I’ve finally managed to catch up and this is really good! I’ve enjoyed the arc of the Second Civil War and the personal scenes add excellent notes of color.
Keep up the great job!
Keep up the great job!
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Democracy is not only dead. It's getting beaten and dug down even deeper in the earth.It seems that Landon has tried. But it didn't help at all
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Democracy may end up being a rubbery concept in this time line. There’s not a lot of it around!
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America probably had a part to play in this, seeing as oil is involved...
Chapter 17: The Denver Trials (Part 1)
"Justice consists not in being neutral between right and wrong, but finding out the right and upholding it, wherever found, against the wrong."
- Theodore Roosevelt
From the moment MacArthur launched his coup d’état, he knew that if he wanted to "save" America, he needed the judiciary's support. For this reason, he initiated contact with the various justices of the Supreme Court. However, he did not receive the support he expected. Three justices were former Southern Democrats, now loyal to Huey Long. Meanwhile, the other five vehemently opposed any coup attempt, especially since Reed had not yet won the elections. However, when former President Herbert Hoover approached the last name on his list, he realized he might have an opportunity with Justice Felix Frankfurter.
Frankfurter was a prominent figure of his time and an unconventional Supreme Court Justice. Born in Austria-Hungary, he emigrated to New York at the age of 12. A few years later, he graduated with honors from Harvard Law School and began working as an aide to U.S. Attorney Henry L. Stimson. When Stimson was appointed Secretary of War, Frankfurter became his confidant and headed the Bureau of Insular Affairs. During this period, young Felix was an ardent supporter of Theodore Roosevelt and his "New Nationalism" political ideology. However, when the Republican Party nominated Taft Sr. instead of former President Roosevelt in 1912, Frankfurter ceased to feel represented by the establishment parties.
After Woodrow Wilson's rise to power, Frankfurter began teaching law at Harvard University, promoting the major judicial philosophy of post-MacArthur America: judicial restraint.
This theory, developed by Frankfurter and other professors, argued that judges should always collaborate with the status quo and defend decisions made by Congress and the Executive Branch. Frankfurter opposed "judicial activism," which involved driving social and economic change through court rulings. While teaching, he also served as an advisor to the President’s Mediation Committee and the National Consumers League. This experience exposed him to the leftist theories of the time as he dealt with strikes and insurrections across the country. His resolutions to these conflicts were characterized by progressive solutions, such as raising wages. Frankfurter believed that "unsatisfactory and remediable social conditions if ignored, lead to radical movements that far exceed the original impetus."
His activities led the public to view him as a radical lawyer advocating for progressive principles. Former President Theodore Roosevelt, his former idol, accused him of being "dedicated to excusing men precisely like the Bolsheviks in Russia or the syndicalists in France or Britain."
Frankfurter's actions continued to draw attention to their alleged radicalism. In November 1919, he chaired a meeting in support of U.S. recognition of the newly created Union of Britain and the French Commune. In 1920, he helped found the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU). After the arrest of suspected radical syndicalists during the Palmer Raids of 1919–1920, Frankfurter and other prominent lawyers signed an ACLU report condemning the "completely illegal acts committed by those charged with the highest duty of law enforcement." The report highlighted entrapment, police brutality, prolonged incommunicado detention, and violations of due process in court. Ultimately, the prisoners were released.
During this time, J. Edgar Hoover closely monitored Frankfurter, referring to him as "the most dangerous man in the United States" and describing him in a report as a "propagator of socialist ideology." For the rest of the 1920s, Frankfurter focused on defending his positions in the media and teaching. The turning point came in 1931 when a vacancy arose in the Supreme Court following the death of a justice. Herbert Hoover, in his first term and lacking a majority in both chambers, was in a precarious position. He needed support from either the AFP or the SPA. Despite being a conservative, Hoover nominated Felix Frankfurter as a justice on the advice of his legal advisor. The SPA, led by Jack Reed, supported the nomination, believing that at last, a socialist justice would join the Supreme Court. They couldn’t have been more wrong.
From the moment he assumed his position, Frankfurter implemented his policy of judicial restraint. His first major case, Brown Brothers v. Virginia, demonstrated his theory as he sided with the state despite his personal political beliefs. That same principle guided him when he was approached to support the coup against President Reed. Although the two men knew each other and shared some opinions, Frankfurter prioritized the Union above all else. For that reason, he joined MacArthur’s conspiracy. Thanks to Frankfurter, the exiled Congress in Denver was able to depose all the Supreme Court justices and replace them with allies or his disciples. By the time the Denver Trials began, it was clear to everyone that Frankfurter’s opinion would be the only one that truly mattered.
Frankfurter understood that these trials could not be mere summary proceedings. Edgar Hoover and Dwight Eisenhower shared this view. This group, referred to by historians of the post-MacArthur period as "the Triumvirate," was an unlikely alliance. They didn’t share political ideas and barely got along (Hoover had even pursued Frankfurter in the past). Yet they all recognized their shared role in shaping the new America. Hoover controlled the FBI. Frankfurter represented the judiciary. Eisenhower held sway over a significant portion of the military, revered as the "conqueror of California." This alliance had one purpose: to protect democracy. Whether through legal or illegal means, the Triumvirate considered itself the guardian of American democracy. To fulfill this mission, they needed to prevent the trials, inherently political, from devolving into chaos. Frankfurter ensured that the law was applied equally to all parties.
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Smedley D. Butler
Smedley D. Butler had been the most decorated Marine before the Civil War. However, his experiences in various American interventions abroad convinced him that America was not fighting for its security but for Wall Street’s interests. After leaving the service, he campaigned to educate and properly compensate veterans of the "Banana Wars" and authored the book War Is a Racket, which criticized Wall Street’s influence over American foreign policy and the needless deaths of soldiers. Surprisingly, many soldiers resonated with Butler’s message and praised him. In 1932, he visited the "Bonus Army" protests outside the Capitol alongside his son. General Douglas MacArthur, under orders, dispersed the protesters, including Butler himself. This event prompted his final retirement from the military.
By 1936, Butler was invited by the SPA to testify before Congress about a possible conspiracy within the military. He claimed that some military contacts had informed him of General MacArthur’s plans for a coup. Despite the SPA's concerns, a coalition of establishment parties and the AUS silenced the rumors. When MacArthur finally executed his coup, Butler didn’t hesitate to offer the CSA his support in forming a regular army to combat the enemy. Jack Reed appointed him Marshal of the Second Continental Army. His performance during the war was notable, leading several successful syndicalist offensives. However, the influence of Gus Hall and the Red Guards undermined his efforts to centralize and professionalize the army. He was ultimately captured shortly after Jack Reed’s death.
Butler was charged with treason for violating his military oath and Article III, Section 3 of the Constitution. Prosecutors, led by Wendell Willkie, accused him of collaborating with foreign powers to destroy the nation. His defense, led by Arthur Garfield Hays, a longtime friend of Frankfurter, argued that Butler had made mistakes but had not betrayed the country. However, the facts were clear to everyone. Butler was sentenced to death by firing squad. Despite efforts by Eisenhower and Bradley to intervene, Frankfurter remained inflexible. Butler’s last words were a cry of defiance: "Long live freedom!" He was buried in his native Pennsylvania.
William Z. Foster
William Z. Foster was one of the few CSA members who surrendered to American forces. Unlike others, he refused to flee to France and turned himself into Bradley’s First Army. During Reed’s government, Foster had served as propaganda secretary, aligned with the party’s totalist wing. He was charged with treason and collaborating with foreign powers. He was hanged, and his body was cremated.
Earl Browder
Earl Browder, a key figure in Reed’s government as Secretary of State, had worked to secure aid from the Third International. Although he fled to France, he couldn’t escape his fate. After the war, Browder became the leader of the socialist American government in exile and toured socialist countries seeking recognition. This proved his downfall.
In early 1939, Browder visited Mexico City, where he was welcomed by the totalist government. However, on the night of January 26, he disappeared from his hotel room. Two days later, a battered and weakened Browder appeared in the provisional prison for defendants. FBI agents had reportedly abducted him from his hotel and brought him to the Texas border. Despite protests from socialist governments, Browder couldn’t escape his fate. He was hanged alongside Foster, and his body was cremated.
Other prisoners faced varied sentences. For instance, Norman Thomas was sentenced to life under house arrest. Others were less fortunate and condemned to rebuild Washington alongside other CSA prisoners. Notably absent was Gus Hall. Although sentenced to death in absentia for war crimes and treason, the guerrilla leader continued his fight, moving increasingly eastward. Officials assured the public that the guerrilla resistance would be eliminated by year’s end.
Frankfurter's sentences demonstrated pragmatism. By executing the most revolutionary leaders, he sought to convince surviving socialists that armed struggle was not the answer. However, as long as Hall’s guerrilla movement persisted, peace within the left would remain elusive. The focus now shifted to trying the criminals of the AUS and the Pacific States.
Charles Coughlin
Charles Coughlin, known as Father Coughlin, was a Canadian-American Catholic priest with a parish in the United States, near Detroit. Perhaps influenced by the proto-socialist atmosphere of the city, Father Coughlin gradually adopted an anti-Wall Street rhetoric in his sermons. However, the SPA's lack of clericalism distanced him from socialism. As a result, he ended up joining Huey Long's America First Party.
Thanks to Coughlin, Huey Long gained favor among some northern Catholics and greatly benefited from Coughlin's radio program, which often served as pure propaganda. Over time, and with popular support, Father Coughlin became the leader of the most anti-capitalist and religious faction of the party. In fact, some suspected that he might be named vice president by Long himself. However, pressure from corporations led to Charles Lindbergh being chosen as the vice-presidential candidate instead. This enraged Coughlin, who felt attacked by the party's conservative faction and believed it to be infiltrated by Wall Street Jews. Nevertheless, the civil war prevented him from fully breaking with the party. During the two months of Huey Long's government, he was tasked with organizing rallies throughout the war zone. However, all his prayers proved useless against the First Army.
Father Coughlin was tried for treason and for inciting violence and racial hatred. Finally, and to the surprise of many, the Vatican intervened. Although the Pope despised the priest, he feared that allowing him to be tried by secular courts would harm the Papacy's already precarious international position. For this reason, the tribunal found him guilty but exiled him to Argentina, where he lived anonymously in a monastery until his death.
Charles Lindbergh
Charles Lindbergh had been a star in American society. His aviation feats had made him a widely recognized figure. However, the murder of his son by an immigrant-led him to feel justified in entering politics, this time through the AFP. Although he failed in the 1936 gubernatorial elections, Long named him the provisional vice-presidential candidate ahead of the presidential elections. However, the aviator was little more than a puppet for business magnates like Henry Ford. After Huey Long fled to Vargas' Brazil, it was Lindbergh who surrendered the remnants of the AUS government.
Defended by Arthur Garfield Hays, the defense argued that Lindbergh had committed no treason. However, upon taking charge of the AUS, he did recognize the danger posed by the CSA and surrendered to MacArthur. In the end, the tribunal found him guilty of treason but acquitted him of collaborating with foreign powers. The court sentenced him to 12 years in prison.
Gerald L.K. Smith
Gerald Lyman Kenneth Smith was an American clergyman, politician, and organizer known for his populist and far-right demagoguery even before the AFP's founding. However, the creation of Huey Long's party soon positioned him as the informal leader of the party's extremist wing. It was thanks to him that Long implemented his campaign promise of "Share Our Wealth." During the war, he served as Secretary of the Treasury. To raise funds, he used Long’s Minutemen to extort entire towns and cities. Upon learning of Kingfish's escape, he attempted suicide by shooting himself in the head. However, he failed, merely destroying part of his jaw. He was tried for treason and for violating the property rights of American citizens. Ultimately, he was executed by firing squad, as using a noose was impossible due to his shattered jaw.
