor’s guilt,’ took up the civil service response. “Perhaps we could do this in a slightly more consensual way…”

The politicians were unrelenting, and perhaps for the first time since the Abdication they were conveying a genuine sense of investment in the project. “Sir John will be charged with appointing a Cabinet Secretary, Permanent Secretary at the Treasury, as well as the Home Department but not,” Eden said with a sharp look at Vansittart, “yet, at the Foreign Office. With everyone gazing at India or home I need you keeping watch on, ah, foreign affairs.”

“Minding the shop?” Vansittart said with a smile, a warm reminder that they had worked together, reasonably harmoniously in Vansittart’s view, at the Foreign Office.

“You have had a wonderful tenure,” Kingsley Wood began, “and we have discussed where you might serve next, but all in good time.”

Eden offered the ghost of a smile; despite the perceived warmth, in Vansittart’s case it was more an instance of ‘sentence suspended’ than ‘acquitted’, for Eden was desperate to move him on (and Kingsley Wood had equally wanted him for another couple of months) and then turned to look at Kingsley Wood. “Both of you, just keep, ah, a watching brief on things.”

“I am shocked,” Sir Warren Fisher had found his voice, “at the heavy-handed way in which I have been treated. It is but…”

“…nothing, but bloody nothing,” Margesson knew how to bully a bully. He had been too long a politician at the dirty end of party politics to be scared by an airy, pompous PUS. “While Lloyd George and King Edward were destroying our system of government you,” he pointed at Fisher, “and the rest, did nothing. Read these,” he jerked a thumb at the mess of newspaper cuttings on the table, “read what the country thinks about you.”

Sir Archibald Carter had barely said a word, Vansittart was looking awkwardly at his shoes, so Edward Bridges felt that he had to say something. “Prime Minister,” he frowned, an earnest and well-meaning man, “we will do our best,” he looked sharply at Margesson, who glowered back, “but could I ask how this will be communicated to our departments?”

Stanley’s face indicated that he conceded that Bridges made a good point. “Gently,” was all that he could offer.

“There’s no need,” Eden said crisply, “for much to be said at this stage, ah, at all. A couple of retirements, a couple of departmental changes, it would be unwise, ah, foolish, for us to second-guess Anderson’s assessment.” Bridges nodded, looked relieved. Sir Warren Fisher smouldered in his chair. Eden offered a smile. “Thank you, gentlemen,” he said in gentle direction to finish the meeting.

After the Civil Servants had left, Eden had Cairncross, who was doing all sorts of double duties in the hollowed out Downing Street staff, escort another man into his study where, with the Stanley, Kingsley Wood and Margesson, he was offered a brandy. Another secretary came in and closed the curtains, the classic Whitehall ritual of early evening and a sign of drawing in the entrusted, the cabal, on other, more furtive matters. Everyone else was behind the rampart of curtains, outside of the trusted circle. Intriguingly, Sir Roger Keyes, the Minister without Portfolio in the Government, was the new arrival.

“We have something,” Eden began in a drawl, and they took drinks, “of another issue. We will need to formally do something about Ball’s antics with Neville.”

“I thought,” Stanley began irritably, “that we had done with all of that. Even the Beaver has stopped printing stories about it.”

“No,” Margesson said with force, “we need to grip the Home Department and the Security Service. Some of the reports that I have managed to get hold of are…”

“…alarming?” That was Kingsley Wood, frowning. “I’m not entirely sure it’s the entire department, Prime Minister.”

“Perhaps, but some of what I have read from David here is rather, ah, bone chilling,” Eden said firmly. “I remind you that with the exception of Howard and Margesson here, we were all targeted by this rather sinister activity. We therefore need to thoroughly review our Security Service, ah, for a start it needs a new leader.”

Stanley frowned. “At the same time as the review?”

“I rather think we must, no point in ah, dragging this out, even further. It is the secretive companion, Anderson will be told, to his more overt task.”

Stanley was confused. “So, he’s picking the new Head of the Security Service?”

I’d like to,” Margesson said, with customary force, before wondering if head overreached. “With your agreement, Prime Minister,” he said, sounding as though Eden’s agreement was immaterial.

“I think that this is one appointment that this group should make,” Kingsley Wood said quietly. Margesson, surprised by the support, nodded in thanks. Stanley frowned, and then finally offered a nod of his own.

“Well then,” Eden offered, eager to close matters swiftly. “Do we have a list of candidates?” He looked at Roger Keyes, who offered a typed sheet to Eden, who nodded again after the briefest of skim reads. “Perhaps, Sir Roger, you could, ah, explain your reasoning. And thank you, for taking this duty.” Keyes’ job in Government so far had been, after running Eden’s earlier leadership campaign in the aftermath of Baldwin’s resignation in ’36, to arrange the new legislation and to guide it through Parliament. With the King’s Speech so recent, he had a brief period of relative quiet while the draft Bills and measures were discussed in ministries and committees. He was also the only man that Eden had felt able to trust with this. Perhaps it was that he, like Stanley, had been targeted by Ball’s antics. But there was a steely determination to get things under control.

“Before I begin, I want you to understand our methodology. We want to appoint someone with the dignity and discretion, but also the insider knowledge.”

“Makes sense Roger,” Margesson agreed. “Any idea who you want?” The inflection was a clear statement that Margesson had to be persuaded.

Keyes looked at Eden who nodded. “We have this list.” He paused, then read from his list. “Alexander Maxwell, currently Under Secretary at the Home Department...”

“…well thought of on the Joint Intelligence Committee,” Kingsley Wood added in a matter-of-fact way, “or so Vansittart tells me.”

“Isn’t there, an ah, chance,” Eden said in an evasive tone, “that Maxwell might be needed by the Home Department?”

Margesson nodded. “Well yes, Eden. That’s what I want.”

Eden looked at Keyes as one would a prized pupil who hasn’t quite done well this time. “That may scotch that nomination,” he said airily.

“Albert Canning, Commander of Special Branch,” Keyes continued with polite firmness, “and something of the traditional candidate, given the relationship between Special Branch and the Security Service.”

“Hmmmn, not sure about that one,” Stanley said with feeling. “Only if he can be considered free from involvement in recent events.”

“Deloused, you mean,” Keyes said genially. “I shall consider that point. Next is Ralph Stevenson, currently in the Foreign Office.”

Eden frowned, “I like Ralph, ah, I do, but he’s hardly an independent thinker.”

Stanley looked unimpressed. “Does that not suggest that he may be tainted by his earlier dealings?” He sipped on his malt. “None of them, Roger,” he said pointedly at Keys, “is particularly dynamic, challenging, dare I say, radical?”

“It’s, ah, too soon for that,” Eden said, answering for Keyes. “I’d rather plump for capable and above reproach. We can’t be risky, this soon in the rebirth of our, ah, intelligence apparatus.”

Stanley looked far from convinced but wasn’t going to press the issue. “I suppose,” he said finally.

Keyes clearly wasn’t finished. “Go on, Roger,” Eden said in a supportive tone.

“Sir Philip Game.”

“The Commissioner?”

“Yes, Oliver, the Commissioner.”

“Could work,” Stanley said grudgingly.

“Eric Holt-Wilson,” Keyes said carefully. “Kell’s deputy.”

“Is he running the show now?”

“Yes, Howard,” Margesson said for Keyes. “He’s just like Kell.”

“We should consider him, ah, have a look,” Eden said in judgment.

“Sir Ormonde Winter.”

“You’re joking,” Margesson snapped.

"I know he has some dubious views.”

“Well, the man was suspected of being a fascist,” Stanley said drily.

“Who?” Kingsley Wood was confused.

“Sir Ormonde de l'Épée Winter,” Eden said effortlessly. “It says here he ran the intelligence operation during the Irish Civil War.”

“I’m trying,” Keyes said in a curiously persistent tone, “to also offer candidates with wider experience.”

Stanley frowned. “Is that why this chap from India, er, Tegart, is on the list?”

“Who?”

“Six lines down,” Stanley explained to Kingsley Wood. “Charles Tegart, from India.”

“Perhaps as a deputy,” Eden said while he read the file, “he strikes me as someone who would make a good, unfussy deputy.” Keyes nodded. “Alright, we’ll have a look, and then we’ll get it a shortlist of two or three. Was that all, Roger?”

Keyes shook his head. “It’s also the Secret Service,” his eyes darted fleetingly to Kingsley Wood, and back again. “If we’re going to clean up Whitehall is it time to move Sinclair on?”

Eden sighed, weary. “You mean, after…”

“…Spain, Portugal, Holland. It’s hardly flush with victory. From what I read they only just managed to smuggle Winston’s nephew to safety after the silly ass ran to Spain.”

Eden looked ready to wilt but Margesson supplied the shot of energy that the PM needed. “I agree, actually,” he said in an unusually chatty tone. “Fisher, for all his sins, was damming about their recent efforts.”

“What I don’t have,” Keyes said, smiling at Margesson's support, “is a list of candidates.” There was a curious inflection in his voice.

Stanley, ready to plunge where Eden was reticent to, looked sharply at Keyes. “You’re tempted, aren’t you?”

Keyes pursed his lips, “I’m not yet sure. But my instinct is for a military man, ideally with Whitehall experience. My first thought was General Dill. Establishment, trustworthy, set up the JIC, but…”

“…he is otherwise engaged,” Stanley finished Keyes’ thought, “with the Palestine mess.”

“And, rather, ah, high profile,” Eden muttered. “Howard, start to prepare ‘Van’ for a change, I know from experience that he can be rather protective of the spies.”

“Will he help us?” Stanley was suspicious.

“Yes he will,” Eden said easily, Keyes nodding in support. “If we engage him from the off.”

Margesson looked sharply at Keyes. “Who would be in your shortlist?”

Keyes pursed his lips. “From the military? Dill, Haining, Bartholomew. From within SIS? Menzies. From wider in the community, Jasper Harker. I also considered Hankey.”

“None from the Navy?”

“Well,” Keyes said with a wince, “DNI is hardly the most dynamic of people. I had thought about the Naval Attache in Berlin. Captain Muirhead-Gould.”

“That’s a long list, without a file,” Eden said wearily. “I want a shortlist, like we are, ah, for the Security Service.”

Kingsley wood had clasped his hands very primly on the desk and looked rather like a schoolboy about to turn over an examination. “So we have the Royal Commission on India, the Constitutional Committee…”

“…no we don’t. Without the need to, ah, succour Attlee it goes away. It’s all in the Establishment Bill.”

“Fine, but certainly the Establishment Bill, and now a Star Chamber looking at the Civil Service? While we hunt for a new Head of the Security Service, and possibly,” he shot his best attempt of a withering look at Keyes, “the Secret Service. That’s a lot for a government to take, particularly when a government is as fledgling as it is.”

Eden sighed. “We are, I rather think, fine. We do have a majority,” he drawled.

“Do we need a statement?” Keyes, for all that he was an MP, was not as experienced as the others.

“There really is no need,” Stanley said soothingly, understanding Eden’s point. “If Attlee is mad enough to challenge us sorting out the Civil Service he’ll be crucified by the papers.” He looked suddenly at Eden. “And some of his own MPs will turn on him.”

“For the good of the country,” Kingsley Wood said flatly.

“You sound like one who wants the thing to happen,” Keyes said rather primly.

“Perhaps,” Eden agreed, “I do.” He paused, and then surveyed his colleagues. “Never interrupt your enemy when he is making a mistake, eh? Wellington had it right.”

“That remark was believed to have been made by Napoleon,” Keyes corrected, without feeling.

====
GAME NOTES

Before we begin the work proper, I have a couple of observations: one is that I will probably release one more chapter before BBA, like a tsunami on a Pacific atoll, slams us with its brilliance/buggy incompetence. I intend to do my usual routine of wait 24 hours, see if the brave souls who pre-ordered it (ze fools!) recommend it/sue Paradox for the cost of a new laptop, and then I will take the plunge. I will run another game based along the premise at the heart of this AAR; thankfully I’ve so far done little apart from wreck the British constitution and play around with spies so this won’t destroy the existing body of eighty or so chapters. But I’m intrigued by some of its features (the air ones, and the beginnings of proper C2) so think it may enrich the AAR.

My second point, and this from the self-confessed atrocious commentatAAR that I am, is how good the HOI4 area of AAR land is at the moment. I note that @stnylan ’s masterpiece has returned, we have @Bullfilter and his excellent Poland AAR, and now @TheButterflyComposer has launched his democratic Germany work. I will try, today, to catch up on all three, but it’s great to see HOI4 so strong (when it normally pales in comparison to CK2 or 3, and the other PDX works).

And now to this AAR and this update. Yet another externally led review, Le Jones? Yes, although this one is much narrower in scope and tightly controlled by Whitehall.

The strain upon the British Civil Service has been the quiet tragedy of this AAR, something that I have treated with a degree of neglect (and the list of contenders for that dubious award is long – the Commonwealth, and the state of the UK military have also yet to really feature) and one that I think can be ignored no longer. The sense of 1936 and 37 being difficult years is nothing new, of course. In this TL we’ve seen public collapses in the varying Royal households, as well as the chaos that engulfed Palestine (nothing to do with the King Edward and DLG nonsense) and India (very much emanating from the King Edward and DLG nonsense) and now there will need to be some form or regrouping of the bureaucrats. High on the ‘to do’ list will be filling a swathe of positions at home. Baldwin had a decent enough team, actually great in places; my only caveat is that many of them (Fisher, Hankey etc) had been in their positions for a long time. While this is great for experience and stability, it is consequently less promising for development and the growth of new talent, and both were probably ripe for retirement in the OTL 1937. With the chaos gripping Whitehall in this TL DLG, in one of his better decisions / omissions, did no senior recruitment (although there was a fair bit of firing!), allowing Eden a significant opportunity; he has both the vacancies to appoint fresh talent and weaker opposition than he would have had OTL. This is not, though, a mandate to go completely mad: senior Civil Service appointments at this time were more closeted and based upon professional reputation and culture than perhaps they are now, and some appointments, no matter how laudable, will be met with the response that they just ‘won’t do’.

