American Caesar: An United States AAR in Kaiserreich

[Swompy Time]

Can we have a map of America, Europe and Asia ? It's to figure where is the borders now.

Japan will be a piece of cake, no ? America look strong, and with only one front and ennemy, and with all the fleet available, what can be complicate ? Hawaï blue have to stay blue

 

[jak7139]

Every death is Japan’s fault. We need no further proof.

The US is slipping further into tyranny. Eventually, they won't need to worry about evidence at all.

There are many Japanese nationals living in the continental United States. We’ll need to address that.

It was of course going to happen. The internment will be much more brutal TTL though. And the US already has experience "reeducating" its population.

 

[Bloodfelt]

Epigraph 3: The American Army in July 1941

Taken from the book: "The General and the Emperor: A Study of the Great Pacific War."

The evolution of the American Army since 1936 could almost be considered a divine work. In 1936, the United States Army was composed of around 12 infantry units, plus National Guard recruits. Despite being one of the most economically powerful nations on Earth (not counting the Crash of '25 and Black Monday), the American Army had not fought a direct war since 1898 against Spain, a decaying power. That is why the Army had barely any funding or manpower. During MacArthur's coup d'état, the future president had to rely mainly on National Guard units to secure strategic points. Many attribute the fact that these units owed their loyalty to their respective state governors as the main reason the coup ultimately failed and led to what is known as the Second American Civil War.

Although MacArthur's White War Plan did not openly foresee a Civil War, it did anticipate the need to increase military units to eliminate the radical threat. That is why when MacArthur finally fled Washington D.C. to Denver, he did so with all regular Army units (which, along with many demobilized veterans, formed the core of the quasi-legendary First Army). This Federal Army continued to expand until it reached four full armies (96 divisions). Although they were never numerically superior to the enemy (see the Virginia Campaign of the Winter of '37, where Bradley’s First Army managed to reconquer much of the state against forces three times their size), the harsh training of the Denver Government’s armies was what ultimately allowed MacArthur to win the Civil War at the cost of almost negligible casualties. The Americans learned many lessons during their Civil War, but the main one was the end of the Citizen Army that the country had traditionally maintained. For the first time in its history, the United States would have a permanent and large Army.

This was a dynamic that did not change during the government of Alf Landon (1938–1940), who, despite liberalizing the country again and attempting economic and social reforms, kept MacArthur as Chief of Staff. With the help of former "rebels" (like Ridgway or Marshall), he continued expanding the Federal Army during peacetime, reaching three full armies (about 72 infantry divisions with artillery battalions, engineers, anti-air units, and supply companies) in preparation for the war with Canada (or as it is known in the U.S., the Canadian War of Liberation). In addition to all this, MacArthur managed to pressure Landon into adopting an aggressive foreign policy, deploying American units to fight in Indonesia against the independence movement (which not only allowed troops to gain experience in jungle warfare but also led to encounters with Japanese volunteer units), and in the island of Hispaniola against Haiti (where new counterinsurgency tactics and island landing techniques were learned). Although many try to present the Landon Administration as a time of isolationism, the reality is that American intervention abroad (also thanks to the Lend-Lease Act with the Germans) was increasing.

However, when Douglas MacArthur was inaugurated as President of the United States, the expansion of the Army (which came to consume an increasing portion of government spending) intensified further. By the start of the conflict, the United States had three complete armies and two more (about 48 new divisions) in training, which, although not ready at the beginning of the war, were filled with hundreds of thousands of volunteers who enlisted after the Honolulu Massacre. Although many returned to civilian life after the war, many others stayed on or remained in the reserves.

In terms of numbers compared to the Japanese Empire, the Americans came up short. Japan not only had more than 130 divisions (of varying quality), but many of them also had experience fighting covertly in China or against the Germans. Their Army, even if it had failed in the landings at Huế and Hanoi, was lethal and combat-ready. However, the average American soldier should not be underestimated either—a veteran of the war against the Entente and of his own Civil War, where American doctrine based on firepower was developed. The combat, as many statesmen (mostly Japanese) said, would be a clash between American artillery and Japanese valor.

Beyond the Infantry Army, the Americans had not neglected their efforts in other areas—most notably in armored warfare. Two men led the development of this field: Adna R. Chaffee Jr. and Leonard T. Gerow. Gerow, former commander of the Mobile Reserve Unit and later of the Third Army and the expeditionary forces in Indonesia, had successfully promoted an armored force construction program that MacArthur placed under his command. He was a decorated, veteran, and innovative officer. However, when it came to doctrine, Gerow remained too attached to the concept of tanks as infantry support units. The true father of American armored warfare was Adna R. Chaffee Jr.