Others who could have been tried included Henry Ford and George Van Horn Moseley. However, the death of the industrial magnate and the suicide of the AUS Chief of Staff meant there were hardly any political figures left to prosecute. Now, only the generals remained. Finally, to the military's great anticipation, it was time to employ military prosecutors and attorneys.
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I'm back! At least temporarily. The first few weeks of 2025 have been tough academically. Lots of assignments. That has worn me down a bit, so I've preferred to spend my free time reading about American politics between 1932 and 1990. I've also taken the opportunity to play Suzerain! By the way, I'd like to thank those of you who nominated me for the different awards. It reminds me that there are people who enjoy this story. In the next chapter we will see the 2º Part of the trials!
Well, without a doubt, that seems to be the case:
Japan: "False" democracy/ Oligarchy
Germany: Ineffective democracy, with 19th-century systems.
France/Britain: Totalist dictatorship
Rusia: Ultranationalist dictatorship
USA: democracy?
It could be. However, for now, we're already busy enough to get involved there. But we would need to decide who we support. Who could guarantee us more oil supply? Undoubtedly, there is conflict in the cabinet about who to support.
"Justice consists not in being neutral between right and wrong, but finding out the right and upholding it, wherever found, against the wrong."
- Theodore Roosevelt
From the moment MacArthur launched his coup d’état, he knew that if he wanted to "save" America, he needed the judiciary's support. For this reason, he initiated contact with the various justices of the Supreme Court. However, he did not receive the support he expected. Three justices were former Southern Democrats, now loyal to Huey Long. Meanwhile, the other five vehemently opposed any coup attempt, especially since Reed had not yet won the elections. However, when former President Herbert Hoover approached the last name on his list, he realized he might have an opportunity with Justice Felix Frankfurter.
Frankfurter was a prominent figure of his time and an unconventional Supreme Court Justice. Born in Austria-Hungary, he emigrated to New York at the age of 12. A few years later, he graduated with honors from Harvard Law School and began working as an aide to U.S. Attorney Henry L. Stimson. When Stimson was appointed Secretary of War, Frankfurter became his confidant and headed the Bureau of Insular Affairs. During this period, young Felix was an ardent supporter of Theodore Roosevelt and his "New Nationalism" political ideology. However, when the Republican Party nominated Taft Sr. instead of former President Roosevelt in 1912, Frankfurter ceased to feel represented by the establishment parties.
After Woodrow Wilson's rise to power, Frankfurter began teaching law at Harvard University, promoting the major judicial philosophy of post-MacArthur America: judicial restraint.
This theory, developed by Frankfurter and other professors, argued that judges should always collaborate with the status quo and defend decisions made by Congress and the Executive Branch. Frankfurter opposed "judicial activism," which involved driving social and economic change through court rulings. While teaching, he also served as an advisor to the President’s Mediation Committee and the National Consumers League. This experience exposed him to the leftist theories of the time as he dealt with strikes and insurrections across the country. His resolutions to these conflicts were characterized by progressive solutions, such as raising wages. Frankfurter believed that "unsatisfactory and remediable social conditions if ignored, lead to radical movements that far exceed the original impetus."
His activities led the public to view him as a radical lawyer advocating for progressive principles. Former President Theodore Roosevelt, his former idol, accused him of being "dedicated to excusing men precisely like the Bolsheviks in Russia or the syndicalists in France or Britain."
Frankfurter's actions continued to draw attention to their alleged radicalism. In November 1919, he chaired a meeting in support of U.S. recognition of the newly created Union of Britain and the French Commune. In 1920, he helped found the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU). After the arrest of suspected radical syndicalists during the Palmer Raids of 1919–1920, Frankfurter and other prominent lawyers signed an ACLU report condemning the "completely illegal acts committed by those charged with the highest duty of law enforcement." The report highlighted entrapment, police brutality, prolonged incommunicado detention, and violations of due process in court. Ultimately, the prisoners were released.
During this time, J. Edgar Hoover closely monitored Frankfurter, referring to him as "the most dangerous man in the United States" and describing him in a report as a "propagator of socialist ideology." For the rest of the 1920s, Frankfurter focused on defending his positions in the media and teaching. The turning point came in 1931 when a vacancy arose in the Supreme Court following the death of a justice. Herbert Hoover, in his first term and lacking a majority in both chambers, was in a precarious position. He needed support from either the AFP or the SPA. Despite being a conservative, Hoover nominated Felix Frankfurter as a justice on the advice of his legal advisor. The SPA, led by Jack Reed, supported the nomination, believing that at last, a socialist justice would join the Supreme Court. They couldn’t have been more wrong.
From the moment he assumed his position, Frankfurter implemented his policy of judicial restraint. His first major case, Brown Brothers v. Virginia, demonstrated his theory as he sided with the state despite his personal political beliefs. That same principle guided him when he was approached to support the coup against President Reed. Although the two men knew each other and shared some opinions, Frankfurter prioritized the Union above all else. For that reason, he joined MacArthur’s conspiracy. Thanks to Frankfurter, the exiled Congress in Denver was able to depose all the Supreme Court justices and replace them with allies or his disciples. By the time the Denver Trials began, it was clear to everyone that Frankfurter’s opinion would be the only one that truly mattered.
Frankfurter understood that these trials could not be mere summary proceedings. Edgar Hoover and Dwight Eisenhower shared this view. This group, referred to by historians of the post-MacArthur period as "the Triumvirate," was an unlikely alliance. They didn’t share political ideas and barely got along (Hoover had even pursued Frankfurter in the past). Yet they all recognized their shared role in shaping the new America. Hoover controlled the FBI. Frankfurter represented the judiciary. Eisenhower held sway over a significant portion of the military, revered as the "conqueror of California." This alliance had one purpose: to protect democracy. Whether through legal or illegal means, the Triumvirate considered itself the guardian of American democracy. To fulfill this mission, they needed to prevent the trials, inherently political, from devolving into chaos. Frankfurter ensured that the law was applied equally to all parties.
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Smedley D. Butler
Smedley D. Butler had been the most decorated Marine before the Civil War. However, his experiences in various American interventions abroad convinced him that America was not fighting for its security but for Wall Street’s interests. After leaving the service, he campaigned to educate and properly compensate veterans of the "Banana Wars" and authored the book War Is a Racket, which criticized Wall Street’s influence over American foreign policy and the needless deaths of soldiers. Surprisingly, many soldiers resonated with Butler’s message and praised him. In 1932, he visited the "Bonus Army" protests outside the Capitol alongside his son. General Douglas MacArthur, under orders, dispersed the protesters, including Butler himself. This event prompted his final retirement from the military.
By 1936, Butler was invited by the SPA to testify before Congress about a possible conspiracy within the military. He claimed that some military contacts had informed him of General MacArthur’s plans for a coup. Despite the SPA's concerns, a coalition of establishment parties and the AUS silenced the rumors. When MacArthur finally executed his coup, Butler didn’t hesitate to offer the CSA his support in forming a regular army to combat the enemy. Jack Reed appointed him Marshal of the Second Continental Army. His performance during the war was notable, leading several successful syndicalist offensives. However, the influence of Gus Hall and the Red Guards undermined his efforts to centralize and professionalize the army. He was ultimately captured shortly after Jack Reed’s death.
Butler was charged with treason for violating his military oath and Article III, Section 3 of the Constitution. Prosecutors, led by Wendell Willkie, accused him of collaborating with foreign powers to destroy the nation. His defense, led by Arthur Garfield Hays, a longtime friend of Frankfurter, argued that Butler had made mistakes but had not betrayed the country. However, the facts were clear to everyone. Butler was sentenced to death by firing squad. Despite efforts by Eisenhower and Bradley to intervene, Frankfurter remained inflexible. Butler’s last words were a cry of defiance: "Long live freedom!" He was buried in his native Pennsylvania.
William Z. Foster
William Z. Foster was one of the few CSA members who surrendered to American forces. Unlike others, he refused to flee to France and turned himself into Bradley’s First Army. During Reed’s government, Foster had served as propaganda secretary, aligned with the party’s totalist wing. He was charged with treason and collaborating with foreign powers. He was hanged, and his body was cremated.
Earl Browder
Earl Browder, a key figure in Reed’s government as Secretary of State, had worked to secure aid from the Third International. Although he fled to France, he couldn’t escape his fate. After the war, Browder became the leader of the socialist American government in exile and toured socialist countries seeking recognition. This proved his downfall.
In early 1939, Browder visited Mexico City, where he was welcomed by the totalist government. However, on the night of January 26, he disappeared from his hotel room. Two days later, a battered and weakened Browder appeared in the provisional prison for defendants. FBI agents had reportedly abducted him from his hotel and brought him to the Texas border. Despite protests from socialist governments, Browder couldn’t escape his fate. He was hanged alongside Foster, and his body was cremated.
Other prisoners faced varied sentences. For instance, Norman Thomas was sentenced to life under house arrest. Others were less fortunate and condemned to rebuild Washington alongside other CSA prisoners. Notably absent was Gus Hall. Although sentenced to death in absentia for war crimes and treason, the guerrilla leader continued his fight, moving increasingly eastward. Officials assured the public that the guerrilla resistance would be eliminated by year’s end.
Frankfurter's sentences demonstrated pragmatism. By executing the most revolutionary leaders, he sought to convince surviving socialists that armed struggle was not the answer. However, as long as Hall’s guerrilla movement persisted, peace within the left would remain elusive. The focus now shifted to trying the criminals of the AUS and the Pacific States.
Charles Coughlin
Charles Coughlin, known as Father Coughlin, was a Canadian-American Catholic priest with a parish in the United States, near Detroit. Perhaps influenced by the proto-socialist atmosphere of the city, Father Coughlin gradually adopted an anti-Wall Street rhetoric in his sermons. However, the SPA's lack of clericalism distanced him from socialism. As a result, he ended up joining Huey Long's America First Party.
Thanks to Coughlin, Huey Long gained favor among some northern Catholics and greatly benefited from Coughlin's radio program, which often served as pure propaganda. Over time, and with popular support, Father Coughlin became the leader of the most anti-capitalist and religious faction of the party. In fact, some suspected that he might be named vice president by Long himself. However, pressure from corporations led to Charles Lindbergh being chosen as the vice-presidential candidate instead. This enraged Coughlin, who felt attacked by the party's conservative faction and believed it to be infiltrated by Wall Street Jews. Nevertheless, the civil war prevented him from fully breaking with the party. During the two months of Huey Long's government, he was tasked with organizing rallies throughout the war zone. However, all his prayers proved useless against the First Army.
Father Coughlin was tried for treason and for inciting violence and racial hatred. Finally, and to the surprise of many, the Vatican intervened. Although the Pope despised the priest, he feared that allowing him to be tried by secular courts would harm the Papacy's already precarious international position. For this reason, the tribunal found him guilty but exiled him to Argentina, where he lived anonymously in a monastery until his death.
Charles Lindbergh
Charles Lindbergh had been a star in American society. His aviation feats had made him a widely recognized figure. However, the murder of his son by an immigrant-led him to feel justified in entering politics, this time through the AFP. Although he failed in the 1936 gubernatorial elections, Long named him the provisional vice-presidential candidate ahead of the presidential elections. However, the aviator was little more than a puppet for business magnates like Henry Ford. After Huey Long fled to Vargas' Brazil, it was Lindbergh who surrendered the remnants of the AUS government.
