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Chapter 74: One at a Time (1223-1228)
Chapter 74: One at a Time (1223-1228)

ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ

Danube Raids

In early September 1223, four Russian raiding armies were ranged along the south bank of the Danube in Byzantine territory from Mesembria on the Black Sea coast in the east to Arsa in the west. The raid on Mesembria had just finished and the raiders were heading north when they were challenged by slightly larger Byzantine force approaching from Constantinople. General Sveinn started marching east from Nikopolis with around 5,100 reinforcements as the Russian defenders braced for the attack.

The battle began on 8 September, with the Russian left flank finding itself significantly outnumbered as the skirmishing began. Sveinn would be delayed by a skirmish in Dorostotum from 20-28 September, by which time Byzantine reinforcements were also approaching the fight in Mesembria.

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However, the defending raiders were able to hold out strongly until Sveinn arrived on 6 October, by which time the Russians had already gained the upper hand. Another 8,200 raiders began marching from Nikopolis as their siege of Belene ended in victory.

But these men would not be needed and halted to resume their raid when the back of Byzantine resistance had been largely broken by the 16th. The strong defence on the left had held the ground while the rest of the Byzantine army fled the field, with some pursued and the Russian right struck the remaining Byzantine division with devastating effect.

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A comfortable though somewhat costly victory was won by 25 October in what would prove to be the largest battle of the period. The Danube raid would continue without further fuss as the victors resumed their march to the west.

By late December 1224 the decision had been made to start withdrawing troops back to friendly territory to rest and recuperate, giving the Romans a chance to recover their manpower and wealth. And by February 1225 the Danube campaign was over as the last troops left Sigidounon and headed back to join their comrades on the northern bank of the Danube.

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This phase of the raid had yielded 1,378 gold but at a rather high cost of both siege casualties and the losses at Mesembria. The troops would be rested until late August 1225, when the Rurikid Regency decided to heed calls for an intervention against the rampant Mongols (more on their activities in the next section) who were by then invading Byzantium itself.

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The idea was to raid rather than attack, while the main Mongol armies were engaged in Byzantium.

ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ

The Mongol Empire

As the Danube raids continued, Mongolia was prosecuting its current invasion of Kabulistan against Sarat Krishnaroy the Lionheart of the Pala Empire. And by March 1224 Khagan Temujin (as he still was then, before being acclaimed as Genghis Khan the following July) was well on top [40% warscore].

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The invasion was won and six provinces annexed into the Mongol Empire just as the year came to a close. As was Temujin’s habit, it was only weeks later that the next invasion was launched – this one (as alluded to earlier) against Byzantium. A strike against the very heart of their empire: the large de jure kingdom of Trebizond.

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As the year 1225 ended, the bulk of the Mongol army was passing west across the top of the Caspian Sea as the Russian raiding armies (about half their strength) were marching east across the north of the Black Sea.

The Mongol horde would triumph a little earlier than had been anticipated, with Byzantine resistance ending in surrender in August 1226. Two large chunks were ripped out of their heartland in a devastating blow.

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Two Russian vassals were soon picking over the crippled Roman Empire as one king and a jarl launched their own attacks against the badly weakened Byzantine state of Leon the Evil.

Temujin waited for just 11 days before declaring his next invasion against Rashtrakuta for their slice of Transoxiana, then under a regency for Samrajni Dattadevi.

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Russian scouts spotted the fast-moving main Mongol army passing back around the north of the Caspian Sea by the end of 1226. This caused the plans for the punitive raid of Mongol territory to be abandoned, just as the entire force had been assembled and the lead elements were approaching the border.

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They would instead switch further east to attack the vulnerable and rich Rashtrakutan border provinces: they would soon have their hands full with the Mongols and the Russian regency did not wish to conduct a major levy mobilisation for a costly campaign at this stage.

By early July 1227 Oshrushana and Khojand had been invested and a third raiding army arrived in the rich trade hub of Fergana, where they wiped out a 2,000-man Rashtrakutan army in a brief skirmish to begin the raid there.

A year later, the Regency Council decided that it would address the Mongol challenge – by joining them through the betrothal of the young ‘Feebleminded Fylkir’ to Ghengis Khan Temujin’s second daughter, Khorijin, who was of a similar age.

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The proposal was soon accepted, producing a non-aggression pact between the two most powerful empires in the known world.

And then a year after that, in July 1228 Temujin had won his victory against Rashtrakuta. Not only did this see a large slab of land absorbed into the Mongol Empire, it also finished the late raids in Khorjand and Fergana while the recently commence done in Kashgar remained in progress.

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These raids had yielded 1,271 gold since the year before but again at quite a high cost in troops lost. But the cash was needed due to a spate of bribes and building over the last few years, as we shall see later.

The Mongol Empire was still separated into a series of enclaves, the largest now in Central Asia and a powerful and rich presence in Anatolia.