Chaffee, a former cavalry commander, was one of the few American generals (alongside Eisenhower) during the interwar period who actively supported the creation of an armored force. His advocacy led to the formation of the Mobile Reserve Unit and, under President Landon, he taught a course at West Point for future armored commanders. From that course came hundreds of officers who had learned a valuable and fundamental lesson—one that the French and Russian had adopted with varying degrees of success: a tank is far more than a bunker on wheels. Unfortunately, Chaffee died in August 1941, never seeing the U.S. I Armored Corps enter combat.

In 1939, the U.S. military designed (and began mass production in 1940 of) the "M4 Lee" medium tank—a well-armored, well-armed vehicle that could reach a top speed of nearly 13 km/h. That made it the fastest tank of its time compared to the Russian T-34 (10 km/h, though better armored and more suited for muddy terrain) and the French Char B1 heavy tank (7.7 km/h).

This emphasis on speed shaped American doctrine around encirclement and rapid movement. Although doctrine would evolve, it was said that, should American tanks face French armor, it would take at least three American tanks to defeat one French tank. Luckily for the Americans, they had the industrial capacity to sustain such odds. By December 1941, the four initial armored divisions would be reinforced by nine more, forming the 2nd and 3rd Armored Corps. For the moment, Gerow and the American General Staff had to settle for just four divisions, each comprising 40,000 men.

However, the troops tasked with retaking the Pacific and Hawaii were not armored divisions, but the U.S. Marines. Under the command of Alexander Vandegrift, they formed the I Marine Army, the first of its kind, and the largest Marine formation in U.S. history.
Having fought hard for strategic independence from the Navy, they finally achieved it after the Civil War thanks to MacArthur. Battle-hardened and heavily equipped, they would form the first line of attack. Specifically, the reconstituted I Marine Corps, led by Commander Matthew Ridgway, would be the first deployed against the Japanese.

With the Army discussed, it is time to turn to the Navy. Divided during the Civil War, the Navy had received minimal funding during Landon’s administration, until war broke out with Canada and the Entente. At that point, the government financed a naval reconstruction program. Yet, Chief of Naval Operations Ernest King found himself caught between two major schools of thought dating back to the interwar years. One, led by William (Bill) Halsey Jr., advocated for the use of aircraft carriers. (Halsey had commanded the only surviving carrier of the Civil War, the USS Saratoga.) The other, more traditionalist faction, championed super-battleships and was led by Admiral John S. McCain Sr.

Although King leaned toward Halsey’s group, the victorious admiral of the Civil War, much of the upper bureaucracy and high command ended up siding with Admiral McCain, including King himself. What no one anticipated was Halsey’s boldness: he appealed directly to MacArthur. Upon learning that his rival King (they had despised each other since 1930) had backed McCain, MacArthur overruled the decision and approved the construction of a new carrier fleet, based on designs stolen from the Canadians. Six of these carriers would be ready for battle against the Japanese Navy following the declaration of war on July 1st.

In addition to this, Admiral Chester W. Nimitz led a small but deadly submarine force. With 70 submarines deployed from San Diego at the very onset of the conflict, they sank numerous Japanese convoys and significantly hampered the enemy's supply lines.

Finally, there was the U.S. Air Force. At the start of hostilities, it fielded a modest force of 800 aircraft, only 200 of which were the modern Ford-Curtiss P-40 Warhawk fighters. Initially outnumbered by the Japanese, the P-40s nonetheless managed to establish a degree of air superiority over Hawaii. Although only 23 of the original 200 Warhawks survived the war, they were soon joined by thousands more rolling off American assembly lines.

Despite the impressive scale of industrial mobilization, doctrinal overhaul, and the apparent institutional recovery of the Army, Navy, and Air Corps, it must be emphasized that, at the onset of the Pacific campaign, the United States remained a deeply fractured nation. The American Civil War of the 1936 had left not only hundreds of thousands dead, but also a society traumatized and politically unstable. While MacArthur had managed to re-establish a semblance of national order through a careful mix of militarization, seudodemocracy, and targeted propaganda, the reality was that this order rested more on forced discipline, the apatthy of the population and economic militarism than on genuine consensus.

The rearmament and professionalization of the armed forces were not solely strategic initiatives, they also functioned as an escape valve. The foreign war became a tool for national unification, or at least a temporary diversion from unresolved internal tensions. Official discourse spoke of reconstruction, redemption, and the reclaiming of global leadership; yet behind closed doors, many within the military and political elite understood that the war effort was, in part, a desperate forward march. MacArthur, despite his public resolve, knew that failure in the Pacific would not only entail territorial loss—it could unravel the fragile political structure he had painstakingly rebuilt since 1939. If Washington loses this war, all this Authoritarian Democracy would colapse.