The spymasters’ jobs are rather unusual, but still not utterly dissimilar to those of the Civil Service; Kell has been with the Security Service from its inception and Sinclair is only the second head of the Secret Service since its founding. Neither, strictly, exist (yes, yes, I know they do, but they don’t exist in statute, more as an exercise of prerogative powers, deliberately crafted using prerogative to keep them away from Parliamentary scrutiny just before WW1) and recruiting new leaders is frankly something in which the Cabinet can do, pretty much, what it wants. My list for the Security Service is pretty predictable: the Head of Special Branch, a senior Home Office mandarin, the Commissioner of the Metropolitan Police, an ambitious Foreign Office insider, and then a couple of wackier suggestions. Perhaps the one omission is that we aren’t, immediately, looking at promoting a good man from within MI5, but this might feature later. I’d be intrigued to know your thoughts on this, while I have a name in mind this is very much a hunch based on who I think Eden’s Cabinet would tolerate. This will present problems: if the Security Service isn’t given leadership it might struggle to respond to what’s coming. In OTL, Kell’s team did rather well to counter the German threat (less so the Russian one, but we’ll come to that later) and German successes in the UK were few and far between.

If the Security Service is now explicitly placed on the path of reform, then SIS is still in a period of uncertainty. I think that the collapse of Whitehall authority and the destruction of confidence that has engulfed the British establishment would, eventually, catch SIS and there is now open speculation about replacing Admiral Sinclair as its leader. To be candid, I remain amazed that the survived as he did OTL, this was not a happy period and the spies’ failures were numerous (and documented, at least in part, here). Again, I have some names for Sinclair’s replacement but would be fascinated to know your thoughts. If you guess the name I’m mulling as the favourite I might have to post you a bottle of something…

A rambunctious lot. Currently educating them on why the word 'papist' should not be used in an English context, and definitely not used in regards to the contemporary Royal Family unless you want to start a fight.

Yes, it was a pretty awful place when I stumbled over it.

I do like this very local on the ground view of where things are right now in British India. And I think it does very ably demonstrate the information vaccuum the British are currently operating in, especially the recent imports.

Thank you - the British are at the very beginning of dealing with this period of unrest, and the job of DLI and many other raw British battalions like them will, simply, be to hold the line while the intelligence and politics can be brought to bear. Classic British imperial policing, essentially.

It is very interesting to think we may well have just lost the last witness to those events back in 1936.

It is, and I have winced everytime something that I may cover/consider in this AAR has been discussed over the last 8 days. Not just the Abdication Crisis, but the wedding to Prince Philip, the accession and coronation of George VI etc...

The thought of reading an OT thread about recent events never crossed my mind and it appears my subconscious was wise about this.

I didn't deliberately go looking, I wanted to rant about the LOTR bilge on Amazon and had a cursory look; it was deeply unpleasant.

The political update was interesting, another definite sign of normality returning. Not the same as things were before the DLG and Eddie Show, but recognisably similar and a government with the time and inclination to deal with the domestic agenda and such dull but important things as the Factories Act 1937 (the usual mildly terrifying list of things that were banned, presumably because they were happening before). And of course Germany reminding everyone that they will be causing trouble shortly.

It was always a bit baffling that the Germans demanded the colonies back in OTL, they had no real place in Nazi thinking and even Imperial Germany hadn't really done much with them. The big Hitler plan until late 1937ish was keep Britain on side so they would join (or at least allow) his rampage in the East against the Soviets, so making demands for the colonies was positively counter-productive. Then again it was Ribbentrop and being belligerently counter-productive was very much his thing.

I think there will be changes; Eden is in a 'like' but also different position to Chamberlain OTL and will have a very different take on world affairs (which will start to dominate as the domestic plans are set up).

I'm with you on the colonial issue, it was a stupid diversion that both sides became weirdly fixated upon.

And so to the second chapter. The DLI in India are in for a fun time, an interesting range of characters who will be grappling with the multi-sided, multi-faction mess.

Thank you, they'll pop up occasionally and will have a 'fun' war, when it starts.

PS: As an aside, and it may be different in the British Army, or in 1936, but as a subby I would never have dreamed of referring to my OC (or any superior officer really) in the first person by their rank. Just by his first name: “Sir“ :D

Referring to someone by their rank when talking directly to them was generally something you would only ever do to a more junior officer, but required of course in the second or third person. And without using their name, it could be a little bit more insulting. OC: “Lieutenant, you are a disgrace!” “Yes, sir! Major Martinet said the same a minute ago.” As opposed to “Lieutenant Fubb, take your men around the left flank and provide fire support for 2nd Platoon’s attack.” “Yes, Sir.”

Fascinating, thanks for sharing.

But maybe we just did things a little differently, or formally. I did find the regimental banter very good and authentic sounding. :)

Thanks!

PPS: when I was a subby, we had an SSM once (Squadron Sergeant Major, it was Armoured Corps) who would refer to himself with the post-nominals of F.G.B. (F****n Good Bloke). He looked fine at first blush, but was horrifying (though more so for the soldiers).

I agonised over this not being a Sharpe / Hornblower [insert other military tale here] parody, hence I took a real company's details, tweaked them very slightly, completely redid the names, et voila. Holgate is an interesting one, despite the fact that he and Captain Lumsden are the closest to parody, someone very like him existed (and seems to have dragged his lads through the fall of France).

PPPS: and a soldier (or cadet) calling a sergeant “Sir” was also of course a terrible transgression: “Don’t call me ‘sir’ you f****n idiot, I work for a living!”

PPPPS: the only thing more fear-inspiring for a new/green subby than a CSM is an RSM! No lieutenant would feel comfortable around one, captains (with perhaps the exception of the Adjutant) would feel a little uneasy but hide it well and only Majors or above would feel at all at ease, though would maintain due respect.

I need to double check, but I think the RSM at this time looked like a tank. I couldn't contrive to put him in the chapter, but he looked and sounded terrifying.

This is quite different in the navy, so I understand, probably because pretty much everyone is 'on' all the time when at sea, to some degree (you could always sink or be attacked). The captain is almost always the captain or captain, etc.

This certainly chimes with my experience, the RN being the arm of the UK military with which I have the most experience.

Quite right too.

and names? Surely not to a superior officer. ;)

Yes. Though it can also be polite: “Yes, I actually do know your name, Lieutenant Bloggs - you wretched little oik.” ;) Just half kidding.

Yes, always, as a mark of respect. Especially when talking about someone of superior rank when someone else superior to you is in the group. But if it’s a bunch of people of the same rank grouching or happily reminiscing about a superior in private? More likely than not either an insulting nickname “old Mudguard” (a bald bloke, whose head was ‘shiny on top, but shit underneath’) or the ASP (A Smiling Penis); or alternatively something playful or gruffly affectionate: ‘Old xxxx’, etc.

often though it would be the appointment rather than the rank used in some of those circumstances (the CO, OC, 2IC, the Adj, etc).

Maybe, though when in the field (or training for it) I subscribed to the view that there was no such thing as ‘semi-tac’: thinking you could take it a bit too easy was a good way to grow complacent and get you and your men killed.

So, in a regiment or battalion, in third person it was almost always ‘the CO‘ or ‘the OC’, regardless of the incumbent’s rank, rather like the captain of the ship being the captain, whether a Lieutenant, Lieutenant Commander, Commander, or Captain by rank.

And when you were in barracks, things were probably more formal, if less immediately threatening. one wouldn’t wish familiarity to breed contempt, would one?

Possibly. Depends who it is and ranks and where, of course.



It's a delicate balancing act in the british regs. It's even worse with the amercians because they're actively trying to make every group a brotherhood, and that suckered in the officers too.



For those not in the know, this is exceedingly common. The lowest 'natural' group you can gey are the second and first lieutenants of a company, plus the captain (second lowest includes their major, who is generally supposed to be a bit more aloof than that).

So every group tends to have at least two or three different ranking officers, unless you're on base and with several companies. Or in the Sargent mess, which is almost always the best mess.



Rarer to happen. No, actually, common enough but not in regulars. Specialists though tend to be reduced in rank when they switch over (so you have dog handlers who used to be first lieutenants now at sargent). It turns out it's much, much more common with higher ranks talking about their current fresh face second lts, which was a little...mortifying to discover.



Depends how long everyone's been at a base, and how many equal rankers are there. There was a particular major who was always The Major, didn't matter where he was.



Depends on deployment I'm led to believe. The mechanics in Newfoundland are chill compared to Kenya, and Kenya were chill compared to the middle east. And everyone was chill compared to Cyprus and Gibraltar.



Looking too cheerful is a health hazard, it turns out. Not so much if a Lt Col catches you but if a major does, heaven forbid YOUR major...

Mind you, the chaps in question in the chapter were a mixture of HQ AC and Spooks, and they're quit different from infantry.

Interesting, thanks.
 
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Margesson suddenly snapped. “Call it retirement planning.” Fisher, thus put on notice that his own tenure was ending, looked like a newly landed fish.

“We have nothing but respect for your efforts,” Eden began, before Fisher could rally, “and you will be duly recognised by the system for your years of public service.”

They're skyfalling Fisher, as they should.

“I am shocked,” Sir Warren Fisher had found his voice, “at the heavy-handed way in which I have been treated. It is but…”

“…nothing, but bloody nothing,” Margesson knew how to bully a bully. He had been too long a politician at the dirty end of party politics to be scared by an airy, pompous PUS. “While Lloyd George and King Edward were destroying our system of government you,” he pointed at Fisher, “and the rest, did nothing. Read these,” he jerked a thumb at the mess of newspaper cuttings on the table, “read what the country thinks about you.”

Still of various minds about Margesson being the Home Minister but he really is needed to bludgeon the government apparatus back to life. Sometimes when the engine is broken, you really do need a massive hammer...

I will run another game based along the premise at the heart of this AAR; thankfully I’ve so far done little apart from wreck the British constitution and play around with spies so this won’t destroy the existing body of eighty or so chapters. But I’m intrigued by some of its features (the air ones, and the beginnings of proper C2) so think it may enrich the AAR.

The two big things are of course, a suggestion that diplomacy and war ending has been fixed so you actually can do limited wars of expansion/defence, and negotiate about treaty limitations between allies and enemies.

And finally giving Italy something to do...albeit at the same time they're giving Switzerland something to do. The level of contempt paradox has for tutorial starts continues to baffle me.

My second point, and this from the self-confessed atrocious commentatAAR that I am, is how good the HOI4 area of AAR land is at the moment.

It is, isn't it? Starting to get that level of experimentation and variety found in golden era CK2 AARs circa 2017 or so...less of them of course but still a good sign.

Yes, it was a pretty awful place when I stumbled over it.

The European monarchists (who...exist, apparently) seem to have finally grasped parliament can amend our constitution whenever they like and most certainly do not serve at His Majesty's pleasure, no matter what the oaths say.

If you guess the name I’m mulling as the favourite I might have to post you a bottle of something…

Will respectfully decline given the propensity to read the author's unwritten notes (albeit unknowingly).

I didn't deliberately go looking, I wanted to rant about the LOTR bilge on Amazon and had a cursory look; it was deeply unpleasant.

The LOTR thread was uneasy ever since we learnt Gladriel would be a main character, which is rather like learning superman is going to be a main character in a series, in a place with no other superheros and no kryptonite. An interesting premise for a gifted writer team...but worrying in an action adventure show.
 
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One does wonder why they would go through the trouble to sabotage a rarely-used branch line not once, but twice in a couple of days. Did these rebels not look at a railway map, or are they trying to send a message without disturbing traffic on the mainlines?

It seems a bit wrong to punish Whitehall for something that was ultimately the fault of Edward, or parliament, depending on how you look at it. Of course, right and wrong never stopped any politician from taking action conspicuously to 'fix' something that looks more broken than it is...
 
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It is hard to feel sorry for Sir Warren Fisher. He is caught, he is landed, the rest be a matter of time. It is almost a if he has lost his key.

But something of a housecleaning is in order. But a considerate one, greased with titles and sinecures to soften any blow, to grease the wheels of government so they may turn with as little friction as possible.

I am rather enjoying Keyes. Of all the current figures in the AAR he is one of the few I actually know anything about.
 
This may be one of those times when it is as easy (or hard) to do a lot as to do a little. The other occasion that comes to mind was in the US, when all of the obstructing Southern Congressmen went home. A very great deal of legislation was moved through in a short period of time: land sales, state universities, the Transcontinental Railroad and on and on.

The British public seem to want or at least be open to changes, Eden's government have a majority and the opposition is muted... it reminds me of the old US tradition of 'The Hundred Days' (also called the Honeymoon) where the incoming administration would get respectful attention and often real cooperation from the opposition. Ah, the far-off palmy days of 2007, before McConnell and the Just Say No (to everything) chorus.

Anyway, if Eden is going to go to the effort and trouble, he's probably right to sweep all of the Augean Stables while he can. The people who will oppose him will oppose him whether he does a lot or a little, and if he gets his own (competent) people in charge of the processes, he may increase his majority and lengthen his tenure.
 