Defended by Arthur Garfield Hays, the defense argued that Lindbergh had committed no treason. However, upon taking charge of the AUS, he did recognize the danger posed by the CSA and surrendered to MacArthur. In the end, the tribunal found him guilty of treason but acquitted him of collaborating with foreign powers. The court sentenced him to 12 years in prison.
Gerald L.K. Smith
Gerald Lyman Kenneth Smith was an American clergyman, politician, and organizer known for his populist and far-right demagoguery even before the AFP's founding. However, the creation of Huey Long's party soon positioned him as the informal leader of the party's extremist wing. It was thanks to him that Long implemented his campaign promise of "Share Our Wealth." During the war, he served as Secretary of the Treasury. To raise funds, he used Long’s Minutemen to extort entire towns and cities. Upon learning of Kingfish's escape, he attempted suicide by shooting himself in the head. However, he failed, merely destroying part of his jaw. He was tried for treason and for violating the property rights of American citizens. Ultimately, he was executed by firing squad, as using a noose was impossible due to his shattered jaw.
Others who could have been tried included Henry Ford and George Van Horn Moseley. However, the death of the industrial magnate and the suicide of the AUS Chief of Staff meant there were hardly any political figures left to prosecute. Now, only the generals remained. Finally, to the military's great anticipation, it was time to employ military prosecutors and attorneys.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
I'm back! At least temporarily. The first few weeks of 2025 have been tough academically. Lots of assignments. That has worn me down a bit, so I've preferred to spend my free time reading about American politics between 1932 and 1990. I've also taken the opportunity to play Suzerain! By the way, I'd like to thank those of you who nominated me for the different awards. It reminds me that there are people who enjoy this story
. In the next chapter we will see the 2º Part of the trials!That is probably the fundamental question that needs to be answered. To whom does the citizen owe their loyalty? Right now, MacArthur could be considered the Father of the Nation. He has "saved American democracy." Until America can answer that question, I doubt the nation will be able to rest.
As we've seen, the FBI seems to act almost independently of Landon. And don't doubt it. Hoover is using it to expand his influence. As for democracy, it seems Hoover wants to save it. Do you trust him? Eisenhower and Frankfurter do.
Thank you! Soon we will have more scenes between characters.
It seems that way. Without a doubt, poor Landon is suffering a lot. But let's not be pessimistic. The Triumvirate is ready to fight for democracy.
Well, without a doubt, that seems to be the case:
Japan: "False" democracy/ Oligarchy
Germany: Ineffective democracy, with 19th-century systems.
France/Britain: Totalist dictatorship
Rusia: Ultranationalist dictatorship
USA: democracy?
It could be. However, for now, we're already busy enough to get involved there. But we would need to decide who we support. Who could guarantee us more oil supply? Undoubtedly, there is conflict in the cabinet about who to support.
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Did something change about Lindbergh in this timeline for Coughlan to have this opinion?...
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Thank you for the nice background on Frankfurter! And good luck with your education!
The outcome of the civilian trials were predictable. But America may have need of military men soon. Were the PSA's leaders found guilty?
The outcome of the civilian trials were predictable. But America may have need of military men soon. Were the PSA's leaders found guilty?
Thanks for finding the time to put out an update. Take whatever time you need for the study, we’ll be waiting around when you come back.
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Chapter 18: The Denver Trials (Part 2)
"No people on earth can be held, as a people, to be an enemy, for all humanity shares the common hunger for peace and fellowship and justice."
- Dwight D. Eisenhower.
Once the political leaders of the rebel governments had been tried, it was time to judge the military figures. In the case of the CSA, most had escaped to International-affiliated countries. Others had been summarily executed by Bradley’s vengeful veterans. As a result, there were almost no high-ranking officers of the 2nd Continental Army left to prosecute, apart from Marshal Butler. This left two main groups to be judged: the military leaders of the AUS and those of the Pacific States.
Fortunately or unfortunately, the generals loyal to Huey Long’s regime had the least amount of time to resist the Denver government. In fact, some officers had joined MacArthur’s army, serving as commanders of divisions composed of former AUS soldiers. This was a factor that could not be ignored. One of the great military leaders of the war was Commander Matthew Ridgway, who had joined the Federal Army after the siege of Atlanta.
Under his command, alongside the "Young Caesar," divisions of the Third Army had held the line against Reed's syndicalist hordes. Because of this, it was impossible to accuse him of war crimes or treason. As the leader of the AUS Army Veterans Association, Ridgway worked from the outset to influence leniency toward AUS officers. To some extent, he succeeded.
Mid- and high-ranking officers were pardoned. However, others, like Lucian Truscott and George Patton, were a different matter. Both had betrayed the United States. Under their command, Long's militias and insurrectionist troops had taken the lives of American compatriots—no small matter. In the case of Lucian Truscott, the verdict was swift. Due to his quick surrender and cooperation following his capture, the Supreme Court decided to retire him from the Army with honors, albeit with half his pension. While Truscott and others were angered, Frankfurter and Ridgway believed it was the best course of action. The message was clear: "Cooperate, and you live."
Patton, however, had refused to cooperate after his capture outside Savannah. Not only did he refuse to join MacArthur’s coup, but after being captured, he declined to meet with President MacArthur and stated that any soldier siding with MacArthur was "a traitor to the nation and a dog of Caesar." Despite his attitude, hundreds of soldiers and officers sent letters to the court pleading for clemency for the general. Among them, letters from Bradley and Eisenhower were published in the press. Yet it seemed to no avail.
Although Frankfurter tried to remain as impartial as possible, the verdict was clear. Patton had betrayed the nation, violated his military oath, and other articles of the Constitution. The corresponding penalty was death.
Here, however, the powers of the state intervened. MacArthur pressured some of the court judges and prosecutor Wendell Willkie to exile General Patton instead of executing him. This was not a gesture of respect toward Patton but a political act. By saving Patton’s life, MacArthur further secured the loyalty of the former AUS officers, who were already fairly loyal to him. Ultimately, after losing the vote, Frankfurter was forced to accept that the general would be exiled, with the promise never to return under penalty of death. Patton accepted the decision and, somewhat motivated, offered his services to various pro-American and anti-syndicalist governments. Eventually, Patton went to Liberia, where he helped the Liberian government modernize its armed forces as a presidential advisor. Exile was not the end for General Patton.
General Patton on the outskirts of Monrovia in 1939. Upon his arrival, the General was welcomed as a hero by the president, who granted him a luxurious villa from which he oversaw the motorization of the Liberian Army.
In general, Patton's exile left a bitter taste for Frankfurter and other state officials. While the sentence adhered to the law, MacArthur's influence had finally penetrated the trials—a fact that did not sit well with Frankfurter, the Triumvirate, or President Landon.
The next to be judged were the civilian leaders of the Pacific States. Among them was Frank Merriam, the former president of the rebel government. However, while Frankfurter presided over his trial, he was aware that Merriam had been nothing more than a puppet for California’s elite. In the end, the Supreme Court sentenced the former president to life imprisonment. Meanwhile, certain oligarchs saw their properties confiscated, their companies nationalized, and they themselves imprisoned. With these measures, California lost the false prosperity it had gained after the Great Depression.
Simultaneously, trials began for the military figures of the Pacific government. As with the AUS, many mid-ranking officers joined the Federal Army, mostly the 2nd Army. However, other figures were more controversial, such as George Marshall, Alexander Vandegrift, and Henry Harley “Hap” Arnold. All of them had commanded rebel armies in the West and had betrayed the nation. The Supreme Court was unequivocal: all the generals were sentenced to life imprisonment.
The resolution was a success. All political factions seemed satisfied. MacArthur had demonstrated his superiority over the military. The Triumvirate had saved the generals’ lives. What could go wrong?
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Landon had been staring at President Washington’s portrait for over half an hour. How had he managed to unite the nation under his leadership? The same question applied to Lincoln. Landon had always used three things to guide his actions: the Bible, Washington, and his heart. But now, in the face of such an important decision, none seemed to offer a way forward.
He felt insulted—insulted by everyone. By MacArthur, who ruled the country from his luxurious suite that should rightfully belong to Landon. By Hoover, who had stripped him of control over the FBI. By Frankfurter, who had denied him the opportunity to attend the trials. But he also felt betrayed by his own party, the Republican Party. They had turned against him. They had voted down his proposals, influenced by MacArthur. They had ridiculed him. Even the liberals within his party, who theoretically should have supported him, had abandoned him. At this moment, he had more support from Democrats than Republicans.
At times like this, he wished he had someone to turn to for advice. But it was late, and there was no one around except some security guards—likely Hoover’s payroll. He looked out the window at the reconstruction of Washington. There was still much to rebuild, although the White House had remained mostly intact. Even in the darkness, Landon could make out the prison camp where the city’s reconstruction was underway. It was bleak. While he, the most powerful man in the nation, had to watch this, General MacArthur enjoyed his comfortable life in untouched New York. Rage filled him. If only he could kill him.
His thoughts turned to the past, to the plot against MacArthur. The tyrant could not be overthrown. Even though he had resigned, they had failed to remove him from power. He still controlled the military districts and all the country’s armies.
Landon smiled in the dark office. He knew he would not be re-elected for another term. Most likely, Taft would be the next president—or whichever Southern Democrat the Democratic Party chose that year. But knowing he wouldn’t be chosen by his party, he had a free hand to do as he pleased. He approached his desk and signed three presidential pardons for the generals. At least this way, MacArthur would have some liberal rivals in the army.
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Today, we bring you in the New York Times an exclusive interview with King Edward VIII at his temporary residence in Alberta. Our interviewer is journalist William J. Prescott.
William Prescott: Good morning. Today I am with His Majesty Edward VIII, King of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, King of the Dominions of the Commonwealth, King of the British Colonial Territories, Prince of Ireland. Good morning.
H.M. Edward VIII: Good morning, Mr. Prescott.
W.P: Let’s begin the interview, Your Majesty. I would like to ask you about your shift in foreign policy. Just a few days ago, the British government in exile repudiated the Anglo-Irish Treaty of 1922 and claimed the title of King of Ireland. Could you explain this change in foreign policy?
E.W: I think it is quite obvious, Mr. Prescott. My father, may he rest in glory, made the mistake of ceding our sovereign territories on the islands. Now, the Irish find themselves under a weak government that oppresses the Protestant minority. And I, as the head of the Church of England, cannot allow that.
W.P: Your Majesty, are you aware that this change could provoke economic sanctions from the German Empire? After all, the Irish government is a member of Mitteleuropa.
E.W: If the Kaiser’s government wishes to do so, let them try. Our economy is booming, and every day we are closer to reclaiming our nation. We will not surrender to the syndicalist hordes. Nor will we leave our Irish brothers alone.
W.P: Changing the subject, Your Majesty. I would like to ask you about the Indian Reunification War. Do you believe it served any purpose to declare war on the Commune?
E.W: I didn’t take you for a pacifist, Mr. Prescott. The war was provoked by the Indian Commune, which threatened our interests in the area.
W.P: Your Majesty, there are public documents showing that your government and the Indian Confederation staged a false flag incident to initiate the war.
E.W: That is socialist propaganda! I didn’t know Americans believed all the propaganda sent to them by Mosley and Valois.
W.P: I’m afraid you’re mistaken, Your Majesty. The documents are public, and many Canadian citizens have had access to them.
E.W: Unfortunately, Canadians seem very susceptible to Mosley’s propaganda. That’s something the British do better.
W.P: Do you really believe Mosley is behind the protests in the cities?
E.W: Not only Mosley, Mr. Prescott. But don’t worry. Those troublemakers are almost all imprisoned and under control.