This growing dependency on the military for domestic cohesion began to show strain. War expenditures caused unrest in economically ravaged regions still recovering from the civil conflict. Political repression continued, albeit more discreetly than during the regime’s early years. The new generations of soldiers, many of whom had recently fought their fellow citizens in domestic battlefields, were now deployed under one flag, but their loyalty was often driven more by necessity than conviction.

In this light, the Pacific campaign cannot be viewed merely as a military operation. It was, in many ways, an existential wager. The government hoped that a decisive victory over Japan and its allies would not only restore American power in the Pacific but also solidify the legitimacy of the postwar political order that MacArthur has create. This war would not only be against Japan, also against democrats and anti-MacArthur Republicans.

Thus, when the Marines landed in Hawaii, they did so not only as instruments of war, but as symbols of a nation still haunted by its own unresolved history.

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Well, after graduating and taking some time off, I’m back. For how long? No idea. I doubt I’ll be posting much this summer (we all deserve a vacation ). Still, I’d like to make as much progress as I can. That’s why I’ve left a small preview here.

Oh, we are THAT kind of government, eh?

This will make the US a bit of a pariah on the world stage...

Oh well, so much for that hope...

Surprising as it may be, this doesn't differ too much from what actually happened in real life.
The ambassador will have his comforts , but make no mistake, he lived better in our OTL than in this timeline.

Pearl is not where I would be sending the fleet. It is not a safe base at the moment. Probably best to end up in Lahaina Roads, until a suitable port can be secured.

Location and description of Lahaina Roadstead

Thanks! Obviously, the Americans only planned to go there when they thought it was an uprising. Now, I’ll keep them in the area, waiting to fight a battle against the Japanese.

One can only imagine the glee of Hoover at the power to imprison thousands of ideological enemies in his concentration camps and the fun he could have experimenting on them with new techniques.

Heck, he could even expand his thought process towards making his camps profit making enterprises by seizing the assets of the traitors to the regime...

I wouldn’t like to be a Japanese person in the United States right now at all. However, Hoover doesn’t need to do that with ideological enemies. Only a few, like Gus Hall (it’s been a long time since we talked about him ), fight against the regime. And even those who do are quickly locked up. As for the profit part, hmm... I hadn’t thought of that. But surely the State could rent out prisoners of war to big magnates for a price...

Can we have a map of America, Europe and Asia ? It's to figure where is the borders now.

This is the most recent one I have; unfortunately, the next one would reveal a couple of details I don’t want to spoil. Some countries that appear as neutral (Venezuela and the Central American Republic) later joined the faction.

Japan will be a piece of cake, no ? America look strong, and with only one front and ennemy, and with all the fleet available, what can be complicate ? Hawaï blue have to stay blue

We´ll see

he US is slipping further into tyranny. Eventually, they won't need to worry about evidence at all.

TRUE (Likewise, the United States will have evidence soon that the attack was caused by the Japanese.)

 

[TheExecuter]

Although doctrine would evolve, it was said that, should American tanks face French armor, it would take at least three American tanks to defeat one French tank.

Heh. The continued and baffling means of ranking tanks solely by how well they do against other tanks in direct combat...some things never change.



Tanks are way more than anti-tank units, and an over reliance on that role to determine a tank's performance creates worse tanks, see the Germans in OTL.

 

[StrategyGameEnthusiast]

Despite the impressive scale of industrial mobilization, doctrinal overhaul, and the apparent institutional recovery of the Army, Navy, and Air Corps, it must be emphasized that, at the onset of the Pacific campaign, the United States remained a deeply fractured nation. The American Civil War of the 1936 had left not only hundreds of thousands dead, but also a society traumatized and politically unstable. While MacArthur had managed to re-establish a semblance of national order through a careful mix of militarization, seudodemocracy, and targeted propaganda, the reality was that this order rested more on forced discipline, the apatthy of the population and economic militarism than on genuine consensus.

The rearmament and professionalization of the armed forces were not solely strategic initiatives, they also functioned as an escape valve. The foreign war became a tool for national unification, or at least a temporary diversion from unresolved internal tensions. Official discourse spoke of reconstruction, redemption, and the reclaiming of global leadership; yet behind closed doors, many within the military and political elite understood that the war effort was, in part, a desperate forward march. MacArthur, despite his public resolve, knew that failure in the Pacific would not only entail territorial loss—it could unravel the fragile political structure he had painstakingly rebuilt since 1939. If Washington loses this war, all this Authoritarian Democracy would colapse.