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Another suspiciously positive update as the government machine continues to rise up from rock bottom. While I doubt the Civil Service 'Star Chamber' will go as far as it should I hope it will do enough, something to look forward to regardless. Fishers slow realisation and deflation throughout the chapter was quite wonderful, while Margesson continues to be great fun as the designated blunt truth teller of the government.

Perhaps the one omission is that we aren’t, immediately, looking at promoting a good man from within MI5, but this might feature later. I’d be intrigued to know your thoughts on this, while I have a name in mind this is very much a hunch based on who I think Eden’s Cabinet would tolerate. This will present problems: if the Security Service isn’t given leadership it might struggle to respond to what’s coming. In OTL, Kell’s team did rather well to counter the German threat (less so the Russian one, but we’ll come to that later) and German successes in the UK were few and far between.
The ideal appointment is obviously Maxwell Knight, if only because he was well aware of the Soviet threat but couldn't get any bugger to listen to him. Though I suppose the question is can he make the jump from case office and master of spies to being head of MI5, which is a different job.

From the list they are all fairly uninspiring candidates but then that is what Eden says he wants. I'd be reluctant to give the job to a civil servant and I don't think it's a job for a senior police type, even a Special Branch officer, as the requirements are different and imposing a police view onto MI5 is unlikely to end well. Given those restrictions best outcome looks like giving the top job to Holt-Wilson for continuity, with Knight as his deputy with mandate to push things on?
If the Security Service is now explicitly placed on the path of reform, then SIS is still in a period of uncertainty. I think that the collapse of Whitehall authority and the destruction of confidence that has engulfed the British establishment would, eventually, catch SIS and there is now open speculation about replacing Admiral Sinclair as its leader. To be candid, I remain amazed that the survived as he did OTL, this was not a happy period and the spies’ failures were numerous (and documented, at least in part, here). Again, I have some names for Sinclair’s replacement but would be fascinated to know your thoughts. If you guess the name I’m mulling as the favourite I might have to post you a bottle of something…
The most entertaining choice would be Claude Dansey, he would give the place the necessary kick up the arse and given what his off the books Z Organisation achieved I would love to see what he could do when properly supported and resourced. But he'd probably do a terrible job as chief due to his personality and is a bit too radical for what Eden is looking for.

For an internal candidate, Thomas Kendrick was station chief Europe at this point and doing a solid enough job. But given your somewhat harsh views on SIS I suspect it will not be an internal candidate.

Desmond Morton would be a solid choice, he has the right background for it and would certainly be acceptable to the Conservative party. His time in SIS is far enough back that's he not tarnished with current problems and he's been in Whitehall the last few years on various CID intelligence groups and sub-committees so he knows the bureaucratic game and all the main players, but again is insulated from recent shenanigans. I did wonder if his Churchill connections might taint him, but they probably haven't happened at this point as Churchill was in government (such as it was) so had no need for unofficial sources. He's my guess, let us see how wrong I am. ;)
 
I read this a while back, then lost the quotes I had prepared, got side-tracked … so my somewhat belated comments follow!
it’s great to see HOI4 so strong (when it normally pales in comparison to CK2 or 3, and the other PDX works
I agree, and many thanks for the shout out and support!
Yet another externally led review, Le Jones? Yes, although this one is much narrower in scope and tightly controlled by Whitehall.
Oh dear, I can imagine the very fishy look Sir Humphrey would be giving just about now. In this context, ‘external’ is nearly as toxic a word as courageous! :eek:
promoting a good man from within MI5, but this might feature later. I’d be intrigued to know your thoughts on this, while I have a name in mind this is very much a hunch based on who I think Eden’s Cabinet would tolerate.
As an aside, I wonder what ‘M’ would have been up to during this period. To junior a bit to, er, ‘right wing’ for the top job, I’m guessing. He would have been in his element though.
I agonised over this not being a Sharpe / Hornblower [insert other military tale here] parody, hence I took a real company's details, tweaked them very slightly, completely redid the names, et voila. Holgate is an interesting one, despite the fact that he and Captain Lumsden are the closest to parody, someone very like him existed (and seems to have dragged his lads through the fall of France).
It worked very well.
I need to double check, but I think the RSM at this time looked like a tank. I couldn't contrive to put him in the chapter, but he looked and sounded terrifying.
This sounds right! Either huge and menacing, or small, wiry and piercingly intimidating are the usual manifestations! :D
 
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Chapter 89, Leeds, 31 March 1937

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For what felt like the twentieth time the trade unionist and now the newly elected MP for Southend (narrowly defeating the rebel Conservative Henry 'Chips' Channon), Ernest Bevin, as formidable a presence as any in the Party, leaned over to Attlee and muttered a forthright opinion of a delegate.

The latest cause for Bevin to lean over came from a salvo against the leadership from another of the new intake, Percy Wells, the newly elected Labour member for Faversham. In an excoriating and withering attack, he bluntly demolished their recent manifesto, taunted Attlee and Greenwood for their timidity in the campaign, and begged for the decisive leadership that the movement needed. That this attack, the strongest yet, came from Wells, a Royal Navy veteran and one of the more moderate trade unionists, only amplified the effectiveness of his remarks.

Clement Attlee was angry, in his own undemonstrative way. He had, as everyone in the senior leadership had agreed, done the right thing by offering the promise of support should the former King dig in and refuse to accept Eden’s legitimate demands. Attlee believed very firmly that Chamberlain, whom he despised, and Eden, who he did not, had been utterly correct in the need to stand up to the King. Attlee had guessed that Labour would pick up support, particularly in Scotland, Wales and the Northern slums, and had offered Labour’s increased Parliamentary support, formally, to pry the King from his throne. That this support had come in the form of the threat of Labour joining a National Government had, Attlee now realised, been a horrible and deadly trap; the movement had now set aside its revulsion of their now disgraced former King and were pouring a deadly fire upon Attlee for daring to side with the Conservatives. There was going to be a vote on the leadership, Attlee was ready for one and was actually rather keen to be done with one, but the identity of a likely challenger had yet to manifest itself. Greenwood had been tired before the election; during the horrible work necessary to be rid of King Edward he had, Attlee realised, exhausted himself utterly. Gin, it was well known, was the fuel of his enegy. No, Attlee thought to himself as Wells wound up his speech, it won’t be Arthur. Dalton and Morrison, both sheepishly on the fringes of this conference after their defection to Lloyd George and now reluctantly welcomed back, could also be discounted, their treachery ending their hopes for high office. Chuter Ede and Frederick Pethick-Lawrence were considered of sufficient stature but lacking in real support, so who would it be?

He circulated, as a leader must, among the tea rooms of conference, enjoying quips about the oddity of Halifax going back to India, ‘the Viceroy to the Viceroy’ was how the left was attacking Brabourne, the new man in Delhi. There was concern about the stubborn unemployment figures, wondering if the hints of a rearmament plan in Eden’s rather stolid King’s Speech would help, with the far left immediately denouncing any form of ‘warmongering’. Then there were those who simply wanted better standards of living and social support, regardless of whether or not it was publicly owned. And the miners, well, they were here, always ready to lend their muscle to the struggle.

A truly miserable lunch of an amorphously brown soup and something claiming to be lamb was eaten and then the delegates trumped in for another speech. Attlee, alone with his thoughts, steeled himself for whatever was to follow.

“Conference recognises Mr Stafford Cripps,” the convener said flatly.

“This is the one,” Bevin said warily. “Ede was chuntering on about ‘im at lunch.”

Attlee suppressed a chuckle at Bevin’s unintended pun of ‘Chuter Ede’ ‘chuntering’, and listened.

“Comrades, I am humbled to be here,” Cripps began in his thin, nasal voice.

Bevin shook his head. “Nothin’ ‘umble about that little sh..”

“…thank you,” Attlee snapped.

“I fear that I must be the careful, rather doom-laden man who tells us all the bad news,” Cripps said primly. “By losing the election we have allowed this country to be placed on a dangerous road to ruin. As we meet the Cabinet is preparing to enact what we heard in the King’s Speech, namely measures that will impose upon this country a frightening programme of militarisation.” He paused, taking a sip of his water. “Already our army has been thrown into India to subjugate those who want nothing more than their liberty and rights of association. Rights, conference, which our movement knows to its costs are hard won and hard retained!”

Bevin looked ill, Attlee was clenching his pencil. "Well, now we know," he muttered softly.

“This Government's only remedy for a difficult national problem is to arm and arm and arm, regardless of the lessons of history and the proved fact that armament racing can only end in war. If, Comrades, we are plunged in war I devoutly hope that the workers of this country will use it for the purpose of revolution. I hope that the present government can be made to understand that that will happen. It will be a very healthy thought for them to have in the back of their mind.”

“Jeeeeeesus,” Bevin said softly.

“We will have nothing to do with imperialist or capitalist wars. If the time comes, as we hope it will, when the workers of this country own England as they do not own England today, if their policy is a policy of international socialism, then it may be that we may have to defend the system and the country against the marauders of some capitalist Power, the majority of the workers would be prepared to defend the system, but so long as they were being asked to defend something with which they profoundly disagreed, something which they believed to lie at the root of the dangers of the world today, then it was their duty to say that they would have nothing to do with the armed forces or with war. All sorts of excuses have being given why we should uphold rearmament, including the old-fashioned ‘for God, King and country’ patriotism, assisted by all the tomfoolery of jubilees and coronations. I say, this is enough.”

“We must embrace all of our fellows, across our ideology and even outside of our party. The reactionaries of our movement are keen to prevent fellow socialists from coming into it. The last thing anyone should do is to pander to the reactionaries by staying out. James Maxton and Harry Pollitt should be sat with the leaders of the Labour movement today.”

There was applause at this; Maxton had come out of the Royal crisis to acclaim on the left. "You're right, Ernie, he's going to do it," Attlee snapped.

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“We must revolutionise this country. It must be the duty of the next Labour Government in power to make an immediate challenge to the capitalist system and take the banks and the land into the custody of the people. The ancient privileges and powers that are held by the tiny few to push down the oppressed many must be swept aside. The time has come to drop all hesitancy and to be bold. If the people of this country in their good sense returned a Labour majority next time, we would do great things, whatever it cost.”

So that was it then, at least for Cripps, Attlee thought glumly. A return to something not far off pacifism, attacks upon rearmament, embracing all on the political left and a call to nationalise everything. Attlee thanked God that Cripps, as had been threatened, had not had the opportunity to be be let loose upon the constitution. He looked around, privately hoping that this revolutionary twaddle would be met with contempt.

To his astonishment it was not. The applause was thunderous, the newer members rising almost as one to support this intervention.

“What’ll you do, Clem?” That was Bevin, as surprised as any that Cripps’ rhetoric had found such support. “We can always avoid a vote using clause…”

“…no,” Attlee snapped. “Let ‘em have their vote.” He suddenly felt very, very tired. He got up from his chair, stiffly, as Ellen Wilkinson was shouting for ‘help for home, not harm abroad’, taking the opportunity to parade some of the Jarrow marchers who had ‘valiantly fought the fascists’. He needed to be alone. And so he decided to go for a pee. And then he would go for tea and cake.

====
Suitably drained and then replenished, he returned as the conference was breaking up for another break, noting the little groups forming like clots around the hall.

“We’re looking at you, Cripps and Morrison,” his deputy, Arthur Greenwood, greeted him.

“You’re not tempted to stand again, Arthur?” Greenwood had been a contender in the 1935 leadership election.

“No no,” Greenwood said, awkwardly.

“Morrison is touched if ‘e thinks that he can get it. Which means,” Bevin said, holding a truly massive slice of cake, “that it’ll be between you and that prancing little…”

“…thank you,” Attlee snapped. He felt the fatigue surge again.

They decided to hold the first round that evening. Realising (or more likely, being told in no uncertain terms) that as a former traitor he was lucky to still be in the Party, never mind think of leading it, Morrison, showing a rare sense of self-awareness, announced that he was throwing his support behind, hilariously (given that he was thought to be on the right of the Party) the leftist candidate, Cripps.

Clement Attlee didn’t conduct much in the way of party diplomacy. He met with some of the moderates, got Fred Pethick-Lawrence to talk to the newer members about how Attlee had acted so decisively in the Abdication saga, but for most of the hustings he was content to stay in the tearoom and finish The Times’ crossword for that day.

“Clem,” Greenwood said, beckoning him. The crestfallen face said it all.

“How many?”

“You’re going to get ninety-five, so…”

“…forty-five percent, give or take.”

“He has one hundred and seventeen,” Greenwood continued.

“Fifty-five percent,” Attlee snapped. He sighed, and entered the conference hall. The waiting was awful, the long, droning intonation as the rules of the vote were read out for the third time, and the purgatory that was slow revelation of the result.

“Er,” the convener said awkwardly, “would you like to address us, Mr Attlee?”

Attlee thought, for a second, of running for the hills, but quietly, and with dignity, strode to where a beaming Cripps was lapping up the applause. He fiercely shook the new leader’s hand, and, after the catcalls had been quelled, spoke, albeit very briefly.

“I would just like to say that to lead you through two elections and the Royal crisis has been an honour, comrades.” He looked sharply at Cripps. “But no leader gets to last forever, and it’s time for me to move along. Best of luck,” he said as he shook Cripps’ hand.

Violet Attlee, who almost always attended Labour conferences with her husband, was duly prepared. She wordlessly guided her husband to their waiting car, where his Parliamentary Private Secretary (now similarly ejected) waited to take the final orders. Together, the three in their little car made their forlorn way back to London.