W.P: Is that why you fled the capital to one of your castles and are being protected by several divisions of the Royal Marines?
E.W: Be careful, Mr. Prescott. I accepted this interview, but I will not tolerate being insulted.
W.P: You are right, Your Majesty. I apologize for my lack of manners. I would now like to return to the conversation about the liberal movement: the so-called Democratic Renewal Alliance, led by Mackenzie King. Do you believe there are foreign powers behind this movement?
E.W: Of course. At first, I thought it was Mosley’s totalitarians. It made sense. Do you know that we barely lost a battle in India?
W.P: Pardon me for interrupting, Your Majesty. If that’s the case, why did you lose the war?
E.W: The problem was our allies, Mr. Prescott. The Indians are weak-minded and very susceptible to socialist propaganda. Wherever we were, our men fought like Homeric warriors. But the Indians preferred socialism, and that’s why we lost.
W.P: However, you continue with the title of Emperor of India.
E.W: Those socialists cannot deny us what is ours. We may have lost India, but we will return. Returning to the original topic, my government has proof that there are other sources of funding for the socialists of the Democratic Renewal Alliance.
W.P: The Germans?
E.W: Don’t be naïve, Mr. Prescott. Your own government is funding these protests.
W.P: Do you have evidence of this?
E.W: Not clear evidence, no. But we know where the funding is coming from.
W.P: This is a very serious accusation, Your Majesty. I understand this will complicate the return of the occupied territories.
E.W: Occupied territories?
W.P: New England, Hawaii, and Alaska.
E.W: Those territories are now Canadian, Mr. Prescott.
W.P: And does this change in stance have any reason, Your Majesty? Last week you told Ambassador J.P. Morgan that you were willing to return the territory before Christmas.
E.W: Not anymore. The Landon government has funded the terrorists and violent elements of our nation. If we don’t see any change, Canada will continue to control those territories.
W.P: One last question, Your Majesty. Would you be willing to go to war over those territories?
E.W: I just want to warn you, Mr. Prescott. Canada is prepared to defend itself. We do not like tyrants
King Edward VIII on the outskirts of Ottawa with soldiers from the newly created "Black Guard." After the defeat in the India reclamation war, Edward VIII began to distrust the army, which he considered pro-republican. As a result, he instigated the creation of special units that would operate under the newly created Royal Defense Office, led by Edward himself.
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In the end, the chapter turned out to be shorter than I expected. That’s why I’ve included the interview by our William Prescott with His Majesty Edward VIII. In the next one, we’ll see what lies ahead for the pardoned generals, the Reconstruction of the New American Army, and how bad things are going for democracies around the world. I’ll probably want to publish a short narrative excerpt before that.
"No people on earth can be held, as a people, to be an enemy, for all humanity shares the common hunger for peace and fellowship and justice."
- Dwight D. Eisenhower.
Once the political leaders of the rebel governments had been tried, it was time to judge the military figures. In the case of the CSA, most had escaped to International-affiliated countries. Others had been summarily executed by Bradley’s vengeful veterans. As a result, there were almost no high-ranking officers of the 2nd Continental Army left to prosecute, apart from Marshal Butler. This left two main groups to be judged: the military leaders of the AUS and those of the Pacific States.
Fortunately or unfortunately, the generals loyal to Huey Long’s regime had the least amount of time to resist the Denver government. In fact, some officers had joined MacArthur’s army, serving as commanders of divisions composed of former AUS soldiers. This was a factor that could not be ignored. One of the great military leaders of the war was Commander Matthew Ridgway, who had joined the Federal Army after the siege of Atlanta.
Under his command, alongside the "Young Caesar," divisions of the Third Army had held the line against Reed's syndicalist hordes. Because of this, it was impossible to accuse him of war crimes or treason. As the leader of the AUS Army Veterans Association, Ridgway worked from the outset to influence leniency toward AUS officers. To some extent, he succeeded.
Mid- and high-ranking officers were pardoned. However, others, like Lucian Truscott and George Patton, were a different matter. Both had betrayed the United States. Under their command, Long's militias and insurrectionist troops had taken the lives of American compatriots—no small matter. In the case of Lucian Truscott, the verdict was swift. Due to his quick surrender and cooperation following his capture, the Supreme Court decided to retire him from the Army with honors, albeit with half his pension. While Truscott and others were angered, Frankfurter and Ridgway believed it was the best course of action. The message was clear: "Cooperate, and you live."
Patton, however, had refused to cooperate after his capture outside Savannah. Not only did he refuse to join MacArthur’s coup, but after being captured, he declined to meet with President MacArthur and stated that any soldier siding with MacArthur was "a traitor to the nation and a dog of Caesar." Despite his attitude, hundreds of soldiers and officers sent letters to the court pleading for clemency for the general. Among them, letters from Bradley and Eisenhower were published in the press. Yet it seemed to no avail.
Although Frankfurter tried to remain as impartial as possible, the verdict was clear. Patton had betrayed the nation, violated his military oath, and other articles of the Constitution. The corresponding penalty was death.
Here, however, the powers of the state intervened. MacArthur pressured some of the court judges and prosecutor Wendell Willkie to exile General Patton instead of executing him. This was not a gesture of respect toward Patton but a political act. By saving Patton’s life, MacArthur further secured the loyalty of the former AUS officers, who were already fairly loyal to him. Ultimately, after losing the vote, Frankfurter was forced to accept that the general would be exiled, with the promise never to return under penalty of death. Patton accepted the decision and, somewhat motivated, offered his services to various pro-American and anti-syndicalist governments. Eventually, Patton went to Liberia, where he helped the Liberian government modernize its armed forces as a presidential advisor. Exile was not the end for General Patton.
General Patton on the outskirts of Monrovia in 1939. Upon his arrival, the General was welcomed as a hero by the president, who granted him a luxurious villa from which he oversaw the motorization of the Liberian Army.
In general, Patton's exile left a bitter taste for Frankfurter and other state officials. While the sentence adhered to the law, MacArthur's influence had finally penetrated the trials—a fact that did not sit well with Frankfurter, the Triumvirate, or President Landon.
The next to be judged were the civilian leaders of the Pacific States. Among them was Frank Merriam, the former president of the rebel government. However, while Frankfurter presided over his trial, he was aware that Merriam had been nothing more than a puppet for California’s elite. In the end, the Supreme Court sentenced the former president to life imprisonment. Meanwhile, certain oligarchs saw their properties confiscated, their companies nationalized, and they themselves imprisoned. With these measures, California lost the false prosperity it had gained after the Great Depression.
Simultaneously, trials began for the military figures of the Pacific government. As with the AUS, many mid-ranking officers joined the Federal Army, mostly the 2nd Army. However, other figures were more controversial, such as George Marshall, Alexander Vandegrift, and Henry Harley “Hap” Arnold. All of them had commanded rebel armies in the West and had betrayed the nation. The Supreme Court was unequivocal: all the generals were sentenced to life imprisonment.
The resolution was a success. All political factions seemed satisfied. MacArthur had demonstrated his superiority over the military. The Triumvirate had saved the generals’ lives. What could go wrong?
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Landon had been staring at President Washington’s portrait for over half an hour. How had he managed to unite the nation under his leadership? The same question applied to Lincoln. Landon had always used three things to guide his actions: the Bible, Washington, and his heart. But now, in the face of such an important decision, none seemed to offer a way forward.
He felt insulted—insulted by everyone. By MacArthur, who ruled the country from his luxurious suite that should rightfully belong to Landon. By Hoover, who had stripped him of control over the FBI. By Frankfurter, who had denied him the opportunity to attend the trials. But he also felt betrayed by his own party, the Republican Party. They had turned against him. They had voted down his proposals, influenced by MacArthur. They had ridiculed him. Even the liberals within his party, who theoretically should have supported him, had abandoned him. At this moment, he had more support from Democrats than Republicans.
At times like this, he wished he had someone to turn to for advice. But it was late, and there was no one around except some security guards—likely Hoover’s payroll. He looked out the window at the reconstruction of Washington. There was still much to rebuild, although the White House had remained mostly intact. Even in the darkness, Landon could make out the prison camp where the city’s reconstruction was underway. It was bleak. While he, the most powerful man in the nation, had to watch this, General MacArthur enjoyed his comfortable life in untouched New York. Rage filled him. If only he could kill him.
His thoughts turned to the past, to the plot against MacArthur. The tyrant could not be overthrown. Even though he had resigned, they had failed to remove him from power. He still controlled the military districts and all the country’s armies.
Landon smiled in the dark office. He knew he would not be re-elected for another term. Most likely, Taft would be the next president—or whichever Southern Democrat the Democratic Party chose that year. But knowing he wouldn’t be chosen by his party, he had a free hand to do as he pleased. He approached his desk and signed three presidential pardons for the generals. At least this way, MacArthur would have some liberal rivals in the army.
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Today, we bring you in the New York Times an exclusive interview with King Edward VIII at his temporary residence in Alberta. Our interviewer is journalist William J. Prescott.
William Prescott: Good morning. Today I am with His Majesty Edward VIII, King of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, King of the Dominions of the Commonwealth, King of the British Colonial Territories, Prince of Ireland. Good morning.
H.M. Edward VIII: Good morning, Mr. Prescott.
W.P: Let’s begin the interview, Your Majesty. I would like to ask you about your shift in foreign policy. Just a few days ago, the British government in exile repudiated the Anglo-Irish Treaty of 1922 and claimed the title of King of Ireland. Could you explain this change in foreign policy?
E.W: I think it is quite obvious, Mr. Prescott. My father, may he rest in glory, made the mistake of ceding our sovereign territories on the islands. Now, the Irish find themselves under a weak government that oppresses the Protestant minority. And I, as the head of the Church of England, cannot allow that.
W.P: Your Majesty, are you aware that this change could provoke economic sanctions from the German Empire? After all, the Irish government is a member of Mitteleuropa.
E.W: If the Kaiser’s government wishes to do so, let them try. Our economy is booming, and every day we are closer to reclaiming our nation. We will not surrender to the syndicalist hordes. Nor will we leave our Irish brothers alone.
W.P: Changing the subject, Your Majesty. I would like to ask you about the Indian Reunification War. Do you believe it served any purpose to declare war on the Commune?
E.W: I didn’t take you for a pacifist, Mr. Prescott. The war was provoked by the Indian Commune, which threatened our interests in the area.
W.P: Your Majesty, there are public documents showing that your government and the Indian Confederation staged a false flag incident to initiate the war.
E.W: That is socialist propaganda! I didn’t know Americans believed all the propaganda sent to them by Mosley and Valois.
W.P: I’m afraid you’re mistaken, Your Majesty. The documents are public, and many Canadian citizens have had access to them.
E.W: Unfortunately, Canadians seem very susceptible to Mosley’s propaganda. That’s something the British do better.
W.P: Do you really believe Mosley is behind the protests in the cities?
E.W: Not only Mosley, Mr. Prescott. But don’t worry. Those troublemakers are almost all imprisoned and under control.
W.P: Is that why you fled the capital to one of your castles and are being protected by several divisions of the Royal Marines?
E.W: Be careful, Mr. Prescott. I accepted this interview, but I will not tolerate being insulted.
W.P: You are right, Your Majesty. I apologize for my lack of manners. I would now like to return to the conversation about the liberal movement: the so-called Democratic Renewal Alliance, led by Mackenzie King. Do you believe there are foreign powers behind this movement?
E.W: Of course. At first, I thought it was Mosley’s totalitarians. It made sense. Do you know that we barely lost a battle in India?