MacArthur and his regime will need to maintain the illusion of institutional strength if they want to beat a Japan united under the image of the divine Emperor...

 

[jak7139]

If the war with Japan becomes a bloody one with no quick end, I can see MacArthur facing problems.

But at the end of the day, I wonder if both sides will accept a negotiated peace in America's favor? Then Japan can just focus again on Germany.

 

[Nikolai]

Presscot is a joker in all of this. Playing his cards right, if he turned on MacArthur, he could end his presidency with what he knows.

 

[jak7139]

Presscot is a joker in all of this. Playing his cards right, if he turned on MacArthur, he could end his presidency with what he knows.

And that's why MacArthur will keep a very close eye on him...

 

[TheExecuter]

Presscot is a joker in all of this. Playing his cards right, if he turned on MacArthur, he could end his presidency with what he knows.

If only Prescott wasn't such a naive fool...

...but maybe...the trauma of his wife's death will awaken some needed spine...

 

[Bullfilter]

Helen’s body, pierced in the chest by that hail of bullets, crumpled in on itself. William, summoning a strength he did not know he possessed, let out a roar he had never made before and clutched his wife’s corpse to him.

Oh dear. At whom will his shock and anger be directed? It’s a complicated situation: there may be more than one target. And he remains badly wounded and cut off in the mini-Corregidor equivalent of Oahu.

Our response will be total. We will accept no surrender, no compromise, no apology.

Well, to be expected. Was this event as much a surprise to you in game as it is to the figures in the narrative?

Thanks also for the comparison of forces chapter.

 

[Bloodfelt]

Chapter 38: Operation Pacification.

"I fear all we have done is to awaken a sleeping giant and fill him with a terrible resolve."
- Isoroku Yamamoto.

On July 1, 1941, following President MacArthur’s histrionic speech, interrupted numerous times by pounding on desks and rounds of applause, the House of Representatives unanimously voted in favor of the Joint Resolution. After the Japanese ultimatum and their support for the Hawaiian uprising, a state of war existed between the United States of America and the Empire of Japan. In accordance with Article 5 of the Free Nations Alliance, Ottawa, Monrovia, and Lisbon announced their support for Washington.

"Photograph taken on July 1st during President Douglas MacArthur’s speech, now known as the “Infamy Speech.” In it, he not only condemned the Japanese, but also denounced all subversive elements that had attacked the nation."

The news of both the Japanese ultimatum and the American declaration was quickly spread throughout the world. Moscow also issued a statement condemning the use of “terrorism and subversive means” that had caused so many innocent casualties. Not only did they announce their solidarity with the Americans, but they also reminded Japan that if it were discovered Tokyo was aiding the Russian rebels in Vladivostok, there would be consequences.

From the International, there was silence. Two of their enemies were fighting to the death, and the situation worked in their favor. However, there was significant activity between the American and Australian embassies. Of the 673 civilians killed in the Honolulu Massacre, 42 were Australian citizens. This, in addition to the already covert support for the remaining German and Japanese elements in Southeast Asia, ultimately led the Australasian Confederation (the Americans had left the status of the British government-in-exile and Canada's position as a republic in standby) to join the Free Nations Alliance.

Prince Regent George declared war on the Empire of Japan. This shift led the MacArthur administration to appoint Joseph Kennedy Sr. as ambassador to Australasia with the mission of improving relations between the two countries. The former Chairman of the Democratic Party, whose support for Harry Byrd’s candidacy had split the party, realized that, for now, he had no future in the House of Representatives after losing his Senate seat in the 1940 election. With enough pressure, he managed to get MacArthur to assign him the ambassadorship. Simultaneously, Washington maintained close communication with the German government in Tonkin and the Dutch government in Batavia. Although there were doubts and compromises (Secretary of State McNaughton was very clear that the AFN would not support wars of reclamation in Europe against the International), Tonkin and Batavia would eventually join the Alliance of Free Nations on July 5 and 6, respectively. Thanks to its “great move,” the Empire of Japan had succeeded in uniting all of its targets against it.

For many years, historiography has tried to explain, using official Imperial documents or high-ranking officials’ diaries, why the Empire of Japan declared war on the United States. Some argued reasons include the fear that a future war would favor the Americans, or the belief in Tokyo that war was inevitable. However, historians have faced greater challenges when discussing what is known as the Honolulu Massacre, or, as the Japanese envisioned it, Operation Shōryū. According to internal Japanese documentation, the plan involved inciting an armed uprising in Hawaii, which would then be supported by part of the Japanese fleet, 5,000 marines, and another 15,000 army troops. After this, Japan would attempt to mediate between the two sides from a position of strength. In his book Nemesis, Max Hastings cites several Japanese negotiation points, including:

- The free sale of oil to the Empire of Japan by American corporations (which MacArthur could now cut off thanks to the legislative package America's Path).
- An end to all aid under the Lend-Lease program to the enemies of the Empire.
- Recognition of the Harbin Government as the legitimate government of all China.