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====
GAME NOTES



An apology first, I had aimed to fire this short update out last Tuesday but, of course, life got in the way. For those fortunate (!) enough to be born British, I managed, having sensed that the mini-budget was going to rattle the markets, to spend Monday doing some asset stripping and getting a new mortgage deal (my current one runs out in late December) that only raises the monthly pain by around £100. For that I feel truly lucky, as the UK is in for a cold, rather unhappy winter.

And then, flush with my gain (or acceptable loss) in the financial stakes, I did what I said I wouldn't and purchased BBA right away. Sighs. It really is a good update, I have yet to really play Italy but from an hour on Thursday night it seems fun, and will almost certainly never play Switzerland (I'm sorry Paradox, that's a waste of your creative time) or Ethiopia. My only gripes are:

1. Divisional leaders. Have a button to rename them (ideally to pick a portrait as well, but I can live without it) and we're friends.

2. Air wings. Making air wings fixed in chunks of 100 is dafter than a Liz Truss political speech. The mod developer who develops something to unf**k this nonsense has instant hero status.

And now to the update itself, and another Labour update? Yes, although for expedience I have massively truncated the leadership election (making these events almost certainly illegitimate under the Labour policies that existed at the time) to, a la Python, "get on with it". I wanted to quickly deal with the left, which will play a part in the future (particularly the war) but with different leadership than OTL.

Every chapter of an alternate history AAR has to ask itself two questions? Is the decision to be made plausible, and is the course chosen by the writAAR also plausible? Here, that translates to: would Attlee be challenged for the leadership, and could it be Cripps. I humbly contend and submit that the answer to both is, I am confident, ‘yes’.

Turning first to the issue of a challenge. Attlee has twice, in a short period, presided over electoral heartache. One of those was the sort-of-recovery of 1935 (from the catastrophe of 1931) while the other was the constitutional nightmare of the 1937 election. While I avoided the ‘manifesto updates’ that I offered in KFM, I have suggested that Labour moved more to the centre in this TL's 1937 election, reflecting the issues of the OTL 1935 manifesto and continuing its drift to the centre, thereby abandoning some of the pacifist nonsense. This was done, I submit, with the likely clamour from this TL's events demanding sweeping constitutional reform, all mixed in with more standard Labour fare of nationalisation and increased welfare provision. Labour did ok, if not spectacularly, in this election: I’m positing 212 seats, an improvement on the 154 won in 1935 but certainly not a spectacular one. That the Labour leader was floating a marriage of convenience with Chamberlain / Eden would be known (it would have to be, as such a coalition would need, under Labour rules, the backing of the members), that this was a bluff to get rid of King Edward would not. Attlee therefore looks, to his members, as willing to bend principle a la Macdonald (which still looms large in Labour thinking) and not particularly vote winning and / or left-wing enough. That matters, and I also conject that Labour’s new MPs, some of whom will have razor thin majorities carved out from the chaos of the Tory / Tory rebel and Liberal mess are perhaps more radical than Attlee would have wanted. Royal reform was a key plank of Labour’s offer to the electorate in our TL 1937 General Election and that, historically, tends to excite the left of the party more than the centrists / right. I think that these newer members, most of whom would have been staunch unionists / socialist activists (the only people available for a short notice hustings) will have arrived in Westminster with an agenda; a centrist, rather Establishment, rearmament friendly approach will simply not do.

In short, I don't think that these members will draw the right conclusions from the recent election. And this gets us Cripps, who does to Attlee an almost mirror image of what Labour did to Lansbury, over the same issue (with the numbers reversed), rearmament. In 1935 the Labour leader was pushed out over Labour’s slow dropping of pacifism. This was done as the TUC increasingly drifted from the Christian pacifism of Lansbury who then stepped down (just before the General Election). Here, as I contend that as the cost of rearmament, coupled with Cripps’ genuine belief in constitutional reform (and all the other reforms) hits home, the Parliamentary Party now (over)reacts to the election result and charges off to the left. Please note, I am not suggesting that pacifism returns as formal policy (although it might), but that Labour will be critical of ‘blank cheque rearmament’. Basically, Labour has become more radical, diverting sharply from the slowly moving-to-the-centre journey that Attlee had set them on. @El Pip has been rightly critical of Cripps, he is an unlikeable man who seemed, despite being wrong on a lot of issues, to remain impervious to scrutiny of his weak graps of affairs. I suspect that my view of him, which is that of a principled idiot, will be too generous for some commentatAARs, but I am pretty comfortable that he did genuinely believe in his policies.

I do remain a fan (gulp) of Attlee, in the main. To qualify that, I admire his modest, frugal style and his integrity. His written work was notoriously to the point and in debate he was sharp, brief, and modest (I have tried to draw that out in his AAR speeches). He has such a divisive opinion in modern British politics, either venerated for the NHS or loathed for the failures. I admire him for a number of achievements, not least his patriotism in May 1940 where it was Labour, not the Conservatives, who delivered us from Chamberlain and saw to it that the right man for the moment (and not, as a wonderful AAR theorises, Lord Halifax) became PM. I admire him for the quiet work on the domestic front as the Deputy PM for Churchill, more than I perhaps do as his work as PM in his own right. As DPM he supported the Government beautifully during the dark days of 1940-41, and is rightly respected for his hardworking underpinning of the fight, at home, against the Axis. As PM? It’s a big, ambivalent ‘hmmn’: although the vision of his 1945 manifesto remains truly inspirational in the way that Churchill’s ‘cottages for warriors’ twaddle couldn’t hope to match, I accept that there are areas in which he blundered, particularly in his dealings with the other superpowers. I suspect that his modesty 'talked down' Britain (which is ironic as he was as much, in his way, of an imperialist as many a Tory) and that had he 'done a De Gaulle' and been an obstinate old sod he would have been able to carve a role for the UK as a strong third power (perhaps). But as a UK citizen, is my life better under an Attlee ’45 victory or a Churchill one? I am unrelentingly thankful that Attlee won it, despite the ongoing imperfections in the welfare state that he bequeathed us.

But here it’s not to be; he has been shoved aside for doing what was unquestionably the right thing and acting to dump the King. Politics is a cruel game. ‘Them’s the breaks’, as Johnson himself said recently.

So…

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will not be a scene in this AAR.

They're skyfalling Fisher, as they should.

I must enter an admission to the charge; it remains a wonderful depiction of how senior civil servants are quietly nudged aside. I have seen it happen, to a Borders Agency senior, after a prolonged trial in which his team were found to be utterly deficient.

Still of various minds about Margesson being the Home Minister but he really is needed to bludgeon the government apparatus back to life. Sometimes when the engine is broken, you really do need a massive hammer...

It's the price that Eden paid for his nomination to succeed Chamberlain, and I have yet to fully decide whether it's going to be a car crash or a triumph. Given the war that will play out eventually in this TL, perhaps the former...

And finally giving Italy something to do...albeit at the same time they're giving Switzerland something to do. The level of contempt paradox has for tutorial starts continues to baffle me.

I know I am a broken record on focus trees, but when even the developers admit they're chaotic I just ruefully shake my head.

Will respectfully decline given the propensity to read the author's unwritten notes (albeit unknowingly).

Go on, have a pop!

The LOTR thread was uneasy ever since we learnt Gladriel would be a main character, which is rather like learning superman is going to be a main character in a series, in a place with no other superheros and no kryptonite. An interesting premise for a gifted writer team...but worrying in an action adventure show.

It remains wonderfully badly executed, (RoP, that is). I am kinda enjoying the Southlands stuff, but the Harfoots are just, well, badly done.

One does wonder why they would go through the trouble to sabotage a rarely-used branch line not once, but twice in a couple of days. Did these rebels not look at a railway map, or are they trying to send a message without disturbing traffic on the mainlines?

Thank you for commenting, and you make a good point. There are so many 'rebel' groups (local rioters, the INC, random tribesmen from Waziristan) that I am deliberately suggesting that they're of varied motive and, well, competence.

It seems a bit wrong to punish Whitehall for something that was ultimately the fault of Edward, or parliament, depending on how you look at it. Of course, right and wrong never stopped any politician from taking action conspicuously to 'fix' something that looks more broken than it is...

I think that the senior civil service, the men who really run the Empire, did react too slowly, or without suitable energy. Abdication for KEVIII was all but inevitable the second that Baldwin went to see him in the Summer of '36 with his telegrams of support from the Dominion PMs, but Whitehall in this TL was as unprepared for it (probably more unprepared) as it was OTL.

It is hard to feel sorry for Sir Warren Fisher. He is caught, he is landed, the rest be a matter of time. It is almost a if he has lost his key.

But something of a housecleaning is in order. But a considerate one, greased with titles and sinecures to soften any blow, to grease the wheels of government so they may turn with as little friction as possible.

Yes, they'll do this with appropriate courtesy and honour as can be mustered; given the tribulations elsewhere they have to ensure a quiet change in the Whitehall machinery.

I am rather enjoying Keyes. Of all the current figures in the AAR he is one of the few I actually know anything about.

He's rather a cypher, I needed someone to be Eden's 'fixer' and given that the two agreed on quite a lot in the mid 30s it made sense to give this to him. I actually rather doubt that a former Flag Officer would allow himself to be a parliamentary runner, and will probably tone that down in later updates.

This may be one of those times when it is as easy (or hard) to do a lot as to do a little. The other occasion that comes to mind was in the US, when all of the obstructing Southern Congressmen went home. A very great deal of legislation was moved through in a short period of time: land sales, state universities, the Transcontinental Railroad and on and on.

The British public seem to want or at least be open to changes, Eden's government have a majority and the opposition is muted... it reminds me of the old US tradition of 'The Hundred Days' (also called the Honeymoon) where the incoming administration would get respectful attention and often real cooperation from the opposition. Ah, the far-off palmy days of 2007, before McConnell and the Just Say No (to everything) chorus.

I think that this is very insightful - Eden's power is huge and, unusually, growing; with every retirement of a Liberal or a rebel Tory, with every quiet chat in the tearooms about rejoining the Conservatives and taking the whip, his majority grows. He has some significant challenges: Chamberlain is thwarted rather than slain, he has to do something about the constitution (given its importance in the election) and world affairs are about to go crazy, but with his enemies weaker than him this, I posit is his time.

Anyway, if Eden is going to go to the effort and trouble, he's probably right to sweep all of the Augean Stables while he can. The people who will oppose him will oppose him whether he does a lot or a little, and if he gets his own (competent) people in charge of the processes, he may increase his majority and lengthen his tenure.

Also very true.

Another suspiciously positive update as the government machine continues to rise up from rock bottom. While I doubt the Civil Service 'Star Chamber' will go as far as it should I hope it will do enough, something to look forward to regardless. Fishers slow realisation and deflation throughout the chapter was quite wonderful, while Margesson continues to be great fun as the designated blunt truth teller of the government.

Ah, @El Pip - you know me too well, Sir. You know that chaos and tragedy are on their way...

The ideal appointment is obviously Maxwell Knight, if only because he was well aware of the Soviet threat but couldn't get any bugger to listen to him. Though I suppose the question is can he make the jump from case office and master of spies to being head of MI5, which is a different job.

From the list they are all fairly uninspiring candidates but then that is what Eden says he wants. I'd be reluctant to give the job to a civil servant and I don't think it's a job for a senior police type, even a Special Branch officer, as the requirements are different and imposing a police view onto MI5 is unlikely to end well. Given those restrictions best outcome looks like giving the top job to Holt-Wilson for continuity, with Knight as his deputy with mandate to push things on?

The most entertaining choice would be Claude Dansey, he would give the place the necessary kick up the arse and given what his off the books Z Organisation achieved I would love to see what he could do when properly supported and resourced. But he'd probably do a terrible job as chief due to his personality and is a bit too radical for what Eden is looking for.

For an internal candidate, Thomas Kendrick was station chief Europe at this point and doing a solid enough job. But given your somewhat harsh views on SIS I suspect it will not be an internal candidate.

Desmond Morton would be a solid choice, he has the right background for it and would certainly be acceptable to the Conservative party. His time in SIS is far enough back that's he not tarnished with current problems and he's been in Whitehall the last few years on various CID intelligence groups and sub-committees so he knows the bureaucratic game and all the main players, but again is insulated from recent shenanigans. I did wonder if his Churchill connections might taint him, but they probably haven't happened at this point as Churchill was in government (such as it was) so had no need for unofficial sources. He's my guess, let us see how wrong I am. ;)

This is all wonderful, I have in mind a 'type' that Eden, Margesson and Kingsley Wood would probably agree on, which will sort of see some of this happen but will, probably, be 'safer'.

I read this a while back, then lost the quotes I had prepared, got side-tracked … so my somewhat belated comments follow!

I agree, and many thanks for the shout out and support!

No need to thank, Poles Apart is a triumph.

It worked very well.

Thank you Sir!

This sounds right! Either huge and menacing, or small, wiry and piercingly intimidating are the usual manifestations! :D

I've checked. The RSM who took the DLI to China (they garrisoned the international bit of Shanghai) in the 30s was a tank. I'm still trying to find out who took them through the 1940 ordeals.
 

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If Atlee couldn't see, or didn't have the sources to find out, where the challenge was coming from, then he did probably need to go.

There is a great science fiction story by Niven and Pournelle called 'A Mote in God's Eye;. The aliens - the Moties - have a fairy-tale character they call Crazy Eddie, who always does the wrong thing, at the wrong time, for the best of reasons. One example is a giant city that can barely sustain itself, tottering along on the verge of catastrophe as it tries to manage power supplies, food supplies, sewage and the rest. Crazy Eddie is the one who leads the garbage collectors out on strike for better wages, leading to outbreaks of plague, the destruction of the city and the deaths of millions...