W.P: Pardon me for interrupting, Your Majesty. If that’s the case, why did you lose the war?
E.W: The problem was our allies, Mr. Prescott. The Indians are weak-minded and very susceptible to socialist propaganda. Wherever we were, our men fought like Homeric warriors. But the Indians preferred socialism, and that’s why we lost.
W.P: However, you continue with the title of Emperor of India.
E.W: Those socialists cannot deny us what is ours. We may have lost India, but we will return. Returning to the original topic, my government has proof that there are other sources of funding for the socialists of the Democratic Renewal Alliance.
W.P: The Germans?
E.W: Don’t be naïve, Mr. Prescott. Your own government is funding these protests.
W.P: Do you have evidence of this?
E.W: Not clear evidence, no. But we know where the funding is coming from.
W.P: This is a very serious accusation, Your Majesty. I understand this will complicate the return of the occupied territories.
E.W: Occupied territories?
W.P: New England, Hawaii, and Alaska.
E.W: Those territories are now Canadian, Mr. Prescott.
W.P: And does this change in stance have any reason, Your Majesty? Last week you told Ambassador J.P. Morgan that you were willing to return the territory before Christmas.
E.W: Not anymore. The Landon government has funded the terrorists and violent elements of our nation. If we don’t see any change, Canada will continue to control those territories.
W.P: One last question, Your Majesty. Would you be willing to go to war over those territories?
E.W: I just want to warn you, Mr. Prescott. Canada is prepared to defend itself. We do not like tyrants
King Edward VIII on the outskirts of Ottawa with soldiers from the newly created "Black Guard." After the defeat in the India reclamation war, Edward VIII began to distrust the army, which he considered pro-republican. As a result, he instigated the creation of special units that would operate under the newly created Royal Defense Office, led by Edward himself.
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In the end, the chapter turned out to be shorter than I expected. That’s why I’ve included the interview by our William Prescott with His Majesty Edward VIII. In the next one, we’ll see what lies ahead for the pardoned generals, the Reconstruction of the New American Army, and how bad things are going for democracies around the world. I’ll probably want to publish a short narrative excerpt before that.
Not really. The main problem is the irreconcilable differences within the AFP. There are proto-socialists alongside business magnates. For example, Huey Long promised to nationalize certain industries and impose taxes on millionaires (this was supported by the Father). How would that sit with magnates like Henry Ford?
Yes and no! The tribunal has considered them traitors. But Landon seems to have granted them a presidential pardon. So... now they are free and probably included in the Army by Landon's order. But I don't want to get ahead of myself.
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Considering Edward is treating the democratic opposition as if they are terrorists, I think 'I do not like tyrants, unless it's myself of course' is more accurate...
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If Landon, the President, were to kill MacArthur...I feel that would lead to another civil war.
The Canadian citizens would probably welcome a war with the US over the occupied territories. Edward VIII is overplaying his hand. He needs to consolidate, not make more enemies.
Tyrants like monarchs, you mean?
The Canadian citizens would probably welcome a war with the US over the occupied territories. Edward VIII is overplaying his hand. He needs to consolidate, not make more enemies.
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Very funny. 51st state, here we come lmao
Yes, yes, Alaska and Hawaii I know. Just making a joke
Yes, yes, Alaska and Hawaii I know. Just making a joke
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Interlude 3: Prisoner 1013
"You should rejoice that you're in prison. Here you have time to think about your soul."
- Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn
As usual, the noises from the cell next door woke him up. The madman, as the prisoners called him, was awake. Now he was banging his wooden mug against the metal door, making scandalous noises. He shouted random words in rhythm with the banging: Revolution, Traitors, Gold. But no one understood him. When the prisoners spoke in whispers, they said that man had once been someone important. Now he was nobody. Like all of them. They were just a number. In Robert’s case, he was nothing more than 1013. Prisoner 1013.
Further down, he heard Prisoner 1011 yelling through the door of his cell:
- Madman! Shut up, or you’ll get us all killed!
The madman, Prisoner 1012, kept shouting about betrayal and his enemies: “Vorler, the pig! The reactionary General! And Stirling, that bastard!” Beside him, Robert could hear Prisoner 1014. He was a young SPA leader from Chicago. Despite having both his legs broken, he hadn’t lost hope that MacArthur would lose the war against the Internationale and they’d all be freed. Prisoner 1013 was less optimistic.
-Listen to me, - 1014 would often say. - Mosley and Valois won’t abandon us. Soon enough, old Doug will die, assassinated by one of his soldiers. Then the Internationale will invade, and we’ll be free. Free to take our revenge!”
However, when 1014 spoke now, his tone lacked its usual hopefulness.
- Yesterday, I heard the guards talking, 1014.
- What were they saying? When?
- When they took me to the psychiatric evaluation. I heard the guards talking.- He lowered his voice.- Apparently, 1012 is someone very important.
- What did they say?
- They’re waiting for orders from New York on how to act.
- Who do you think he is?- asked 1013.
- Think about it, think. A man tortured and imprisoned? A man ranting about Browder, about the traitor MacArthur, and about Commander Stirling.
1013 still didn’t understand.
- I don’t get it.
- Think, 1013. 1012 is bloody Jack Reed!
At that moment, Robert became aware of the silence in the hallway. 1012 had stopped banging. In a whisper, 1013 thought he could hear his words:
- Hoover… fool. His microphones…
Soon after, the guards arrived and took Robert away for interrogation.
Frank Wisner was speeding in the car. He had no time for this. He’d been tracking Gus Hall’s guerrilla fighters for over two weeks. Bit by bit, Wisner and the troops under his command had cornered them near Lake Michigan. Now they controlled barely a square kilometer. It was only a matter of days—if not hours—before the guerrilla forces were defeated and Gus Hall was summarily executed by firing squad. Although Wisner had come to admire the guerrilla tactics of the former leader of the Red Guards, he knew the orders were clear. Hall and his group were to be eliminated. Wisner hoped it would be soon. If not, he’d heard that McNair had offered to send Army units and air support. That wasn’t the plan.
Yet here he was, riding in a chauffeur-driven car toward a small forest north of Chicago. He hated leaving a job unfinished, but Hoover’s orders had to be followed to the letter. After passing through a military police checkpoint, they finally arrived at their destination: an old abandoned factory. Or so it might have seemed if not for the dozens of soldiers and armed FBI agents stationed at the windows and surrounding area. As he stepped out of the car, an officer greeted him, introducing himself as Officer Peter.
- Pleased to meet you, Mr. Wisner. I’ll show you the facilities.
They entered the abandoned factory, escorted by a mix of Military Police and FBI agents. Together, they descended in an old mine elevator. The only illumination came from dim electric lights.
- Tell me a bit about this place- Wisner suggested.
- Well, there’s not much to say. Even before the Civil War, we knew we’d need places to detain radicals who threatened our democracy. So, during the preparation for the coup, military engineers built a few underground prisons in remote areas. Currently, I’m in charge of this one. As far as I know, there are at least two others in the United States. But I assure you, none are as secure as this one. We operate as a dual institution. Both the Army and the FBI oversee these prisoners.
- Why do you consider it so secure?
“It’s simply impossible to escape. Let’s not even talk about the exterior security or the fact that it’s in a deserted area for miles. They’d also have to use this elevator, which, as you can see, descends about 40 meters underground. But the biggest obstacle is their initial situation. They’re kept in individual cells, each with a cot, a bucket for necessities, and that’s it. They only come out occasionally for interrogations.”
The elevator stopped, leaving the group in a small cavern with many tunnels. Wisner followed Peter down a narrow path of metal, wood, and stone.
- Who do you detain here?
- To be honest, I barely know myself, Mr. Wisner. But given the cost and budget of the prison, I assume we hold important people. I can’t confirm that, though. Prisoners don’t use their names—just their numbers. What was your prisoner’s number again?
Wisner looked at the sheet.
- Prisoner 1014.
- Then follow me this way.
They walked in silence through the tunnels until they reached the cells. Peter gestured to one of his men, who opened the door. Once the door was opened, two of Wisner’s agents pulled the prisoner to the doorway. As described, the prisoner resembled the photo. Standing before him was Victor G. Reuther, the young union leader who had led the New Year’s strike of 1937. After that, it seemed he’d disappeared from the world—but not from Hoover’s attention. Apparently, the prisoner had done or said something to earn the FBI director’s ire.
- Prisoner 1014. - Wisner said in an authoritative tone. - Are you Victor G. Reuther?
The prisoner hesitated but answered affirmatively. Now that he was in the light, Wisner could make out the blood-soaked, rotting bandages on both of his legs. He didn’t care. He pulled out a small court order.
- By order of the FBI, you are sentenced to death for insurrection, treason, and incitement to hatred. Luckily for you,” he added with irony, “the court did not find you guilty of distributing subversive propaganda.
Reuther’s face filled with shock.
- Officer, you must be mistaken. I’ve been in prison for years and haven’t stood trial!
- Unfortunately, due to your preventive detention, it was impossible to include you in the trial. But don’t worry, you were represented by a court-appointed attorney.
- That’s nonsense. You’re trying to silence me because of what I know!- he shouted before spitting at Wisner.
One of the agents drew his pistol and aimed it at Reuther’s head, but Wisner motioned for him to lower it. Wiping the spit off with a handkerchief, he smiled coldly at Reuther.
- Silence you? Do you have something to tell us?
- Don’t play dumb, officer. We all know what’s in Cell 1012.
Wisner was intrigued.
- What’s in Cell 1012, Reuther?
The prisoner seemed to see an opportunity and spoke eagerly.
- Jack Reed. Jack Reed is in that cell.
Wisner and the soldiers burst into laughter. Reuther looked at them, confused.
- I’m telling the truth, officer! Reed is alive!
- Nice try, Mr. Reuther. But unfortunately, I’ve heard better last-minute confessions.
Frank pulled out his revolver and shot the union leader in the head. Death was instantaneous, splattering the room with blood.
- You should clean the cell, Officer.
- I’ll take care of it right away, Mr. Wisner.
With that, Wisner began walking down the hallway. At last, he could finish with Hall and his insurgents without distractions. But his curiosity got the better of him. He motioned for one of his men to open the door to 1012, but Peter’s voice stopped him.
- Sir, we have orders from New York not to let anyone pass or see the prisoner.
Wisner noticed the phrasing. The orders came from New York, not Washington.
- Officer,” Wisner said sternly, “I’m the special envoy of Director Hoover. Don’t question me if you want to keep your position tomorrow.
With those words, Wisner opened the door himself. He shone his flashlight at the prisoner. Before him stood a pale, thin, broken man. His hair had turned gray and was thinning. He was missing an ear, replaced by a bloodied bandage. His beard was long and white. A scar ran across his face.
Was Frank Wisner standing before Jack Reed? It was hard to say. The face was longer and thinner, but that could have been due to imprisonment. The scars didn’t help identification either. Another thing that surprised him was the room, furnished with books and more items than Reuther’s cell. Wisner could hear Peter’s nervous breathing behind him. He’d pushed the boundaries too far. He closed the door, and with a smile, he acted more confident than he felt.
- Well, clearly Reuther was trying to save his neck. Reed is dead. Thank you for the visit, Peter. I’ll have a whiskey sent your way—I doubt there are many liquor stores around here.
- Thank you very much, Mr. Wisner. You’re welcome anytime.
The two men shook hands. Wisner would now return to finish off Hall and his insurgents. But he knew he wouldn’t be able to shake the doubt. Did MacArthur, Hoover, or someone else have Jack Reed imprisoned?