Some other points may have included the leasing of the Pearl Harbor base for ten years or greater autonomy for the island of Hawaii. However, the elaborate plan went awry from the very beginning.

To strike in Hawaii, Tokyo armed anti-American revolutionaries whose mission was to secure the island and capture all foreigners alive to use them as leverage. From the very beginning, the militias, resentful after years of oppression, focused their rage on civilians, carrying out summary executions in the streets. Besides destroying the international image of this so-called “Free Republic of Hawaii,” the soldiers' efforts against the civilian population resulted in Ford Island not being taken. It was here that the American remnants resisted the enemy. Once the Japanese troops landed on July 2nd, it was already too late to follow the original plan. Their position of strength had turned into a massacre, and the Americans were not going to negotiate with brutal murderers.

Although at first not all countries believed the American version that Japan had planned the massacre, Tokyo, too concerned about appearing weak, made no effort to distance itself from such a horrible act. In the first place, they recognized the Hawaiian government as a member of the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere. However, they secretly ordered that the 673 dead be buried in mass graves and incinerated so that the caliber of the weapons that had killed them (many of Japanese manufacture) could not be identified. Furthermore, they ordered the Hawaiian government to destroy all evidence of their involvement in the uprising. This message from Tokyo to Honolulu was also intercepted by the improvised communications station on Ford Island, which relayed it to Washington and from there to the press. Few then doubted the involvement of the imperial government. In the eyes of the world, Japan was guilty of an international massacre against citizens of countries such as the United States, Australasia, Brazil, and Ireland.

While this was happening, the American fleet departed from San Diego toward the rebellious islands on July 2nd. This group, led by Admiral Halsey, was composed of five modern aircraft carriers (USS Hornet, USS Wasp, USS Enterprise, USS Yorktown, and USS Intrepid) and one older carrier (USS Saratoga), as well as four South Dakota-class battleships (USS South Dakota, USS Indiana, USS Massachusetts, and USS Alabama). Of course, this group was accompanied by numerous smaller vessels. Alongside them were four divisions of Marines under the command of Commander Matthew Ridgway. Without much experience with this type of unit, the commander handled things surprisingly well and, together with his general staff, managed to plan Operation Pacification in just a few days. This plan envisioned dividing the four Marine divisions into two groups.

First, with the support of the carriers USS Wasp, USS Enterprise, USS Yorktown, and USS Intrepid (as well as the battleships USS Indiana, USS Massachusetts, and USS Alabama), the 11th, 17th, and 3rd Marine Divisions would land on the Big Island of Hawaii (the southernmost island), attempting to expel any enemies from it and recapture the town of Hilo. Meanwhile, the 1st Marine Division, with the USS Hornet, USS Saratoga, and the battleship USS South Dakota, would attempt to establish a beachhead on the island of Molokai, closer to Honolulu and therefore more dangerous. Using these veterans, Ridgway hoped to distract the 20,000 Japanese soldiers on Molokai while the bulk of the force established a base on the southern island. From there, they could use P-40s against the Japanese Combined Fleet, stationed at the Lahaina Roads anchorage. In total, the American ground forces numbered approximately 208,000 men (52,000 per division).

On the Japanese side, ground forces were under the command of General Shizuo Yokoyama, a bureaucrat who had the misfortune of being chosen by the Imperial General Staff in Tokyo. They believed that with his administrative skills, he would be able to resolve the serious supply problems faced by the Japanese forces. With Admiral Chester W. Nimitz’s emerging submarine campaign and the fact that the Hawaiian insurgents had, on their own initiative, destroyed the USS Arizona at one of the harbor entrances, along with a large portion of the supplies, Yokoyama was aware that his 20,000 men would not be able to feed themselves for more than a month.

From the Navy, there was none other than Isoroku Yamamoto himself, the Japanese admiral who had managed to destroy the numerically superior German fleet in the Battle of the Java Sea. However, the admiral also had his doubts. Australia’s entry into the war and into the Alliance of Free Nations (something Tokyo had not anticipated) meant that he had to divide his fleet, sending one carrier and two battleships south to face the remnants of the Royal Navy. This left him at a numerical disadvantage, with three carriers and three battleships.