Cripps is Crazy Eddie. His policies might have been affordable (in a political sense) in the 20s but - if he gets power - those policies are going to get Britain run over by Germany. Fortunately, from what I can see, Eden has a pretty secure base from which to fight Chamberlain's tendency to appeasement and Cripps' - well - Crazy Eddie.

Best case, Eden convinces his people to push through some reforms. Enough to take the wind out of Cripps' sails... it would not be the first time a British government used modest reforms to stave off or slow down more radical proposals, I think.
 
A truly miserable lunch of an amorphously brown soup and something claiming to be lamb was eaten and then the delegates trumped in for another speech. Attlee, alone with his thoughts, steeled himself for whatever was to follow.

Back when labour spent their money on other things, I suppose.

“Comrades, I am humbled to be here,” Cripps began in his thin, nasal voice.

First of all, there is no such thing as a humble politician. At minimum, it requires a certain over-riding belief in oneself.

If, Comrades, we are plunged in war I devoutly hope that the workers of this country will use it for the purpose of revolution.

Er...

“Jeeeeeesus,” Bevin said softly.

Indeed. This seems poised for electoral catastrophe right about now, especially with appeasement at an end (?) And the nazis only going to get more unpopular in the UK.

To his astonishment it was not. The applause was thunderous, the newer members rising almost as one to support this intervention.

New members generally means radical members, or the 'Something must be done, this is something' people.

Well...to be fair, this is one of labours great ideas of the period. Either democratic socialism or revolution by the masses. The former has not worked, or been seen to cosy up to the tories and monarchy, and so...

“Morrison is touched if ‘e thinks that he can get it. Which means,” Bevin said, holding a truly massive slice of cake,

This massive slice of cake surely must mean something profoundly symbolic but I cannot quite place it.

I must enter an admission to the charge; it remains a wonderful depiction of how senior civil servants are quietly nudged aside. I have seen it happen, to a Borders Agency senior, after a prolonged trial in which his team were found to be utterly deficient.

Yes, it seems the done thing to do. Here is the situation, here is the next rank of honour for your trouble, the door is over there, make no noise for x number of years and we'll see if you can be given the usual kickbacks.

It's the price that Eden paid for his nomination to succeed Chamberlain, and I have yet to fully decide whether it's going to be a car crash or a triumph. Given the war that will play out eventually in this TL, perhaps the former...

Hmm. Well, that really does depend on how good the war government is at home issues. Labour OTL were very good at keeping it all going whilst the big names focused on the war front, so TTL might have some issues or problems if they don't have some dedicated people making sure it all keeps running.
 
now the newly elected MP for Southend (narrowly defeating the rebel Conservative Henry 'Chips' Channon),
That is a blow to the diary and gossip industry. He shall be missed, not in terms of actual ability but he does brighten up a room.
“This Government's only remedy for a difficult national problem is to arm and arm and arm, regardless of the lessons of history and the proved fact that armament racing can only end in war. If, Comrades, we are plunged in war I devoutly hope that the workers of this country will use it for the purpose of revolution. I hope that the present government can be made to understand that that will happen. It will be a very healthy thought for them to have in the back of their mind.”
I suppose this is a minor improvement over Cripps OTL position of actively wanting Germany to win the war and perhaps the best one can expect from such a traitor.

Attlee being booted out is not a big surprise, he had put country before party and was punished for it, as is traditional in politics. But Cripps winning was unexpected, I really hadn't expected Labour to make another valiant bid for electoral suicide but the reasoning makes sense. Eden has been absolutely handed the next election on a plate at this point, which is nice as he deserves a bit of luck.

@El Pip has been rightly critical of Cripps, he is an unlikeable man who seemed, despite being wrong on a lot of issues, to remain impervious to scrutiny of his weak graps of affairs. I suspect that my view of him, which is that of a principled idiot, will be too generous for some commentatAARs, but I am pretty comfortable that he did genuinely believe in his policies.
I'm sure he believed in his policies, but then so did lots of evil sociopaths. Stalin genuinely believed in his policies and look how that ended up. Still there is no hope of him ever winning an election if you keep to your 'plausible' decision making process so this is somewhat academic.

He has such a divisive opinion in modern British politics, either venerated for the NHS or loathed for the failures.
If it is any help I loath him for the NHS, though I realise this is sadly a niche position.
will not be a scene in this AAR.
Hurrah! And there was limited rejoicing, but from all the very best people.
I think that this is very insightful - Eden's power is huge and, unusually, growing; with every retirement of a Liberal or a rebel Tory, with every quiet chat in the tearooms about rejoining the Conservatives and taking the whip, his majority grows. He has some significant challenges: Chamberlain is thwarted rather than slain, he has to do something about the constitution (given its importance in the election) and world affairs are about to go crazy, but with his enemies weaker than him this, I posit is his time.
I must admit I had assumed Chamberlain was basically out of the picture. He was never popular and lacks much of a faction within the party, he did nothing to inspire loyalty and now he has seemingly blown his chance who would stick with him? With Halifax out of the country and Eden unlikely to go too crazy on foreign policy there is no obvious wedge for Nev to exploit, and even if there was there are surely better and less tainted candidates than him for any ultra hardcore appeaser faction to coalesce around.

And yet you hint it, so I look forward to finding out what part of that analysis is incorrect.
 
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I must admit I had assumed Chamberlain was basically out of the picture.

In HOI4? Do you not recall how much punishment the British Empire takes before he got thrown out last time (and that was with the aid of the colonial militia and an elephant)?
 
In HOI4? Do you not recall how much punishment the British Empire takes before he got thrown out last time (and that was with the aid of the colonial militia and an elephant)?
I fail to see the relevance. Ignoring the worst (and often the best) that the game engine vomits out is half of the skill of a good HOI4 AAR writer.
 
I fail to see the relevance. Ignoring the worst (and often the best) that the game engine vomits out is half of the skill of a good HOI4 AAR writer.

That is true, but canonically, Chamberlain is not only still PM but may well be PM for the whole of Le Jones' game. Unless something goes horribly wrong in Europe.
 
Unless something goes horribly wrong in Europe.

Raises an eyebrow ironically.

I think there was... when was it, 1872 to 1873 perhaps, when something didn't go horribly wrong in Europe? So that seems like a safe bet.
 
There ought to be a saying that the only thing that makes the idiocy of the right tolerable is the idiocy of the left. Or something like that anyway. My goodness.

Also, are you sure this is still an alternative history? In parts it seems to becoming eerily close to certain episodes more recent :D
 
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Raises an eyebrow ironically.

I think there was... when was it, 1872 to 1873 perhaps, when something didn't go horribly wrong in Europe? So that seems like a safe bet.

I think it's actually a specific trigger that needs to be pulled. That is, either the war needs to go bascially as per usual for a while, which will end Chamberlain at some point after France and Norway...or you can use the FOCUS TREE to 'press button for Winston', and 'unlock' the guy for your new PM portrait.

This is, I think (?), what ended up happening in Imperial Cheese, because Chamberlain clung on for so long and was so detached from world affairs that the AI eventually had to force him out with the button rather than events.

Mind you, it's a little hard to tell. HOI4 is a pretty strange but interesting game when you really tear it off the rails. I wonder, now there are actual FOCUS TREE paths for New Roman Empire (tm), whether or not the game would be forced to improvise as much as it had to in that run?
 
@TheButterflyComposer - thank you for the explanation - HoI4 is the first big Paradox title I decided not to acquire, so my knowledge of the mechanics is, um, "Reply hazy, ask again later".

If Chamberlain-ite policies are going to linger then it makes sense for Neville to remain as a ghost at the banquet, or as a poltergeist at #10. Eden is perhaps going to find, as he settles into his chair, that members of his cabinet will tend to substitute their own policies for his. Running a government is - I think - rather like herding cats, so Chamberlain will have lots of opportunities to meddle should he choose.

And it is a truism that Great Powers always think that issues can be contained until they get themselves ready, and are almost always wrong.
 
@TheButterflyComposer - thank you for the explanation - HoI4 is the first big Paradox title I decided not to acquire, so my knowledge of the mechanics is, um, "Reply hazy, ask again later".

If Chamberlain-ite policies are going to linger then it makes sense for Neville to remain as a ghost at the banquet, or as a poltergeist at #10. Eden is perhaps going to find, as he settles into his chair, that members of his cabinet will tend to substitute their own policies for his. Running a government is - I think - rather like herding cats, so Chamberlain will have lots of opportunities to meddle should he choose.

And it is a truism that Great Powers always think that issues can be contained until they get themselves ready, and are almost always wrong.

Well...the game FOCUS TREE makes it a mix of chamberlain and churchillian policies. That is, they cheat and use chamberlain and labours home policies during and before the war, plus Churchill’s foreign and military policies. And this is all separate from who is in charge, and the only options for democracy are baldwin, chamberlain and Churchill in that order...suits trying to simulate the general Conservative party switching to a war footing....though it can start in 1936 in some areas and not begin in others till way into the fortis, depending on FOCUS TREES and what everyone else is doing.
 
ARP2.png


Chapter 90, Chequers, 4 April 1937

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It was a crisp Spring morning, bright, with dew and a brisk breeze. Eden, who was rather taken with Chequers, had gambled that while his guests would have visited the suite in Parliament many times, it was possible that they had never been invited to the PM’s official country retreat. With his team already safely deposited in the library, Eden was enjoying time in his lounge.

There was a knock and Viscount Cranborne, Eden’s Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, peered around the door.

"They’re appwoaching, Anthony.”

“Ah! Thank you Bobbety,” Eden nimbly rose and scurried over to the aide. “Are our boys being looked after?”

“I wather think they are,” Cranborne agreed.

“It is important, this,” Eden said to Cranborne as he gathered up his notes. He stroked his moustache. “Are you coming?” He said this to his wife, Beatrice, who was making a rare display of support for her husband.

“At lunch,” she snapped, “and Nicholas will want to see his father, you promised to play with him.” This was said in rebuke.

“Later,” he said, closing the conversation. “C’mon, Bobbety,” he practically ran out of the lounge. “I haven’t forgotten how hard you have worked, ah, toiled, on this,” Eden said conspiratorially to Cranborne. “I know you wanted a proper department of your own, but I needed you and Roger to get the important things done.”

“I am alwight, Anthony, honestly,” Cranborne said soothingly.

“But I won’t forget. Let’s get all this Royal stuff out of the way and we’ll see what we can do. There’s bound to a reshuffle before the year is out. You’ll get your reward.”

They arrived at the entrance hall just as an elderly, rather sharp looking figure entered, wearing dour city clothes and with an air of authority. He had magnificent eyebrows, of the sort that Punch would give a biblical prophet (or anyone, Eden rued, who hung around Halifax for too long). He entered with an evident sense of expectation, as if he was of status, and was followed by a thin, rather austere man trailing in his wake.

“Ah, Schuster,” Eden said, forcing himself to be warm. “The politicians have started, we had, ah, other matters to discuss, but I am grateful that you are able to join us. Sir Thomas,” Eden said in acknowledgment to the second man. Together Sir Thomas Barnes, the Procurator General and Treasury Solicitor, in effect the Government’s non-political lawyer, with Claud Schuster, Permanent Secretary to the Lord Chancellor’s Office, were the senior, most experienced lawyers in Government. Barnes inclined his head slightly in response to the Prime Minister’s greeting.

The grander-looking man, Schuster, looked vacantly around the building. “Not many changes,” he said in a quiet voice.

“We will have to show you around later, ah, the full show, I think. Thank you for coming to see us, ah, on a Sunday.”

Schuster puffed with delight; Barnes looked blankly around. “Thank you, Sir, for the invitation,” Barnes said politely but slightly coldly.

“Let’s go to the library,” Eden said, waving his two guests towards another room. They walked in to find Sir Donald Somervell, the Attorney General, together with Lord Hailsham, David Margesson and Roger Keyes, flicking eagerly through the newspapers.

Seeing the ministers Schuster chuckled. “Quite the assemblage.”

Eden waved everyone to a semicircle made up of sofas and armchairs. “Now do please take some cake, and cook will rustle us up some lunch later.” The usual rattling of teacups and plates that signified an English public-sector meeting took place. “Now, I ah, wanted to gather you all, here, to agree, at least in concept, the work that has been quietly taking place over the last month, or so, on the constitutional elements that we announced in the King’s speech. Schuster, Sir Thomas, your roles are vital. We have all been working ah, on this, but now I would value your opinion to our proposals, to test the, ah, theory, if you will.”

“Alright,” Barnes said warily.

They all took their seats. Chequers was, at the best of times, an odd mix of country home, Government building (even though it was actually owned by a trust) and Mayfair club. Eden, dressed in country casual, sat at the centre of the semi-circle, very much the ‘head boy’ of the gathering. Cranborne, like a public school fag, sat rather meekly to the Prime Minister’s right. “Now you all know that a key element of the recent abdication was the proposal, which has Royal assent…”

“…not Royal Assent,” Hailsham interrupted, “that means he has signed the bill.” The other lawyers, Schuster, Barnes and Somervell, all nodded. Margesson, for what Eden suspected would not be the last time in this meeting, quite obviously rolled his eyes.

“Fine,” Eden snapped, annoyed at his grand speech being interrupted. He now spoke in a rush. “I meant the assent of Royalty, ah, Royal acceptance. The King understands that legislative action is now unavoidable, and I have continued to remind him of the pressure that remains in this, ah, regard. I would like, ah, to agree, what we will include in our draft bill, and to discuss any areas of contention.” He turned to the civil servants. “Your role here is essential, gentlemen. You alone are not tainted by the politics of it all.”