In the adjacent cell, Robert was surprised to find himself crying. The banging and shouting had woken him. In their haste, they’d forgotten to bring him food. But he didn’t care. With 1014’s door open, he could smell the rot of the corpse. So he lay back on his cot. But the noises made by Prisoner 1012 against the bars only deepened his despair.
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Hmm... Who knows what’s going through the mind of our American Caesar?
"You should rejoice that you're in prison. Here you have time to think about your soul."
- Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn
As usual, the noises from the cell next door woke him up. The madman, as the prisoners called him, was awake. Now he was banging his wooden mug against the metal door, making scandalous noises. He shouted random words in rhythm with the banging: Revolution, Traitors, Gold. But no one understood him. When the prisoners spoke in whispers, they said that man had once been someone important. Now he was nobody. Like all of them. They were just a number. In Robert’s case, he was nothing more than 1013. Prisoner 1013.
Further down, he heard Prisoner 1011 yelling through the door of his cell:
- Madman! Shut up, or you’ll get us all killed!
The madman, Prisoner 1012, kept shouting about betrayal and his enemies: “Vorler, the pig! The reactionary General! And Stirling, that bastard!” Beside him, Robert could hear Prisoner 1014. He was a young SPA leader from Chicago. Despite having both his legs broken, he hadn’t lost hope that MacArthur would lose the war against the Internationale and they’d all be freed. Prisoner 1013 was less optimistic.
-Listen to me, - 1014 would often say. - Mosley and Valois won’t abandon us. Soon enough, old Doug will die, assassinated by one of his soldiers. Then the Internationale will invade, and we’ll be free. Free to take our revenge!”
However, when 1014 spoke now, his tone lacked its usual hopefulness.
- Yesterday, I heard the guards talking, 1014.
- What were they saying? When?
- When they took me to the psychiatric evaluation. I heard the guards talking.- He lowered his voice.- Apparently, 1012 is someone very important.
- What did they say?
- They’re waiting for orders from New York on how to act.
- Who do you think he is?- asked 1013.
- Think about it, think. A man tortured and imprisoned? A man ranting about Browder, about the traitor MacArthur, and about Commander Stirling.
1013 still didn’t understand.
- I don’t get it.
- Think, 1013. 1012 is bloody Jack Reed!
At that moment, Robert became aware of the silence in the hallway. 1012 had stopped banging. In a whisper, 1013 thought he could hear his words:
- Hoover… fool. His microphones…
Soon after, the guards arrived and took Robert away for interrogation.
Frank Wisner was speeding in the car. He had no time for this. He’d been tracking Gus Hall’s guerrilla fighters for over two weeks. Bit by bit, Wisner and the troops under his command had cornered them near Lake Michigan. Now they controlled barely a square kilometer. It was only a matter of days—if not hours—before the guerrilla forces were defeated and Gus Hall was summarily executed by firing squad. Although Wisner had come to admire the guerrilla tactics of the former leader of the Red Guards, he knew the orders were clear. Hall and his group were to be eliminated. Wisner hoped it would be soon. If not, he’d heard that McNair had offered to send Army units and air support. That wasn’t the plan.
Yet here he was, riding in a chauffeur-driven car toward a small forest north of Chicago. He hated leaving a job unfinished, but Hoover’s orders had to be followed to the letter. After passing through a military police checkpoint, they finally arrived at their destination: an old abandoned factory. Or so it might have seemed if not for the dozens of soldiers and armed FBI agents stationed at the windows and surrounding area. As he stepped out of the car, an officer greeted him, introducing himself as Officer Peter.
- Pleased to meet you, Mr. Wisner. I’ll show you the facilities.
They entered the abandoned factory, escorted by a mix of Military Police and FBI agents. Together, they descended in an old mine elevator. The only illumination came from dim electric lights.
- Tell me a bit about this place- Wisner suggested.
- Well, there’s not much to say. Even before the Civil War, we knew we’d need places to detain radicals who threatened our democracy. So, during the preparation for the coup, military engineers built a few underground prisons in remote areas. Currently, I’m in charge of this one. As far as I know, there are at least two others in the United States. But I assure you, none are as secure as this one. We operate as a dual institution. Both the Army and the FBI oversee these prisoners.
- Why do you consider it so secure?
“It’s simply impossible to escape. Let’s not even talk about the exterior security or the fact that it’s in a deserted area for miles. They’d also have to use this elevator, which, as you can see, descends about 40 meters underground. But the biggest obstacle is their initial situation. They’re kept in individual cells, each with a cot, a bucket for necessities, and that’s it. They only come out occasionally for interrogations.”
The elevator stopped, leaving the group in a small cavern with many tunnels. Wisner followed Peter down a narrow path of metal, wood, and stone.
- Who do you detain here?
- To be honest, I barely know myself, Mr. Wisner. But given the cost and budget of the prison, I assume we hold important people. I can’t confirm that, though. Prisoners don’t use their names—just their numbers. What was your prisoner’s number again?
Wisner looked at the sheet.
- Prisoner 1014.
- Then follow me this way.
They walked in silence through the tunnels until they reached the cells. Peter gestured to one of his men, who opened the door. Once the door was opened, two of Wisner’s agents pulled the prisoner to the doorway. As described, the prisoner resembled the photo. Standing before him was Victor G. Reuther, the young union leader who had led the New Year’s strike of 1937. After that, it seemed he’d disappeared from the world—but not from Hoover’s attention. Apparently, the prisoner had done or said something to earn the FBI director’s ire.
- Prisoner 1014. - Wisner said in an authoritative tone. - Are you Victor G. Reuther?
The prisoner hesitated but answered affirmatively. Now that he was in the light, Wisner could make out the blood-soaked, rotting bandages on both of his legs. He didn’t care. He pulled out a small court order.
- By order of the FBI, you are sentenced to death for insurrection, treason, and incitement to hatred. Luckily for you,” he added with irony, “the court did not find you guilty of distributing subversive propaganda.
Reuther’s face filled with shock.
- Officer, you must be mistaken. I’ve been in prison for years and haven’t stood trial!
- Unfortunately, due to your preventive detention, it was impossible to include you in the trial. But don’t worry, you were represented by a court-appointed attorney.
- That’s nonsense. You’re trying to silence me because of what I know!- he shouted before spitting at Wisner.
One of the agents drew his pistol and aimed it at Reuther’s head, but Wisner motioned for him to lower it. Wiping the spit off with a handkerchief, he smiled coldly at Reuther.
- Silence you? Do you have something to tell us?
- Don’t play dumb, officer. We all know what’s in Cell 1012.
Wisner was intrigued.
- What’s in Cell 1012, Reuther?
The prisoner seemed to see an opportunity and spoke eagerly.
- Jack Reed. Jack Reed is in that cell.
Wisner and the soldiers burst into laughter. Reuther looked at them, confused.
- I’m telling the truth, officer! Reed is alive!
- Nice try, Mr. Reuther. But unfortunately, I’ve heard better last-minute confessions.
Frank pulled out his revolver and shot the union leader in the head. Death was instantaneous, splattering the room with blood.
- You should clean the cell, Officer.
- I’ll take care of it right away, Mr. Wisner.
With that, Wisner began walking down the hallway. At last, he could finish with Hall and his insurgents without distractions. But his curiosity got the better of him. He motioned for one of his men to open the door to 1012, but Peter’s voice stopped him.
- Sir, we have orders from New York not to let anyone pass or see the prisoner.
Wisner noticed the phrasing. The orders came from New York, not Washington.
- Officer,” Wisner said sternly, “I’m the special envoy of Director Hoover. Don’t question me if you want to keep your position tomorrow.
With those words, Wisner opened the door himself. He shone his flashlight at the prisoner. Before him stood a pale, thin, broken man. His hair had turned gray and was thinning. He was missing an ear, replaced by a bloodied bandage. His beard was long and white. A scar ran across his face.
Was Frank Wisner standing before Jack Reed? It was hard to say. The face was longer and thinner, but that could have been due to imprisonment. The scars didn’t help identification either. Another thing that surprised him was the room, furnished with books and more items than Reuther’s cell. Wisner could hear Peter’s nervous breathing behind him. He’d pushed the boundaries too far. He closed the door, and with a smile, he acted more confident than he felt.
- Well, clearly Reuther was trying to save his neck. Reed is dead. Thank you for the visit, Peter. I’ll have a whiskey sent your way—I doubt there are many liquor stores around here.
- Thank you very much, Mr. Wisner. You’re welcome anytime.
The two men shook hands. Wisner would now return to finish off Hall and his insurgents. But he knew he wouldn’t be able to shake the doubt. Did MacArthur, Hoover, or someone else have Jack Reed imprisoned?
In the adjacent cell, Robert was surprised to find himself crying. The banging and shouting had woken him. In their haste, they’d forgotten to bring him food. But he didn’t care. With 1014’s door open, he could smell the rot of the corpse. So he lay back on his cot. But the noises made by Prisoner 1012 against the bars only deepened his despair.
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Well, I think Edward is a hypocrite. He’s a tyrant himself. But he’s not the first to project his own situation onto his rivals. However, it’s true that a war always unites the population. Who knows?Tyrants like monarchs, you mean?
The Canadian citizens would probably welcome a war with the US over the occupied territories. Edward VIII is overplaying his hand. He needs to consolidate, not make more enemies.
I think Landon doesn’t have the necessary power to do it. For now, he’ll try to bother MacArthur, but nothing more.
Hmm... Who knows what’s going through the mind of our American Caesar?
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I'm guessing that moments like these will lead to a re-evaluation of the post Second Civil War period in the modern day of this timeline...
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Whatever could MacArthur want with Jack Reed? Very suspicious...
I wonder if Wisner will report his visit to the FBI. Hoover would certainly want to hear about it.
These secret prisons feel very Orwellian. I bet the funding for them is off the books too.
I wonder if Wisner will report his visit to the FBI. Hoover would certainly want to hear about it.
These secret prisons feel very Orwellian. I bet the funding for them is off the books too.
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A very dark episode there.
One can hear the plot thickening, even without Hoover microphones!
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Chapter 19: The next step
"The thing that impresses me most about America is the way parents obey their children."
- King Edward VIII.
Eisenhower stepped out of his car into the small grove on the outskirts of Washington, D.C. He wasn’t alone. Two other cars were already waiting, their important passengers staying inside, unwilling to talk to each other without Eisenhower to mediate. Once all members of the Triumvirate were gathered, they began walking through the woods while their loyal aides waited behind. Hoover was the first to speak.
- Has Landon lost his mind?
- He hasn’t lost it,- answered Frankfurter.- But he’s now aware it will be almost impossible to seek re-election. And that complicates things for us.
- Do we even have a candidate for the 1940 election?
- It’s more than a year away, Edgar,- Eisenhower interjected.
- Even so, we need to find someone we can support to challenge MacArthur. My sources confirm he hasn’t taken the news of the presidential pardon well.
- That’s bad for our interests,- replied Frankfurter.- But logical. He’s been humiliated. And MacArthur hates humiliation. The only things stopping him from removing Landon right now are us and public opinion.
They continued walking until they reached a small pond.
- Now that Landon has so few cards left to play, we must find someone who can stand against MacArthur,- Hoover continued.- Any ideas?
- I lean toward supporting the Democrats,- said Frankfurter.- They’ve been out of power since 1928, and I think they’ll be easier to influence—and manipulate. I don’t like interfering in elections, but it’s necessary if we want to prevent MacArthur from becoming president.