In his letters and diaries, we can observe how the admiral was not in favor of Operation Shōryū. Although he had supported a preemptive bombing of the American fleet at Pearl Harbor once they returned from military exercises in San Diego (or even the idea of not having a war at all with a nation he so admired), his plan was rejected and he was forced to obey Tokyo’s wishes. However, both he and General Yokoyama were aware that with these dwindling supplies from Tokyo (which had intended only to make a bold move before negotiating, not to start a war), they would not be able to hold out. In total, the ground forces numbered about 20,000 men, with another 24,000 guerrillas of questionable loyalty. From the very beginning, the Americans had almost a two-to-one numerical advantage.

After an artillery bombardment and from aircraft carriers, the first landing craft reached the outskirts of "Hilo" beach on the morning of July 14. Opposing them were only about 7,500 insurgents, who were crushed during the first hours of combat. Despite this and the desire of many Americans to begin a racial war against the natives, Ridgway instructed his soldiers to spare the lives of those who surrendered and to treat the civilian population with humanity. Although there were some isolated incidents, most soldiers followed their commander’s orders. Further north, the First Division managed to conquer the entire island of Molokai, deploying the first P-40s there to escort American bombers. After the initial air attacks, the Combined Fleet was forced to retreat from the Lahaina Roads anchorage and head north. By July 19, Marine battalions had also crossed in transports to the south, securing the rest of the islands and leaving only Oʻahu (with its capital, Honolulu) and the northern island of Kauai under the theoretical control of the “Free Republic of Hawaii.”

During this week, General Yokoyama finally realized that with barely 40,000 men he could not resist the Americans, whose 1st Marine Division alone outnumbered the Japanese forces. In addition to all this, American forces on Ford Island still managed to resist the Japanese and occasionally bombard the city with the artillery pieces they had left. For this reason, he requested the withdrawal of his forces from Tokyo, which was denied. Tokyo, which had already seen the failures of the landings in Hue and Tonkin, refused to lose a third operation. But the reality was that with such a small force it had been impossible to invade the island, and with a larger one the military supplies would have vanished in just two weeks. Simply put, with the war still raging in Batavia, this operation had been madness. And Tokyo did not want to admit it. Only when, in the second phase of Operation Pacification, Hasley’s naval forces skirted the southern island and joined forces heading toward Yamamoto did Tokyo allow the Combined Fleet to retreat eastward. After a martial salute from the Admiral, General Shizuo Yokoyama and his 30,000 men (whose numbers were decreasing day by day due to Hawaiian desertions) entrenched themselves in Honolulu. This was a wise decision. Finally, after the rest of the archipelago was recovered on July 27 and Hasley’s fleet positioned itself near the port, Ridgway ordered his men to assault the city. It was a failure.

The Marines, who believed themselves masters of urban combat, found themselves bogged down despite their numerical superiority in the streets of the city, being attacked from all sides, by bayonet, rifle, or knife. After more than 16 hours of fighting in the outskirts of the city and 3,000 casualties, Matthew Ridgway ordered the 1st Marine Corps to entrench in their positions and await further orders. At the cost of triple the losses, the Japanese had managed to continue resisting. Shortly thereafter, the officer in charge of the Ford Island garrison communicated with Matthew Ridgway. Despite rationing supplies, protecting the civilians who had fled the massacre had left them completely depleted. Without immediate action, the garrison would be forced to surrender or starve. Immediate action was required. That night, Ridgway’s command post held a lengthy communication with Admiral Hasley.

In the morning, the somber commander was forced to order the artillery units. For more than three hours, supported by naval units, the Americans bombarded the city intensively, with an attack comparable only to those of the First World War.

"Photograph taken from an American reconnaissance aircraft capturing the extensive bombardment of Hawaii by U.S. forces. Utilizing over 5,000 artillery pieces, coordinated airstrikes from carrier-based aircraft, and the naval guns of battleships stationed offshore, the American assault led to widespread devastation across the island. Civilian and military casualties are estimated to have exceeded 10,000, with significant urban infrastructure reduced to rubble. The operation, which mirrored the intensity of World War I-style artillery barrages, marked one of the most destructive phases of the Pacific campaign and underscored the overwhelming firepower employed by U.S. forces to secure strategic control over the archipelago."

The number of victims is difficult to assess. With many civilians fleeing after the American advance, an estimated 2,347 civilian and 9,400 Japanese casualties occurred. After the attack and a brief pause for the soldiers, American troops resumed their advance after 1 p.m. Ford Island was liberated that afternoon, and the last pockets of resistance were extinguished on July 31. General Shizuo Yokoyama committed suicide with the help of his adjutant shortly before American units entered his command post. Although some groups would continue to resist for months on the more remote islands, historians conclude the Battle or Campaign of Hawaii on August 1, after Commander Ridgway’s communiqué to the President and Congress.