Schuster sighed. “Very well, but…”

“…excellent,” Eden interjected. “Now, Attorney. While the Home Department has interest and the sponsor of the Bill is Bobbety here,” he gestured to Viscount Cranborne, “and is leading the charge from the Lords, you have provided most of the inputs. Perhaps you would care to brief us on where we are?”

1666092160868.png


The Attorney General was a thoughtful, dull-looking man, with the air of a stockbroker, or even a bishop, rather than a sharp legal mind. He was one of the survivors, one of the remnants, of the Baldwin Cabinet who had been returned to grace now that sanity and good order had been restored. He leaned forward, looking at Schuster and Hailsham, still the advocate addressing the crusty judges.

“My Lords, gentlemen,” he began, his voice a good approximation of the rasping, gravelly voice of the best courtroom performers. “We have a mandate, following the Exigency Government, the Abdication and the General Election, to make significant alterations to the legal frameworks governing the establishment of the Monarchy, and its interaction with Government. We propose, as you are both aware, to introduce a Royal...”

“…I thought,” Hailsham interrupted, “we had agreed on the ‘Crown Establishment Bill’, or am I behind?”

“Your Lordship makes a valid correction,” Somervell said, almost automatically. “The Crown Establishment Bill will be one of the largest pieces of legislation in recent Parliamentary history, and will require the repeal of amendment of a number of laws.” He frowned.

“Let’s start there,” Eden said, taking notes. “What is the legal framework, I think you called it, that exists. What, ah, what are the existing statues that we need to overhaul?”

Barnes spoke first. “Prime Minister, this is a significant undertaking. Claud and I,” he nodded to Schuster, “are agreed, during our preparatory meetings with our departments, that the existing legal frameworks, as the Attorney General calls them, are, in this country, extremely complex.”

“How complex? C’mon man.” Margesson, as ever, wanted to get to the root of the matter.

“Why, Home Secretary,” Schuster began, in a true judge’s voice, “you have a veritable miscellany of statutes, precedents, treaties on the position of the Monarchy,” he began, reciting from memory the points that he and Barnes had discussed. “We have the Act of Settlement, the Crown and Parliament Recognition Act of sixteen eighty-nine, the Royal Marriages Act of seventeen seventy-two, the no less than ten Regency Acts since the succession of George the First.”

“Oh Christ,” Roger Keyes, whose role in this work was unclear to Schuster (and who thought it beneath himself to ask), muttered, very audibly, under his breath.

“Quite,” Barnes, with a wry smile, agreed. “We also have the Civil List Acts of seventeen sixty and eighteen thirty-seven,” he added.

“So, Attorney Genewal, we have Woyal mawwiages,” Cranborne began, carefully scribbling, “the line of succession, wegency, their funding.”

“We do,” Somervell confirmed, Barnes and Schuster agreeing.

“Is there anything else,” Barnes now asked with a very serious tone, “that you would wish to put into the Bill.” He looked at Somervell. “We talked, Minister, about the Palaces.”

“Yes,” Cranborne said with a nod, not looking up from his list. “There is a pwesumption that we wish, as part of the Establishments Bill, to codify the Woyal Palaces and their status.”

Margesson was confused. “Isn’t this already laid down?”

1666092381101.png


“Not in one place,” Schuster said, gravely, but with a wry smile. “They are assumed to belong to the Sovereign by the happenstance of his, or her, ‘being’ the Crown.”

Barnes frowned. “This is, I presume, because of Balmoral and Sandringham?”

“Yes, it is,” Eden said readily. “Lord Sunningdale wouldn’t budge, until, ah, that is, we threatened him with the collapse of his settlement. But we cannot have this again, so we’re going to make them royal residences.”

“The statutory precedent for this is rather sparse,” Barnes continued, “so…”

“...it can surely be done,” Cranborne said earnestly, “but the left will be howwified at an expansion of the Woyal estates.”

“That’s a battle,” Keyes said tiredly, “for another day.” Eden and Margesson, next to him, both nodded.

“It’s as we discussed, then,” Barnes said, turning to Schuster. A section defining the Royal Palaces and their use. It can be done.”

Barnes wasn’t finished. “Does the Government intend to regulate RP?”

“RP?” Keyes was confused.

"The Royal Prerogative,” Schuster said with a degree of reverence, “which is why we’re all assembled here, surely to goodness.”

Eden sighed. “I do not, ah wish, to fetter the Crown’s power…”

“…your powers,” Margesson said rather bluntly. Cranborne frowned at the directness.

“The Crown’s powers, wielded by the Prime Minister,” Schuster said primly.

“Ah, yes,” Eden said weakly. “I think that we would like to explore the nonsense that took place in this country over the last seven months. That a Sovereign could ignore the seats, the ah, Parliamentary arithmetic, for his own gain.”

“Or a Prime Minister,” Margesson said, pointedly.

Barnes and Schuster looked to one another. “This does, then, rather sound as though we are looking at the Prerogative,” Barnes said.

“Perhaps only where those powers coincide with Parliamentary processes.”

“That, Schuster,” Hailsham exclaimed, “is a monstrously complex undertaking.”

Somervell, a logical man, coughed. “Perhaps, Sirs, we should start…”

“…at the beginning,” Margesson said sourly.

Eden was frustrated at the meandering nature of this initial foray. “Let’s charge our cups and take a moment.” The sound of not quite a dozen middle aged men rising to find a place to deal with their bladders and their thirst sounded.

“Attorney, Bobbety,” Eden said sharply, “a word.” Both gathered with the Prime Minister, who waited until the others had left. “We need to grip this, for God’s sakes we’ve had a month. I had assumed we were close to a draft bill.”

“Well if you wefwain fwom unpleasantries…”

“…we are,” Somervell said, cutting across Cranborne’s irritated defensiveness.

“Well then,” Eden said fussily, “let us stick to it.”

====​



They reassembled and it was clear that Eden’s mood was harder than earlier. “Attorney,” he said, almost in a command.

“Perhaps, Sirs, we should focus upon our drafts to date.” There was murmuring, which Somervell took to be agreement. “So, long title, I think a list of repeals, and then do we need to set out definitions, and sources of powers and so on?”

Eden sighed. “That would, ah, could, create dissent, and lead to controls on Parliament and Cabinet power.”

“No,” Somervell said with a frown, “I am not certain that it would. For example, a definition clause explaining what we mean by ‘the Crown’.”

“The Crown,” Schuster said in a mildly patronising way, “is the central government of the Kingdom. His Majesty, his Prime Minister, ministers, supported by departments staffed with civil servants. That is ‘the Crown’, Attorney General.”

“But if we are only regulating the Royal provisions,” Somervell said carefully, “we should either specify what the Crown means in this Bill, or else refer to it as the Royal Establishment Bill.”

The mutual irritation between the measured Somervell and the dramatic Schuster was obvious and Barnes turned to Lord Hailsham, the Lord Chancellor. “What do you think, My Lord?”

“Oh, ‘Crown’,” he looked at Eden, “Prime Minister, but Donald is right that we need to specify that what the legal identity of ‘the Crown’ means. It has been given no real consideration in our constitution.”

“A creative ambiguity,” Keyes said with a chuckle as he nibbled on a stale biscuit.

Schuster frowned but Barnes now nodded. “For what it’s worth Prime Minister, I agree with Donald and His Lordship. We need a suitably robust preamble, then define the Crown as the Monarch working with the Prime Minister, Ministers and departmental civil servants.”

“Ah, alright.” Eden and Bobbety Cranborne were taking notes.

“So that’s the preface,” Margesson said sourly. “What about the actual law?”

Somervell smiled. “So, the Cabinet has already had this, but we think that Part One will set out that there is a monarchy, that is traced from the descendants of His Majesty King George the Sixth.”

Margesson frowned. “Not the Fifth?”

“Why do you, ah, say that?”

“What if Princess Elizabeth abdicates, becomes a Catholic, takes up holy orders, or goes stark raving…”

“…I agree,” Hailsham said quickly. “I understand tracing this from a long distant monarch is nonsensical, but I’d make it George the Fifth.”

“With a clause removing the eligibility of the descendants of Prince Edward,” Schuster said slowly.

“Unless,” Barnes added, “such a descendant married another descendant of George the Fifth. If we don’t specify this, we’ll have a nightmare if a grandchild of Lord Sunningdale married someone from Gloucester’s line.”

“Bloody hell,” Margesson said with a groan.

“Agreed,” Somervell said, making notes. “So, we have defined the Crown, and now the likely incumbents, which is our first part, the inheritance of the Crown, which is essentially us setting out the rules of succession. We are, I presume, content to merely update and endorse the Act of Settlement, which states that Protestant ‘heirs of the body’ may be eligible to inherit the throne.”

“Does it specify male or female?” That was Keyes, who was very amused at the legal quibbling.

Schuster shook his head. “It is not recognised in statute, but convention is that male preference primogeniture applies.”

Keyes snorted, a magnificent sound. “But it’s not laid down anywhere? Because this is exactly where you’d want ambiguity.”

“Roger,” Eden said softly, though not without a smile. “We should include provisions on the rules of succession. Has to follow the ah, Anglican communion, has to be a legitimate descendant of George the Fifth,” he waved a hand at Barnes, “can’t be descended from Edward the Seventh unless he or she marries a descendant of George the Fifth, ah, is that it?”

Keyes couldn’t resist raising another issue. “Do we still need the religious bits?”

“Yes,” Margesson snapped. Cranborne nodded.

"I rather think we do,” Schuster said gravely, “the Sovereign is the Supreme Governor of the Church of England.”

“So, it stays in,” Eden said, not wishing to entangle himself into what for him would be a pointless battle with Archbishop Lang.

“We’ll also put a clause in about bastards being legitimised, but not brought into the line of succession,” Somervell said, reading from a list.

Eden was confused. “If they can’t inherit, why include it?”

“Money,” was Margesson’s immediate answer.

“I don’t think it goes in,” Cranborne said, looking up for the first time in a while. “They won’t be legitimised sufficiently to perform public duties.”

“Agreed,” Hailsham said.

“Then it stays out,” Eden ruled.

Somervell made a note and then continued. “Now. Marriage. We currently have a myriad of sources of law on this area. What is it, Prime Minister, that we want to protect, or clarify?”

“That the King or Queen or anyone likely to inherit the job cannot marry someone unsuitable,” Margesson snapped.

“Quite,” Eden said, with a wry smile.

“The law is very disjointed on this,” Barnes said with a slight huff. “In consultation across our departments we think that a simple approvals process for Royal marriages would suffice.”

“But which members of the Royal Family,” Eden said with irritation. “Would we, for example, care if the Duke of Connaught remarried?”

“He is still mawwied.”

“You know what I mean Bobbety.”

“It should only be those with a chance of succeeding to the Crown,” Barnes persevered.

“I don’t know,” Keyes said brightly, “I think there’s merit to stopping the odd Duke running off with a chorus girl.”

“Do we then, require the assent of the Prime Minister for the King or Queen, or any of their direct descendants,” Somervell spoke up, completely ignoring Keyes, “and the Monarch’s siblings, to enter into marriage?”

“What about the Prime Minister and the Monarch,” Hailsham said thoughtfully. “Say, for example, Princess Margaret wished, in due course, to enter into a compact that His Majesty thought somehow unfitting, I cannot imagine that he would be content for this to be solely the province of the Prime Minister.”

Eden nodded. “I agree,” he said heavily. “It is a key concession that I can offer to His Majesty.”

“Agreed by an Order in Council,” Barnes muttered, earning some nods, “to confirm the Sovereign’s assent to the statutory requirements.”

Cranborne looked concerned. “What if there was a King, who was an only child, and had one elderly daughter, who by the fact of her age is, er…”

“…barren,” Keyes offered.

Somervell again ignored Keyes, although seemed to accept the point. “The plausible line of succession would go beyond the ambit of this Act,” Somervell said this with real concern.

“But we shouldn’t tie this into a specific monarch,” Barnes said warily. “We cannot have another Royal Marriages Act, tied to George the Second.”

Somervell was nodding along. “Perhaps we specify that if any of the next ten people in the line of succession fall outside of the descendant or sibling provisions, then those people will require the Prime Minister and reigning Monarch’s assent when intending to marry.”

“And failure to so do,” Hailsham offered, “renders the union invalid?”

“Or removes the issue of such a union from the line of succession,” Schuster countered.

“I prefer the latter,” Eden said, always with a politician’s eye. “If Princess Margaret’s unsuitable union went ahead regardless of the PM and King’s wishes, it would be easier to view this as invalidating their place in the line of ah, succession, than being an invalid marriage.”

“Agreed,” Schuster offered.

“Yes I think so,” Cranborne said as he scribbled. “Keeps it away from weligious scwutiny.”

Eden was satisfied. “Yes, I think a formulation along those lines will, ah, work.” He looked at his papers. “Next brace of sections, abdication.” There were audible sighs as this most difficult (and familiar) of subjects came up.

“A small point,” Schuster began, “but can we look at renunciation of a Prince’s place in the line of succession.”

Keyes was lost. “I don’t follow.”

“Simple, Admiral,” Schuster explained. “Abdication is a Monarch stepping down. I want to explore…”

“…stepping back,” Hailsham said quickly. “Before they succeed.”

“Precisely.”

“I see this the same as marriage,” Eden said finally. “If someone in the, ah, ‘plausible’ line of succession wishes to renounce their title, for them and their descendants, it will require the approval of the Prime Minister and Sovereign.”

“Such a provision would have to be a binding and irrevocable decision,” Hailsham said in warning.

“But if the PM was to change, and a new King or Queen succeed,” Margesson was frowning, “would they be bound by this decision?”