- I think you’re exaggerating, Felix,- Eisenhower responded.- No one doubts Caesar is a danger to democracy. But to become president, he’d need to be nominated by one of the parties. The Southern Democrats hate him for pardoning the moderate AFP leaders. The progressives see him as a dictator. So MacArthur can’t count on any faction of the Democratic Party for nomination. Meanwhile, the Republicans are too divided internally for MacArthur to run successfully with them. Because of this, I believe MacArthur will form his own party before the elections. Do your agents have any information on that, Edgar?
Hoover tossed a stone into the pond.
- MacArthur is keeping quiet for now. I’ll let you know as soon as I find anything. What do we plan to do about Marshall?
- What do you mean?- Eisenhower asked.
- Landon has appointed him to a new position: "Chief of Staff to the Commander in Chief." If we can bring him to our side, we’ll have greater influence over the administration.
Frankfurter spoke up.
- Normally, I’d agree to collaborate with anyone, but I wouldn’t recommend it here. It would mark us too early as enemies of MacArthur. We can’t let it be so obvious.
- I agree,- Eisenhower added.
- Then we must find a candidate to become president. Preferably a puppet,- Hoover suggested.-I vote we support Taft.
- I’m still against interfering in the elections,- Eisenhower replied.- That would bring us down to MacArthur’s level. He’s powerful because he operates from the shadows. We must do the same.
- That makes sense,- Frankfurter said thoughtfully.
- I disagree, Ike,- Hoover countered. If we want to defeat MacArthur, we need to use everything at our disposal.
Eisenhower placed a hand on Hoover’s shoulder.
- Listen to me, Edgar. I understand your point. But we live in a democracy. And though it’s not perfect, we must respect it. Unless we’re in serious danger, I believe we should stay out of the elections. Votes in favor?
Frankfurter raised his hand in support. Hoover sighed.
- You’re in charge, Ike. But I hope you’re not wrong. As for me, I’ll keep an eye on his every move. I hope you’ll do the same.
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The Civil War had transformed the U.S. Army. In 1936, it had been small, underfunded, and demoralized. By 1939, the American Army had become, for many, the heart of the New America. Unlike other countries, the U.S. Army was not demobilized after the war; instead, it was expanded. According to Chief of Staff MacArthur, “America must prepare for future conflicts and cannot afford to lose soldiers.” Consequently, the Army continued growing even after the Civil War ended. Emphasis was placed on innovation and training, ensuring that, though often outnumbered in combat, American troops would be superior to their global counterparts—or so MacArthur believed.
The 1940 Grand Military Mobilization Plan (GMMP) was a strategy designed by McNair and MacArthur to rearm the Army without crippling the American economy. The plan established the Department of Advanced Armaments (DAA), which developed new medium tanks and fighter aircraft. While many would not be operational until after 1940, the DAA and Ford ensured America maintained an elite, well-equipped military. However, some units were ready before 1940: the 1st Marine Corps.
Surprisingly, for someone with little affinity for naval matters, MacArthur recognized the importance of small, specialized units in events like the Siege of Washington and the Java Campaign. Several elite divisions were restructured into veteran Marine units, receiving superior training and prepared to spearhead operations for the New Army. However, this led to administrative disputes. The U.S. Navy, led by Admiral Ernest J. King, pushed for the Marines to be part of the Navy, arguing it would enhance collaboration. MacArthur disagreed. For the time being, the Marine Corps remained under Army command, with General Lucian King Truscott Jr.—a MacArthur loyalist and veteran of the Battle of Washington—placed in charge of ten divisions. Under his leadership, the Marines were rigorously trained for amphibious operations, urban combat, river crossings, and counterinsurgency warfare.
Perhaps the most significant shift within the Army was the reinstatement of high-ranking officers who had fought against the country under the Pacific States banner. George Marshall, former rebel military leader, was appointed Chief of Staff to the Commander in Chief, tasked with serving as a liaison between MacArthur and Landon. This appointment did little to improve the Army’s opinion of President Landon. As a result, Landon dedicated much of 1939 to winning the support of the armed forces and the American public.
"Douglas MacArthur and George Marshall during maneuvers of the 2nd Marine Division off the coast of Virginia. Although both men had been rivals in the past, George Marshall and MacArthur had great respect for each other. Therefore, despite some disputes, they worked side by side to remobilize the U.S. Army. At the edge of the photo, we can see General Krueger, who had been relieved after the siege of Paris. However, international tensions led MacArthur to appoint him as a military assistant to the General Staff."
Among his first initiatives was the reconstruction of Washington D.C. Following the removal of debris and city planning efforts, officials realized the War Department needed a larger office, possibly in a new location. Options included Hoover Field, but ultimately, a site near Arlington Cemetery was chosen. There, under the supervision of architects and military officials, the Pentagon was constructed.
But Landon’s actions didn’t stop there. If he still had any hope of seeking re-election, he needed to win public favor. Learning from the Indonesian Adventure, he seized a new opportunity on August 1, 1939. The Dominican Republic’s dictator requested U.S. assistance as Haitian forces cornered him near Santo Domingo. This situation jeopardized American interests on the island, raising fears of German influence in the region. Landon turned to William Randolph Hearst, who still wielded media influence despite his fall from grace as Secretary of Information. In exchange for halting an ongoing congressional investigation against him, Hearst agreed to spread false reports of German volunteers in Haiti. The American public, outraged by the perceived threat, demanded intervention. Landon sent Leonard T. Gerow, a veteran of the Indonesia Campaign, to lead the First Marine Division to the island .
Though the expeditionary force faced little resistance in defeating the Haitian army, guerrilla warfare and harsh terrain delayed their advance to Port-au-Prince until October 1939. There, the Marines showcased their siege skills, capturing the capital on October 5. The Haitian government fled to nearby Cuba, leaving the pro-American Ramón Vázquez regime in control of the island and allowing significant U.S. economic investment.
Globally, the world moved on while America grappled with its internal crises. In South America, the war finally ended. The national-populist Argentine government allied with Peru-Bolivia and crushed the socialist forces, restoring order to Patagonia through brutal repression. Among the Argentine military, one man stood out: Juan Domingo Perón. Rising quickly through the ranks as incompetent generals were purged, he was ultimately granted governance over the conquered regions of Chile and Patagonia, ruling with an iron fist.
"Juan Domingo Perón (Lobos, October 8, 1895 – Olivos, July 1, 1974). Gaining regional fame for his military actions during the so-called "Southern Cone War," Perón was appointed military governor of the conquered regions. Under his command, the Argentine National Army would oppress and plunder much of the population not considered "pure of mind" by the Buenos Aires government."
Meanwhile, the Great Chinese War began as Fengtian forces invaded the Beiyang government. With most Chinese warlords taking sides and Japanese support flowing to Fengtian, the brutal conflict was expected to last for years.
Back in the United States, Landon’s presidential pardon did not sit well with the public either. To regain favor, he collaborated with both parties to pass a bill promoting civic education and democratic values for future generations. While the bill passed, it did little to quell the controversy brewing in the military.
On December 10, 1939, General Lucian Truscott visited his units stationed in Florida. During his visit, a group of students protested outside the camp, demanding the release of a classmate detained by Marine military police for assaulting a soldier. Although protocol dictated the student’s release the next day, the 32 protesters grew bolder, throwing stones at soldiers. The situation escalated when Martin Van Held, a former SPA member, climbed onto a truck waving the CSA flag. For Anton Trasz, a veteran of Bradley’s First Army who had lost comrades to the “Reds,” it was too much.
Witness accounts of what happened next vary. Military sources, including Trasz, claimed Van Held brandished a weapon and threatened soldiers. Protesters alleged Trasz began cursing and shot Van Held in the chest, killing him instantly. Chaos erupted, leaving one dead and four injured. News of the incident spread, with most Americans siding with the students. Because of that, Trasz was trial by a military judge. But the people want a punishment. So Landon, caught in a dilemma, used Truscott as a scapegoat, relieving him of command to appease public outrage. While the public seemed satisfied, figures like Senator Robert Taft criticized the president as a “closet Red.” To replace him, Alexander Vandegrift, a former commander of the Pacific States, was appointed. This further increased the controversy. However, the decision had been made by both MacArthur and Marshall. The Caesar had realized that if he wanted to reform the Army, he would need all the help he could get—even from his former enemies.
"Alexander Archer Vandegrift in his new office in 1940. His meteoric rise was due to the war. Previously, he had led the U.S. Marines in the Shanghai Delegation. After the city fell into Japanese hands, they returned to the United States, already at war. In his memoirs, he confirms that he was close to joining the Canadian Army as a mercenary. However, he ultimately became the Commander in charge of the Defense of San Francisco. After being pardoned, he would once again lead his beloved Marines."
With Christmas approaching, Landon tried to move past the scandal, delivering the first-ever presidential Christmas radio address to the nation.
Excerpt from President Alf Landon’s Christmas Address, December 24, 1939:
“My dear Americans, today I speak to you through this incredible invention, the radio. Thanks to it, I can communicate with you directly for the first time, without intermediaries. (...) Our nation has endured great suffering at the hands of extremists in recent years. But that problem is nearly resolved. However, three issues, three amputations of our nation, remain. Amputations inflicted by the Entente forces. Yes, I’m speaking of Hawaii, Alaska, and New England.
For months, my administration has attempted to negotiate with His Majesty Edward VIII for the return of our territories. It has been in vain. The king, who oppresses not only American citizens but also Canadians, seeks conflict with us to avoid losing his pride. Yet the freedom of the American people outweighs the pride of any tyrant. (...)
America is a strong and prepared nation. This would not be our first conflict with the British Crown. I need not remind you of George III’s humiliation nearly 200 years ago. (...)vThus, I am compelled to issue an ultimatum to the government in Ottawa: If the occupied territories are not liberated by the night of January 24, American forces will be obligated to liberate them by any means necessary.
May God bless the United States of America.”
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We're back! As you can see, I'm trying to move as quickly as possible toward the 1940 elections. However, too many things are happening to simply overlook them. For example, I really enjoyed writing the last Interlude. Thanks to it, we've seen that the FBI and the Army are still above the law.
I think it's important for us to see things clearly. America is a democracy. But... there are powers (whether it's the Triumvirate, MacArthur...) that intervene in political decisions. It's only logical. But that doesn't mean the American people should lose heart. The path to democracy is a slow one.
At some point, history will be seen through different eyes. The difference is whether that happens in 1950 or 1990. It all depends on America's evolution. I imagine the process will be similar to the revisionism carried out in Spain in 1990 after the dictatorship.
"The thing that impresses me most about America is the way parents obey their children."
- King Edward VIII.
Eisenhower stepped out of his car into the small grove on the outskirts of Washington, D.C. He wasn’t alone. Two other cars were already waiting, their important passengers staying inside, unwilling to talk to each other without Eisenhower to mediate. Once all members of the Triumvirate were gathered, they began walking through the woods while their loyal aides waited behind. Hoover was the first to speak.
- Has Landon lost his mind?
- He hasn’t lost it,- answered Frankfurter.- But he’s now aware it will be almost impossible to seek re-election. And that complicates things for us.
- Do we even have a candidate for the 1940 election?
- It’s more than a year away, Edgar,- Eisenhower interjected.
- Even so, we need to find someone we can support to challenge MacArthur. My sources confirm he hasn’t taken the news of the presidential pardon well.
- That’s bad for our interests,- replied Frankfurter.- But logical. He’s been humiliated. And MacArthur hates humiliation. The only things stopping him from removing Landon right now are us and public opinion.
They continued walking until they reached a small pond.
- Now that Landon has so few cards left to play, we must find someone who can stand against MacArthur,- Hoover continued.- Any ideas?
- I lean toward supporting the Democrats,- said Frankfurter.- They’ve been out of power since 1928, and I think they’ll be easier to influence—and manipulate. I don’t like interfering in elections, but it’s necessary if we want to prevent MacArthur from becoming president.