While all this was happening, MacArthur and his administration knew how to seize the moment. As the strongman needed in times of crisis, many, including anti-MacArthur Democrats, decided to put political struggles behind them. MacArthur did not. After a memorable July 4th parade, massive public support, and bipartisan backing from both chambers, MacArthur passed the Banking Act, establishing greater state control over the country’s financial situation (separating, on the advice of progressive Secretary of the Treasury Baruch, investment banking from deposit banking) and creating the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation (FDIC), whose mission was to guarantee depositors the recovery of their money if a bank failed. With this, the Administration hoped to avoid financial problems like those that occurred during the 1925 Crash. Although this measure was somewhat unpopular among pro-free market Republicans, they saw it as necessary during wartime. MacArthur and his allies also introduced a pension bill in the Senate, mainly aimed at veterans. Unfortunately, it was defeated by Southern Democrats and conservative Republicans. Both groups left the door open to it, but only once the war was over.

However, the cherry on top was Executive Order 7017 and Executive Order 7018, which established the War Relocation Authority (WRA) under the direct office of the Department of the Interior. The US agency responsible for the forced relocation and internment of Japanese-Americans, Hawaiians, and other potentially subversive elements during the war. It also established exclusion zones, covering all of California and parts of Washington, Oregon, and Arizona, and the subsequent civil exclusion orders informed Japanese-American residents in these areas that they would be scheduled for "evacuation." The executive order also applied to Alaska, leaving the entire West Coast of the United States off-limits to Japanese citizens and Americans of Japanese descent. Although some advised MacArthur to be very harsh with them, the President ordered that the Japanese be treated with kindness. Not so with the Hawaiians. They were separated into other camps and, along with prisoners of war (whom Washington did not consider protected under the Geneva Convention due to their support for the attack), were sent to labor camps in the interior, being leased to some semi-state companies as cheap labor.

"Map displayed at the MacArthur Museum in New York depicting the relocation routes and centers established by the War Relocation Authority (WRA). Between 1941 and 1943, approximately 140,000 individuals of Japanese ancestry, including both Issei (first-generation immigrants) and Nisei (second-generation American citizens), as well as 5,000 Native Hawaiians accused of collaboration or disloyalty, were forcibly removed from their homes in Hawaii and the Pacific Coast. These populations were relocated to internment camps and government-administered labor centers across the interior United States. While officially designated as "relocation centers," many of these sites functioned under conditions of incarceration. A portion of the internees were conscripted into labor, particularly in sectors critical to the war effort such as agriculture, manufacturing, and military logistics, often under private contracts with firms aligned with federal wartime directives."

In total, 140,000 Japanese and 5,000 Hawaiians were removed from their homes and sent east. However, no one in the House of Representatives protested. Only one voice rose: the 1940 presidential candidate for the Progressive Democrats, Henry Wallace. An outsider to the party, only placed there to attract the progressive agrarian population by Robert Wagner. Also considered a relic of pre-civil war politics, many within the party were mobilizing to fight his candidacy. And with these speeches, Wallace misjudged the mood of the public, inflamed by the attack on Honolulu. That is why he was not supported by his own party. The sharpest minds realized that if Wallace didn’t do something unexpected, he would likely lose the 1944 nomination.

In other developments, MacArthur also signed Executive Order 7020, declaring the end of the military districts in the former CSA territories. Referendums for rejoining the Union were announced for early August (all of which passed by wide margins), and special elections were scheduled for early September. All parties began to woo their potential voters. But with the country at war, public support at its highest, and desyndicalization programs in place, it was unlikely that MacArthur would not achieve a strong result. Not only that, but with the central party organization under his influence, he ensured that many of the future congressmen were young and aligned with MacArthur. Dewey’s liberals and Taft’s old conservatives would need to use all their influence to get their candidates elected district by district.

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Heh. The continued and baffling means of ranking tanks solely by how well they do against other tanks in direct combat...some things never change.



Tanks are way more than anti-tank units, and an over reliance on that role to determine a tank's performance creates worse tanks, see the Germans in OTL.

You're absolutely right. Although I’m quite fond of WWII, I’ve never been much of an expert on armored vehicles or aviation. That said, as we’ll see, American units will be somewhat similar to what they were in real life: cheap, easy to produce, weaker than their French and Russian counterparts, yet still capable of winning.

MacArthur and his regime will need to maintain the illusion of institutional strength if they want to beat a Japan united under the image of the divine Emperor...

Sometimes it's hard to see how the MacArthur in my story and the one in the game are the same person. In the game, I have a pretty massive advantage in civs (150–200?) and mils (100–200??). However, from a realistic perspective, MacArthur will have to push hard to win. We just came out of a year-and-a-half-long civil war five years ago. Have we recovered enough?