“Well, it’s a voluntary measure,” Somervell said, for once lightly, “so theoretically could be reversed.”

Barnes was scribbling. “Do we want a renunciation clause?”

“I ah, think so,” Eden said heavily. “What if, say, someone with a chance of succeeding renounced their claim and stood for Parliament.”

Schuster nodded. “We could, Prime Minister, retain something of a residual position, as indeed we did with Prince Edward, Lord Sunningdale, as Royal Princes and therefore ineligible for membership of the House of Commons.”

“Yes,” Eden said happily. “Good idea.”

“I’m confused,” Keyes declared. “So, you can renounce your place in the line of succession, but if you change your mind, it’s all fair and square and you’re back in?”

1666093067859.png


“It has to be binding,” Cranborne said with as much force as Eden had ever seen from the peer.

“Agreed,” Barnes said, Schuster nodding resignedly next to him.

“Abdication,” Somervell said with a hint of persistence. “I presume that we incorporate the Declaration of Abdication Act?”

“Yes, I guess we do,” Keyes said with a yawn.

“This is rather simple, now that we are experienced in it,” Barnes said, wryly. “It needs to include that the request to abdicate…”

“…request?” Hailsham was unconvinced.

Somervell saw the problem. “Perhaps this. A draft Instrument of Abdication is prepared for the Prime Minister and Privy Council, and an Order in Council passed approving the Instrument.”

“Fine,” Margesson said. “But we are including the effects of abdication, aren’t we?”

“Yes,” Schuster said gravely. “We must. That Abdication is irrevocable, and removes the Sovereign and dependents from their place in the succession.”

“As well,” Eden added, “from, ah, removing their entitlement from funding from the estates and Civil List.”

Barned nodded. “A financial settlement to be agreed by, who? Parliament?”

“PM and succeeding Monarch,” Margesson suggested.

“Yes. Yes, I think so,” Somervell said. “And such settlement may be tabled for review by the Monarch or Prime Minister in the event of non-compliance with the agreed provisions by the abdicating party.”

“What?” Cranborne was confused, he had been immersed in his scribbling on another part of the bill and had lost the thread of the conversation.

Margesson had a pained expression. “Departing King do baddy, he forfeit money,” he said sarcastically. He was tired and bored.

Eden shot Margesson a disapproving look. “Home Secretary,” he said chidingly.

“Next, the Regency provisions.”

“This is a very well ploughed field,” Schuster said gravely.

“Ten acts, probably more,” Barnes confirmed.

Somervell now sat up, very focussed. “This is an important part of the Bill, as the Heir Presumptive is not of age.” He saw some confused looks. “Princess Elizabeth stands to inherit, but is not, herself, yet able to assume the throne in her own right.” His voice, after talking so much, was strained and he took a sip of water.

Cranborne nodded and felt able to support Somervell. “Our pwoposal is to keep this wather simple. The wegent should be the first person in the line of succession who is over the age of twenty-one, is a Bwitish subject resident in the United Kingdom, and is not pwevented from the succession under the succession critewia alweady covered elsewhere.”

Somervell shot Cranborne a grateful look. “Now most of this is uncontroversial. However…”

“…here we go,” Keyes joked.

“There is what Bobbety here has christened ‘the Albert conundrum’.”

“The what?” Keyes was baffled.

“Pwince Albert, under the wegency laws, wouldn’t have been a wegent if Victowia died.”

Margesson understood. “And with Princess Elizabeth likely our next ruler…”

“…quite,” Cranborne said simply.

“I think,” Eden spoke up, “we keep it simple and to the line of succession.”

“Agreed,” said Hailsham and Barnes.

Somervell scribbled a note and then looked up. “There have been proposals to repeal the Lord Justices Act, which was passed on the accession of Queen Victoria. It sets out that there are some members of the Establishment, usually men with a firm role in the constitution, so the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Lord Chief Justice for example, can take up some of the duties of the Crown if the Monarch is temporarily absent or incapacitated. The proposal is that we create what have been touted as ‘Counsellors of State’ to deputise for the Sovereign.”

“Who would they be?”

Cranborne, who had been heavily involved with this part, coughed. “Pwesently the Queen, and the next four people in the line of succession over the age of twenty-one, with the usual wequirement for not being disqualified and so on.”

Keyes frowned. “Does this solve your Prince Albert problem?”

“Sort of,” Cranborne agreed, “in that it allows for the consort, wegardless of gender, to play a wole.”

“We could,” Barnes ventured, “allow the Monarch to appoint Counsellors.”

“No,” Margesson snapped. “Otherwise we’d have had bloody Mountbatten and ‘Fruity’ Metcalfe under the last King.”

“I agree,” Eden said quietly. “And include a provision, ah, a section, requiring Cabinet endorsement of the list upon a change to its membership.”

Barnes raised an eyebrow but saw that Somervell and Cranborne appeared supportive of Eden’s position. They were flagging, so Eden called ‘time’ and suggested that they break for lunch, which was a light affair, essentially a (well-presented) crafting of ‘what’s left in the larder’, although no one complained.

====​

With that done they sped happily enough through Part Two, outlining the supporting elements of running ‘the Crown’. The Royal Palaces, linked to the titular wielder of the Crown, were listed with their status clarified (along with the powers of local constabularies in the Royal Palaces), with special status created for the Palace of Westminster. The positions of the Churches in England and Scotland were defined, there was a small chunk on some ceremonial but, finally, it could be deferred or ignored no longer.

“Money,” Hailsham sighed.

“Money,” Barnes agreed. They all looked to Somervell.

“Well,” Somervell said cautiously, “money isn’t the correct term. It is the allocation of funds from the tax collection of the Exchequer to defray Royal expenses.”

“The Civil List Act of eighteen thirty-seven,” Schuster said in almost a whisper.

“Quite,” Somervell agreed. “Although of course its antecedents are far older than that. The Civil List, although it doesn’t particularly apply to the civil governance, is the annual grant that covers some expenses associated with the Sovereign performing their official duties, including those for staff salaries, state visits, public engagements, ceremonial functions and the upkeep of the Royal Households.”

“Is everything under the Civil List?” That was Barnes, happier with drafting legislation.

“No. The cost of transport and security for the Royal Family, together with property maintenance and other sundry expenses, is covered by separate grants from individual government departments.” Margesson, as Home Secretary, nodded in agreement.

“Can we take, if we wanted to, money away from the King,” Keyes asked. “I mean, is up to the Crown, or us?”

“That term,” Schuster said testily, “the Crown could apply…”

“…it’s rather vague, ah, open to interpretation,” Eden interrupted.

“Indeed. In nineteen thirty-one,” Somervell explained, “George the Fifth declined the funding…”

“…he did?”

“Yes, Roger, he did. He cited the slump and the need to tighten belts.”

Keyes was still intrigued. “Presumably he relied upon the Duchy?”

This was not strictly Somervell’s area so Cranborne spoke up. “You are wight, Woger. Although the welationship between the Monarch and the Government on the earnings fwom the Ducy are wather complicated. In theowy the Sovereign gets the earnings, but can’t touch the capital.”

“That sounds easy enough.”

“No, because under George, I forget which one.”

“Third, I think,” Eden offered.

“Pwobably. The Cwown agweed to weturn most of the wevenue and was given a grant to cover expenses.”

Eden stroked his moustache and looked out over the grand sweep of the English countryside. It reminded him, rather painfully, of his childhood home, which his brother had sold last year to cover the debts that their mother had accrued. For all his aristocratic bearing, and hard-earned place as politics’ fashionably dressed leader, neither he or Beatrice were fabulously wealthy and the spectre of penury had always haunted him. He had ideas, while he knew that the country largely respected him on foreign matters he intended, as the one from his political generation who had ‘made it to the top’, to respect their shared views, honour the memory of his dear departed friend Noel Skelton, and improve the lot of the aspirational lower middle classes. ‘A property owning democracy’ had been Skelton’s aim and he was dead right (too dead, sadly). This royal saga and the antics of King Edward, now a made-up Lord Sunningdale in a made-up situation of his own doing needed to be resolved, all of it, in this one big bill. It would be a nightmare to get through Parliament; the majority was assured but every detail, every title, every clause would be pored over endlessly, Eden knew.

“I ah, think,” Eden said, cutting through Bobbety Cranborne and Schuster’s argument about whether there needed to be a ‘tidying up exercise’ on the Civil List (Cranborne in favour, Schuster haughtily against), “that this is not a case of should, but a case of must. If we are going so far as to specify whether a descendant of Edward the Eighth can marry a descendant of another one of George the Fifth’s offspring, we need to include the money.”

“Thy will be done,” Schuster said gravely, Margesson and Keyes unsure as to whether or not he was jesting.

“Don’t forget,” Hailsham said, “that there will be earnings from Sandringham and Balmoral. Both are working estates.”

“Which are privately owned, at least until we take them on as palaces,” Barnes said quietly.

“So, any profit earned from the estates goes into the earnings from the Duchy of Lancaster,” Margesson said in a surprisingly airy manner. “Is that going to work?”

“With work, it could,” Cranborne said, warily.

Eden stroked his moustache. “This is why we need a centralised staff. We need one Crown organisation to manage the Royal Family, its palaces, its finances. I appreciate it’s a matter for later, but it needs to be, ah, done.”

“You’re right,” Margesson agreed readily.

“Back, if I may, to this part of the Bill.” Somervell smiled to soften the sting of his remark. “Are we agreed that we will need to centralise Royal earnings, all of them? Perhaps bring the Balmoral and Sandringham estates, not the houses, mind, into the Duchy of Lancaster, which would streamline the calculation of revenue?”

Barnes nodded. “That might be the answer.”

“But what does the King get under this?”

“Some form of Civil List,” Barnes answered. “It has to be.”

“Perhaps a new pwoposal, a Woyal Allotment?”

Keyes was laughing. “Makes it sound like an aristocratic vegetable patch.”

“The Royal allowance?”

“We call it,” Eden said with an air of finality, “what it is, in some way, already: the Privy Purse. Albeit it has a thoroughly reformed process, ah, allocation criteria. The Keeper of the Privy Purse remains a sinecure, but effectively runs the Royal accounts. And has a statutory duty to present annual accounts to Parliament.”

“Are you sure that’s wise,” Schuster spluttered, the air of warning obvious.

“I think,” Margesson snapped, “that having campaigned on the necessity of greater scrutiny, we have to. We have new Conservative members who campaigned on Neville’s pledge to manage the Royals.”

Keyes seemed to agree. “How much is the Civil List?”

“Well,” Eden said, looking at his notes, “the consolidated sum on living Royals is approximately four hundred thousand a year.”

“Without the pensions?” Barnes made a good point; the pensions on lesser Royals and their staffs had surged as virtually all of the Palace had resigned or refused to work for King Edward.

"Ah, no,” Eden accepted.

“Well, we could establish some form of pension cwiteria.”

“I agree,” Margesson said readily, his tone more supportive than usual. “Some of the recipients will already be in receipt of military, Foreign Office, Civil Service pensions.”

“Agreed,” Eden said concluding the matter. “And then, from what Monckton has provided, there is an unbelievable assortment of random clauses for Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth, for the Princesses, particularly Princess Elizabeth, as the, ah, heir to the Throne, and then the Dukes of Gloucester and Kent, and the Princess Royal.”

“We need to streamline that,” Margesson said quickly.

“I agwee,” Cranborne said, reciprocating the earlier support.

Hailsham was looking at his notes. “Well with Balmoral and Sandringham lumped in with the Duchy of Lancaster…”

“…and Cornwall,” Schuster added.

“Not now,” Eden snapped, “Cornwall is the easier of the two.”

Somervell sought to make progress. “We make one calculation, based on, what?”

“A calculation agreed between the Household and the Cabinet, and approved by Parliament. A fixed sum,” Barnes continued, “aggregating earnings off the Duchy for non-State business, the Privy Purse for ceremonial matters. Costs of other departmental activities borne on behalf of the Crown now reside in the Privy Purse.”

“I like it,” Eden said immediately.

“The Duchy of Cornwall,”, Schuster said pompously, “is relevant here.” He cleared his throat, preparing to make something of a speech. “Princess Elizabeth is the Heir Presumptive…”

“…not Apparent?” Keyes couldn’t resist puncturing Schuster’s pompous air.

“The Heir Apparent,” Schuster said, ignorant that Keyes was mocking him, “is a person who is first in an order of succession and cannot be displaced from inheriting by the birth of another person. Princess Elizabeth is the Heir Presumptive, as she can be displaced by the birth of a more eligible heir. My point was that she is not entitled to the revenues of the Duchy of Cornwall. She is a child.”

“So she receives an allowance from the consolidated fund until she is twenty-one,” Eden said, closing the matter. “The earnings from the Duchy of Cornwall that she would be entitled to were she of age are invested prudently to strengthen the Royal finances.”

“Not used to offset the Civil List?”

“No, David, I think His Majesty’s already thin patience would snap at, ah, that.”

“Are we specifying what happens upon the Heir, be he or she presumptive or apparent, reaching majority and marrying?”

Barnes wrinkled his nose. “Frankly the number of scenarios that we could up with rather worry us. We’d prefer that to be part of the agreement between Cabinet and Palace.”

“I think we should twy,” Cranborne said softly. “Or perhaps provide indicative wates.”

“I like that,” Margesson said, “very open, all in the Statute.”

“And any variation,” Barnes said, “would require agreement between the House and Crown.”

“Now,” Eden said, as the notes were scribbled and tired eyes rubbed. “I do want to agree, in the next part, on two key matters. First, we have to make sure that the sort of chaos that Lloyd George, Winston and the King…”

“…the former King,” Somervell, a stickler for being correct, said gently.