- I think you’re exaggerating, Felix,- Eisenhower responded.- No one doubts Caesar is a danger to democracy. But to become president, he’d need to be nominated by one of the parties. The Southern Democrats hate him for pardoning the moderate AFP leaders. The progressives see him as a dictator. So MacArthur can’t count on any faction of the Democratic Party for nomination. Meanwhile, the Republicans are too divided internally for MacArthur to run successfully with them. Because of this, I believe MacArthur will form his own party before the elections. Do your agents have any information on that, Edgar?
Hoover tossed a stone into the pond.
- MacArthur is keeping quiet for now. I’ll let you know as soon as I find anything. What do we plan to do about Marshall?
- What do you mean?- Eisenhower asked.
- Landon has appointed him to a new position: "Chief of Staff to the Commander in Chief." If we can bring him to our side, we’ll have greater influence over the administration.
Frankfurter spoke up.
- Normally, I’d agree to collaborate with anyone, but I wouldn’t recommend it here. It would mark us too early as enemies of MacArthur. We can’t let it be so obvious.
- I agree,- Eisenhower added.
- Then we must find a candidate to become president. Preferably a puppet,- Hoover suggested.-I vote we support Taft.
- I’m still against interfering in the elections,- Eisenhower replied.- That would bring us down to MacArthur’s level. He’s powerful because he operates from the shadows. We must do the same.
- That makes sense,- Frankfurter said thoughtfully.
- I disagree, Ike,- Hoover countered. If we want to defeat MacArthur, we need to use everything at our disposal.
Eisenhower placed a hand on Hoover’s shoulder.
- Listen to me, Edgar. I understand your point. But we live in a democracy. And though it’s not perfect, we must respect it. Unless we’re in serious danger, I believe we should stay out of the elections. Votes in favor?
Frankfurter raised his hand in support. Hoover sighed.
- You’re in charge, Ike. But I hope you’re not wrong. As for me, I’ll keep an eye on his every move. I hope you’ll do the same.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
The Civil War had transformed the U.S. Army. In 1936, it had been small, underfunded, and demoralized. By 1939, the American Army had become, for many, the heart of the New America. Unlike other countries, the U.S. Army was not demobilized after the war; instead, it was expanded. According to Chief of Staff MacArthur, “America must prepare for future conflicts and cannot afford to lose soldiers.” Consequently, the Army continued growing even after the Civil War ended. Emphasis was placed on innovation and training, ensuring that, though often outnumbered in combat, American troops would be superior to their global counterparts—or so MacArthur believed.
The 1940 Grand Military Mobilization Plan (GMMP) was a strategy designed by McNair and MacArthur to rearm the Army without crippling the American economy. The plan established the Department of Advanced Armaments (DAA), which developed new medium tanks and fighter aircraft. While many would not be operational until after 1940, the DAA and Ford ensured America maintained an elite, well-equipped military. However, some units were ready before 1940: the 1st Marine Corps.
Surprisingly, for someone with little affinity for naval matters, MacArthur recognized the importance of small, specialized units in events like the Siege of Washington and the Java Campaign. Several elite divisions were restructured into veteran Marine units, receiving superior training and prepared to spearhead operations for the New Army. However, this led to administrative disputes. The U.S. Navy, led by Admiral Ernest J. King, pushed for the Marines to be part of the Navy, arguing it would enhance collaboration. MacArthur disagreed. For the time being, the Marine Corps remained under Army command, with General Lucian King Truscott Jr.—a MacArthur loyalist and veteran of the Battle of Washington—placed in charge of ten divisions. Under his leadership, the Marines were rigorously trained for amphibious operations, urban combat, river crossings, and counterinsurgency warfare.
Perhaps the most significant shift within the Army was the reinstatement of high-ranking officers who had fought against the country under the Pacific States banner. George Marshall, former rebel military leader, was appointed Chief of Staff to the Commander in Chief, tasked with serving as a liaison between MacArthur and Landon. This appointment did little to improve the Army’s opinion of President Landon. As a result, Landon dedicated much of 1939 to winning the support of the armed forces and the American public.
"Douglas MacArthur and George Marshall during maneuvers of the 2nd Marine Division off the coast of Virginia. Although both men had been rivals in the past, George Marshall and MacArthur had great respect for each other. Therefore, despite some disputes, they worked side by side to remobilize the U.S. Army. At the edge of the photo, we can see General Krueger, who had been relieved after the siege of Paris. However, international tensions led MacArthur to appoint him as a military assistant to the General Staff."
Among his first initiatives was the reconstruction of Washington D.C. Following the removal of debris and city planning efforts, officials realized the War Department needed a larger office, possibly in a new location. Options included Hoover Field, but ultimately, a site near Arlington Cemetery was chosen. There, under the supervision of architects and military officials, the Pentagon was constructed.
But Landon’s actions didn’t stop there. If he still had any hope of seeking re-election, he needed to win public favor. Learning from the Indonesian Adventure, he seized a new opportunity on August 1, 1939. The Dominican Republic’s dictator requested U.S. assistance as Haitian forces cornered him near Santo Domingo. This situation jeopardized American interests on the island, raising fears of German influence in the region. Landon turned to William Randolph Hearst, who still wielded media influence despite his fall from grace as Secretary of Information. In exchange for halting an ongoing congressional investigation against him, Hearst agreed to spread false reports of German volunteers in Haiti. The American public, outraged by the perceived threat, demanded intervention. Landon sent Leonard T. Gerow, a veteran of the Indonesia Campaign, to lead the First Marine Division to the island .
Though the expeditionary force faced little resistance in defeating the Haitian army, guerrilla warfare and harsh terrain delayed their advance to Port-au-Prince until October 1939. There, the Marines showcased their siege skills, capturing the capital on October 5. The Haitian government fled to nearby Cuba, leaving the pro-American Ramón Vázquez regime in control of the island and allowing significant U.S. economic investment.
Globally, the world moved on while America grappled with its internal crises. In South America, the war finally ended. The national-populist Argentine government allied with Peru-Bolivia and crushed the socialist forces, restoring order to Patagonia through brutal repression. Among the Argentine military, one man stood out: Juan Domingo Perón. Rising quickly through the ranks as incompetent generals were purged, he was ultimately granted governance over the conquered regions of Chile and Patagonia, ruling with an iron fist.
"Juan Domingo Perón (Lobos, October 8, 1895 – Olivos, July 1, 1974). Gaining regional fame for his military actions during the so-called "Southern Cone War," Perón was appointed military governor of the conquered regions. Under his command, the Argentine National Army would oppress and plunder much of the population not considered "pure of mind" by the Buenos Aires government."
Meanwhile, the Great Chinese War began as Fengtian forces invaded the Beiyang government. With most Chinese warlords taking sides and Japanese support flowing to Fengtian, the brutal conflict was expected to last for years.
Back in the United States, Landon’s presidential pardon did not sit well with the public either. To regain favor, he collaborated with both parties to pass a bill promoting civic education and democratic values for future generations. While the bill passed, it did little to quell the controversy brewing in the military.
On December 10, 1939, General Lucian Truscott visited his units stationed in Florida. During his visit, a group of students protested outside the camp, demanding the release of a classmate detained by Marine military police for assaulting a soldier. Although protocol dictated the student’s release the next day, the 32 protesters grew bolder, throwing stones at soldiers. The situation escalated when Martin Van Held, a former SPA member, climbed onto a truck waving the CSA flag. For Anton Trasz, a veteran of Bradley’s First Army who had lost comrades to the “Reds,” it was too much.
Witness accounts of what happened next vary. Military sources, including Trasz, claimed Van Held brandished a weapon and threatened soldiers. Protesters alleged Trasz began cursing and shot Van Held in the chest, killing him instantly. Chaos erupted, leaving one dead and four injured. News of the incident spread, with most Americans siding with the students. Because of that, Trasz was trial by a military judge. But the people want a punishment. So Landon, caught in a dilemma, used Truscott as a scapegoat, relieving him of command to appease public outrage. While the public seemed satisfied, figures like Senator Robert Taft criticized the president as a “closet Red.” To replace him, Alexander Vandegrift, a former commander of the Pacific States, was appointed. This further increased the controversy. However, the decision had been made by both MacArthur and Marshall. The Caesar had realized that if he wanted to reform the Army, he would need all the help he could get—even from his former enemies.
"Alexander Archer Vandegrift in his new office in 1940. His meteoric rise was due to the war. Previously, he had led the U.S. Marines in the Shanghai Delegation. After the city fell into Japanese hands, they returned to the United States, already at war. In his memoirs, he confirms that he was close to joining the Canadian Army as a mercenary. However, he ultimately became the Commander in charge of the Defense of San Francisco. After being pardoned, he would once again lead his beloved Marines."
With Christmas approaching, Landon tried to move past the scandal, delivering the first-ever presidential Christmas radio address to the nation.
Excerpt from President Alf Landon’s Christmas Address, December 24, 1939:
“My dear Americans, today I speak to you through this incredible invention, the radio. Thanks to it, I can communicate with you directly for the first time, without intermediaries. (...) Our nation has endured great suffering at the hands of extremists in recent years. But that problem is nearly resolved. However, three issues, three amputations of our nation, remain. Amputations inflicted by the Entente forces. Yes, I’m speaking of Hawaii, Alaska, and New England.
For months, my administration has attempted to negotiate with His Majesty Edward VIII for the return of our territories. It has been in vain. The king, who oppresses not only American citizens but also Canadians, seeks conflict with us to avoid losing his pride. Yet the freedom of the American people outweighs the pride of any tyrant. (...)
America is a strong and prepared nation. This would not be our first conflict with the British Crown. I need not remind you of George III’s humiliation nearly 200 years ago. (...)vThus, I am compelled to issue an ultimatum to the government in Ottawa: If the occupied territories are not liberated by the night of January 24, American forces will be obligated to liberate them by any means necessary.
May God bless the United States of America.”
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We're back! As you can see, I'm trying to move as quickly as possible toward the 1940 elections. However, too many things are happening to simply overlook them. For example, I really enjoyed writing the last Interlude. Thanks to it, we've seen that the FBI and the Army are still above the law.
I think it's important for us to see things clearly. America is a democracy. But... there are powers (whether it's the Triumvirate, MacArthur...) that intervene in political decisions. It's only logical. But that doesn't mean the American people should lose heart. The path to democracy is a slow one.
At some point, history will be seen through different eyes. The difference is whether that happens in 1950 or 1990. It all depends on America's evolution. I imagine the process will be similar to the revisionism carried out in Spain in 1990 after the dictatorship.
Hoover knows it. The prison is being controlled by the FBI and the Army. Obviously, only a few know about this. About Jack Reed, Is realy him?
We can't forget that MacArthur and the FBI are responsible for the civil war. And even though many soldiers and civilians have been freed (with various penalties), there must still be thousands or tens of thousands of prisoners.
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Could taking America to war with Canada be just what Landon needs to salvage any hope of re-election?...
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Ike is right. The Triumvirate should stay out of democracy as much as possible. And they should definitely not start another coup.
It takes time, lots of time, and peaceful, free transitions of power for democracy to succeed.
Hopefully the White House won't be burned this time.
DC has just been rebuilt too.- 2
Someone threw gasoline into the dumpster before setting it on fire. A burning mess.
A short term political win-win for Landon? Either they back down and they get them for free, or there’s a popular limited war. As long as they win it quickly.
Indeed. You should include as much of this stuff as you like, as it helps to build the altiverse. After all, it’s about telling the story: no race to win
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