If the war with Japan becomes a bloody one with no quick end, I can see MacArthur facing problems.

But at the end of the day, I wonder if both sides will accept a negotiated peace in America's favor? Then Japan can just focus again on Germany.

I was unpleasantly surprised by how quickly Germany collapsed, as it left me no time to help them in any way, and also by how useless the Japanese were. They are not at war with China, and the navies of the East Indies and the German colonies had already been destroyed. They’ve had more than a year and still haven’t managed even a single landing!

As for negotiated peace… will American pride allow it? Only if we bleed too much.

Presscot is a joker in all of this. Playing his cards right, if he turned on MacArthur, he could end his presidency with what he knows.

And that's why MacArthur will keep a very close eye on him...

If only Prescott wasn't such a naive fool...

...but maybe...the trauma of his wife's death will awaken some needed spine...

A little preview: Prescott (now freed from Fort Ford, and whom we’ll learn more about soon) will take some time to focus his anger on the right person.

Oh dear. At whom will his shock and anger be directed? It’s a complicated situation: there may be more than one target. And he remains badly wounded and cut off in the mini-Corregidor equivalent of Oahu.

He didn’t come out unscathed...

Well, to be expected. Was this event as much a surprise to you in game as it is to the figures in the narrative?

Thanks also for the comparison of forces chapter.

My plan (I played all the way to 1941 in a single day) was to roleplay a ten-year reconstruction and then have an active involvement by 1947. However, the Hawaii event triggered in July 1941. I refused Japan, and they declared war on me a second later. The good thing is that the submod let me bring Australia into my faction. I added the others manually.

 

[TheExecuter]

Their position of strength had turned into a massacre, and the Americans were not going to negotiate with brutal murderers.

... especially since the Japanese want to touch our boats...

In his letters and diaries, we can observe how the admiral was not in favor of Operation Shōryū. Although he had supported a preemptive bombing of the American fleet at Pearl Harbor once they returned from military exercises in San Diego (or even the idea of not having a war at all with a nation he so admired), his plan was rejected and he was forced to obey Tokyo’s wishes. However, both he and General Yokoyama were aware that with these dwindling supplies from Tokyo (which had intended only to make a bold move before negotiating, not to start a war), they would not be able to hold out. In total, the ground forces numbered about 20,000 men, with another 24,000 guerrillas of questionable loyalty. From the very beginning, the Americans had almost a two-to-one numerical advantage.

Very similar to the Falklands War...

Although some advised MacArthur to be very harsh with them, the President ordered that the Japanese be treated with kindness.

Hmph. Words only does not kindness make.

Forced exile is ethnic cleansing...that can not be ever conducted kindly.

were sent to labor camps in the interior, being leased to some semi-state companies as cheap labor.

Slave labor, crimes against humanity...

Anyone thinking MacArthur or this United States are the 'good guys' is incredibly naive.

 

[Nikolai]

So America killed a lot of civilians in that artillery attack. Was it mostly hostile, native civilians or also a lot of potentially loyal civilians...?

 

[TheExecuter]

So America killed a lot of civilians in that artillery attack. Was it mostly hostile, native civilians or also a lot of potentially loyal civilians...?

Considering the US in this story is subjecting people to ethnic cleansing or slave labor based on ethnicity rather than loyalty...does it even matter to the government?

 

[StrategyGameEnthusiast]

The executive order also applied to Alaska, leaving the entire West Coast of the United States off-limits to Japanese citizens and Americans of Japanese descent. Although some advised MacArthur to be very harsh with them, the President ordered that the Japanese be treated with kindness. Not so with the Hawaiians. They were separated into other camps and, along with prisoners of war (whom Washington did not consider protected under the Geneva Convention due to their support for the attack), were sent to labor camps in the interior, being leased to some semi-state companies as cheap labor.

MacArthur and his government (if one that doesn't commit war crimes/crimes against humanity emerges) may need to be sent back to Denver...

 

[Nikolai]

Considering the US in this story is subjecting people to ethnic cleansing or slave labor based on ethnicity rather than loyalty...does it even matter to the government?

Perhaps not. But it may matter to the public.

 

[jak7139]

A little preview: Prescott (now freed from Fort Ford, and whom we’ll learn more about soon) will take some time to focus his anger on the right person.

He's going to enlist isn't he? "The right person" for Prescott is whoever killed his wife. That would be the Japanese.

If the destructive American bombing of Honolulu is any indication, I expect the US to deliver 10x stronger bombings on Japanese cities. A leg for an eye sort of thing.