“Yes alright,” Eden snapped, “the former King were able to get away with, is, ah, avoided. Legislated against.”

“So you are going after RP,” Schuster muttered.

“Perhaps,” Eden said, and looked at Cranborne.

“I feel that we need to legislate for where and how the Cwown can gwant a dissolution of Parliament, and the selection of a Pwime Minister.”

Margesson, Keyes, Eden and Cranborne, who had all campaigned (under the Chamberlain banner) for limiting Royal meddling, were possessed of an earnestness on this point. Somervell and Hailsham looked uneasy, as did Barnes and Schuster.

“So, when can a Monarch gwant a dissolution of Parliament?”

“When the Prime Minister,” Schuster said, exasperated, “requests it.”

“When can one be wefused?”

Hailsham nodded. “That’s the question Bobbety. Monckton and I, and the Palace staff, sat down and looked at this in the last days of the Baldwin Cabinet. We think that the criteria for refusal are that the existing Parliament was functioning, and could continue to function; that an election would or could cause harm to the economy; and that His or Her Majesty had a credible alternative PM who could carry on governing with a working majority in the House of Commons.”

“We cannot put this in,” Margesson said suddenly. “Certainly not the first bit.”

“I agwee,” Cranborne said, slightly conspiratorially. “I think that the only one that we legislate for is number thwee.”

Eden nodded with a tight smile. “I fear that ‘cause harm to the economy’ would be open to all sorts of challenges.”

“Labour would never get in,” Keyes joked.

“So,” Eden said brightly, “we place, in the part about the King’s duties in Parliament, a reminder that he or she cannot grant a dissolution if the party which has a working majority has selected a credible alternative leader. A ha.”

“Now, if we’re going down that route,” Somervell said, noticing that Barnes, Schuster and Hailsham were all uneasy, “what about selection of the PM.”

“The Monarch’s role,” Schuster said testily, “is to appoint a Prime Minister who has the confidence of a majority of the House of Commons.”

“But that’s not what King Edward did,” Margesson said pointedly.

“The King,” Barnes said wearily, tired of the bickering, “should be politically neutral.”

Should be,” Keyes said. “But Fast Eddie rather failed that test.”

“Before him, it was King William the Fourth, a hundred years ago,” Schuster said in a reverential tone. “He dismissed Lord Melbourne and asked Sir Robert Peel to form a government.”

"That won’t happen again,” Margesson said.

“We put in,” Somervell said thinking aloud, “a section defining that the Monarch must always appoint the PM from the largest party in the Commons.”

“What about a requirement to consult with the largest party in the Commons,” Keyes offered. “I presume that we don’t want the Crown meddling in our internal party consultations?”

Cranborne frowned. “And what about a hung parliament?”

“The Monarch should start with the largest party and offer them a chance to try and secure the command of the Commons,” Barnes said quietly.

“Something like that, then,” Eden said brightly. “Now, the next bit is something of a pet project of mine. At the moment Walter Monckton is slaving away essentially running the household. The private secretaries, comptrollers of the Household, all of them, having left.”

“And dramatically,” Keyes muttered.

“A ha. I propose to make the role of Lord Chamberlain a statutory position, responsible for leading the Royal Household. The other senior officials, the, ah, sinecures and Civil Servants, all report to him.”

Cranborne, briefed on this, now spoke. “He would be wequired to deliver an annual statement, to Parliament, on his accounts, spending and personnel.”

“His Majesty,” Schuster said gravely, “will be dismayed by that…”

====
GAME NOTES

So this is a monster, a veritable behemoth of an update, and I apologise for its bulk. I toyed with breaking it up into two/three subparts (and sticking to my aspirational weekly updating schedule) or even skating over the changes in a “ooh look, it’s all gone through, ta da” style comment at a Cabinet meeting. But, given the importance of (nay the central theme of the last ninety chapters) King Edward VIII and the consequences of the POD of him forcing the marriage issue, the legal/constitutional consequences deserved attention. Having apologised for the size of this chapter, it does, at least, get the nightmare of the Establishment Bill out of the way, at least the main bits.

We meet another brace of characters, nearly all lawyers (an abundance of riches). Starting first with the Civil Servants, we have two of the pillars of Whitehall in Schuster and Barnes. I have to confess that Schuster, to me, is another one of those crusty, probably insufferable old experts that holds Whitehall together; for all of his laudable achievement he was also a pompous ass but one largely unrecognised by his country (given the British penchant for knighting and enobling all sorts of wrong ‘uns and mediocrities, it is surprising that he only got anything on retirement). Of Thomas and Barnes I have to prefer Barnes, he was an outstanding lawyer, a calm head seeing his department (and Whitehall) through all manner of crises, and having him vaguely onside makes Eden and Somervell’s task easier. We have sort of met Somervell before but here our Attorney General takes centre stage; he is one of the rare survivors from Baldwin’s time doing the same job. He comes across, from what is known of him, as a decent enough cove, certainly he handled the OTL Abdication Crisis very well.

Viscount Cranborne makes a belated appearance; he was one of Eden’s closest political friends, certainly more aligned with Eden even than Stanley, so his omission thus far may have raised eyebrows. I remain convinced that Eden would rely on a small coterie of true allies; Keyes for managing the legislative agenda, and Cranborne, as aristocratic as it gets, gets the biggest bit of legislation in the agenda, the Crown (not Royal!) Establishment Bill.

What do I think about the provisions? Part One is largely uncontentious, and clears up the centuries of accumulated constitutional precedent, although I think that a legal timebomb is planted with the renunciation provisions (so, for example, if the Duke of Sussex went further than he did OTL and withdrew himself from the succession he couldn’t, under this, renounce his and his children’s claims, only to change his mind after a period of reflection – I suspect that this would be a contestable point in court). The money is going to cause ructions; it may seem inoffensive, but Eden is tightly regulating virtually all Royal income, and this will likely be the King's area of objection. Part Three, the bit about dissolving Parliament and the faff over selecting a PM, comes from two famous/infamous events. The bit about dissolving Parliament comes, as I suspect @El Pip and @TheButterflyComposer know, from the Lascelles Principles, an anonymous letter sent to The Times in the 50s and attributed to Sir Alan ‘Tommy’ Lascelles, a senior Palace staffer who was, at the time, Private Secretary to King George VI. I have tweaked the wording slightly, but it is not a ridiculous stretch to air them here, Eden and the ministers present seizing upon their power to exclude them (bar one bit) from the Bill.

Of course this, in places, goes far beyond the OTL mess of legislation on the monarchy and renders, ironically, the British Royal Family as one of the most strictly regulated elements of the British Constitution (actually, if this all goes through, probably the most regulated).

If Atlee couldn't see, or didn't have the sources to find out, where the challenge was coming from, then he did probably need to go.

There is a great science fiction story by Niven and Pournelle called 'A Mote in God's Eye;. The aliens - the Moties - have a fairy-tale character they call Crazy Eddie, who always does the wrong thing, at the wrong time, for the best of reasons. One example is a giant city that can barely sustain itself, tottering along on the verge of catastrophe as it tries to manage power supplies, food supplies, sewage and the rest. Crazy Eddie is the one who leads the garbage collectors out on strike for better wages, leading to outbreaks of plague, the destruction of the city and the deaths of millions...

Cripps is Crazy Eddie. His policies might have been affordable (in a political sense) in the 20s but - if he gets power - those policies are going to get Britain run over by Germany. Fortunately, from what I can see, Eden has a pretty secure base from which to fight Chamberlain's tendency to appeasement and Cripps' - well - Crazy Eddie.

Best case, Eden convinces his people to push through some reforms. Enough to take the wind out of Cripps' sails... it would not be the first time a British government used modest reforms to stave off or slow down more radical proposals, I think.

Cripps is indeed Crazy Eddie; Eden is far from a radical Tory and his 'one nation' centrist bent will probably be popular once he has surmounted the ongoing Royal nonsense. I think that Cripps may, in time, become something of an interim leader, a leader to regroup the left after the heartache of our 1937 election and who could be shoved aside if/when the European situation deteriorates further.

Indeed. This seems poised for electoral catastrophe right about now, especially with appeasement at an end (?) And the nazis only going to get more unpopular in the UK.

On the appeasement point, Eden hasn't really looked at foreign affairs (we'll start in the next update) but it will be different to OTL.

New members generally means radical members, or the 'Something must be done, this is something' people.

100%. Of course this applies to Eden's Tories as much as Cripps' Labour.

This massive slice of cake surely must mean something profoundly symbolic but I cannot quite place it.

Dear boy, it's the fulcrum of the entire AAR.

I suppose this is a minor improvement over Cripps OTL position of actively wanting Germany to win the war and perhaps the best one can expect from such a traitor.

I cannot see where Cripps could move on foreign affairs and not seem like an idiot. Eden is going to view Italy, Germany and Japan (probably in that order of priority) as he did OTL (I can see no reason not to). The Chamberlainish approach won't happen (although Neville might try, he is still something of a figure at home and abroad) and all Cripps can do is a) argue for a tougher line (this isn't going to happen) or b) attack Eden for being too tough (which will, as we go through '38, be problematic). I suppose he could try and go down the 'collective action' route, but Eden was the Minister for the League of Nations, FFS, as well as Foreign Secretary, so he can easily swat this aside.

Attlee being booted out is not a big surprise, he had put country before party and was punished for it, as is traditional in politics. But Cripps winning was unexpected, I really hadn't expected Labour to make another valiant bid for electoral suicide but the reasoning makes sense. Eden has been absolutely handed the next election on a plate at this point, which is nice as he deserves a bit of luck.

Yes and yes. History will be kind to Attlee, as a mediocre man who resisted the dark temptations of King Edward. But that's it, he has otherwise been a non-event, just another failed 1930s socialist politician.

I must admit I had assumed Chamberlain was basically out of the picture. He was never popular and lacks much of a faction within the party, he did nothing to inspire loyalty and now he has seemingly blown his chance who would stick with him? With Halifax out of the country and Eden unlikely to go too crazy on foreign policy there is no obvious wedge for Nev to exploit, and even if there was there are surely better and less tainted candidates than him for any ultra hardcore appeaser faction to coalesce around.

There is a residual core in the Tory Party who owe him/his allies quite a lot. These are the rump of the Baldwin Cabinet who worry about Eden and his mix of domestic interventionism and foreign engagement. He lacks, as you, the numbers to cause much trouble, but I do think that a mix of old MPs and newer Tories (many of whom will have been groomed by Chamberlain's supporters) may still be loyal.

In HOI4? Do you not recall how much punishment the British Empire takes before he got thrown out last time (and that was with the aid of the colonial militia and an elephant)?
I fail to see the relevance. Ignoring the worst (and often the best) that the game engine vomits out is half of the skill of a good HOI4 AAR writer.
That is true, but canonically, Chamberlain is not only still PM but may well be PM for the whole of Le Jones' game. Unless something goes horribly wrong in Europe.
There ought to be a saying that the only thing that makes the idiocy of the right tolerable is the idiocy of the left. Or something like that anyway. My goodness.

Also, are you sure this is still an alternative history? In parts it seems to becoming eerily close to certain episodes more recent :D
I think it's actually a specific trigger that needs to be pulled. That is, either the war needs to go bascially as per usual for a while, which will end Chamberlain at some point after France and Norway...or you can use the FOCUS TREE to 'press button for Winston', and 'unlock' the guy for your new PM portrait.

This is, I think (?), what ended up happening in Imperial Cheese, because Chamberlain clung on for so long and was so detached from world affairs that the AI eventually had to force him out with the button rather than events.

Mind you, it's a little hard to tell. HOI4 is a pretty strange but interesting game when you really tear it off the rails. I wonder, now there are actual FOCUS TREE paths for New Roman Empire (tm), whether or not the game would be forced to improvise as much as it had to in that run?
@TheButterflyComposer - thank you for the explanation - HoI4 is the first big Paradox title I decided not to acquire, so my knowledge of the mechanics is, um, "Reply hazy, ask again later".

So, I thought that I had covered this, but perhaps I didn't. Eden is the PM, not just in the AAR but also in the game. How, Le Jones, did you achieve this, well...

There is a wonderful mod on Steam called "The Attlee Disagreement" and "Facing the Future: Attlee for the UK". They are wonderful as they create an event that means that Attlee takes over some time in 1937. I edited them (actually, I think it was the 'Facing the Future' one), making it so the event put Attlee in (in theory instead of Chamberlain, but as I was moving along the Abdication events, the Head of Government was "Fallen Government", with an empty Parliament as the picture). I added Anthony Eden as a possible leader for the UK, giving him the background of a "Great War Hero", and there you are, Eden is PM.

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And here is the event...

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So while in a normal game Chamberlain would be PM now, I had to mod that out.

I also treated the focus trees with the disdain and contempt that they deserve, happily using the console commands to choose the focuses (foci?) that suited me or the story.

If Chamberlain-ite policies are going to linger then it makes sense for Neville to remain as a ghost at the banquet, or as a poltergeist at #10. Eden is perhaps going to find, as he settles into his chair, that members of his cabinet will tend to substitute their own policies for his. Running a government is - I think - rather like herding cats, so Chamberlain will have lots of opportunities to meddle should he choose.

He is going to meddle, trust in that, he always does...
There ought to be a saying that the only thing that makes the idiocy of the right tolerable is the idiocy of the left. Or something like that anyway. My goodness.

Also, are you sure this is still an alternative history? In parts it seems to becoming eerily close to certain episodes more recent :D

Don't. The last few weeks have been utterly bizarre...
 
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