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ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ

Russian Vassals

The Rurikid vassals were still engaging in a range of expansionary attempts in the Middle East and though some came to nothing or were still in progress as the period came to an end, there were some notable gains. The largest was by an Irish vassal, Jarl Bagge of Ulster, whose Holy War for Damashq gained four provinces in November 1223.

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Just a few weeks later Farama would fall to King Haraldr, linking up the Egyptian holdings with those in the Sinai.

As those gains were being made, old King Arnfast died a sad death in bed, succeeded by his son Vagn who was also awarded his appointments as an advisor and hirdman. These were just enough to give him a neutral opinion of the throne – at a time when factionalism was rife with young Toste’s demesne and vassal range to great for the magnate’s liking.

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Livonia brought the Baltic island of Burgundaholmr into the realm in August 1224 as they continued to cement their position as regional trading leaders.

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The next major succession came in Burgundy with the death of King Sumarliði just a few days later. His son Dag should be set for a long reign having only just reached his majority.

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The short-lived separation of Turkestan from the Volga Bulgaria ended a year later when King Rögnvaldr reasserted his rights over the small breakaway kingdom.

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A month after that, King Kol became the latest son to inherit from one of the great kings of the previous generation when his father Bersi died – also bedridden and enfeebled after an illustrious career as King of England. It is unclear whether Old King Kol was a Merry Old Soul!

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The Swedish vassal Jarl Þorbjörn of Småland performed a useful for the Empire by linking the Arabian enclave with the Mediterranean Coast in November 1226 as the inexorable expansion of Russians into the Middle East rolled on.

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The changing of the guard among the powerful magnates saw the Jomsvikings gain a new Warchief in April 1228 when the now traditional change from one Rurikid prince to another with Prince Birger – a distant cousin of Emperor Toste – take over.

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ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ

Domestic Matters

The early regency of the infant Toste IV was bedevilled by political instability and factionalism. Following his accession on 11 July 1223 after the death of his reprehensible Hel-worshipping father Björn at the age of only 23, the designated regent and Imperial Chancellor King Haraldr of Sardinia and Corsica had led the Regency Council.

But that rule would be ended in November 1224; for reasons lost to history the office fell to one of the Imperial generals, Magni. The effect of this change was to slightly improve the view held by vassals of the oversized demesne retained in Toste’s name, but to drastically reduce the effective span of control over those vassals who were sworn directly to the Fylkir.

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This increased unrest and led to a sharp decrease in the number of levies who would answer any Imperial call to arms. Not that the Regency was looking for any new wars at that stage of instability and growing Mongol threat, where the rest of the known world was locked into pacts pledged to defend any member against Russian aggression.

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“One at a time”, a painting by an eighteenth-century court artist, depicts the arguing and backstabbing commonly ascribed to the Regency Council and senior magnates of this period of Rurikid dynastic dysfunction. [Art generated by Leonardo AI after the recent phasing out of Playground AI.]

Shortly after Magni’s takeover as Regent, he was alerted him to the dangerous growth in factionalism after the relative decrease in Imperial military power and the joining of King Kettil the Dragon in the most dangerous of these, that arguing for increased council power throughout Russia. This could reverse years of Imperial legal changes if left to run unchecked. The Independence faction (smaller in number but even more dangerous in intent) was the next most serious threat.

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The large Imperial treasury was therefore tapped to bribe Kettil and the new King Vagn of Sviþjod, the two most well-disposed of the faction members to the Imperium. One of the few vassals who could be easily offloaded – Chief Refr of Djerba, who had been recently re-vassalised after a short-lived period of independence – was transferred out.

These measures would briefly mitigate but not remove the factional threat in the short term and this problem would occupy the attention of Magni and his successors as Regent throughout the early regency period. Indeed, by January 1225 the situation had worsened when the powerful and disgruntled Chancellor King Haraldr joined the increased power faction.

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Regent Magni then acted to avert a boil-over into open resistance by offering token Imperial support first for one of the recently bribed King Vagn’s wars, then doing the same for Haraldr. And soon thereafter the previous bribes Vagn and King Kettil paid their dividends when both left the faction within a day of each other, halving its power.

However, the success of these actions did nothing to help Magni’s support among the magnates. Either in spite of or because of his manoeuvres, he was ousted after barely four months, replaced by Spymaster Freyr Tolirsson – who was at least a superior diplomat, though a less effective administrator.

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By the end of April, only three factions remained and none at over 50% strength. This changed back for the worse in December though, when Kings Dag and Bagge joined up and Haraldr had not yet left: the latter was offered a large bribe to encourage him to do so.

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That was followed up the following June with a bribe to Dag when the faction reached higher than 80% strength. Having thus extorted the crown, he left the faction a month later, but it still remained at around 73%.

This period was also renowned for its corruption, with accusations emerging in late 1226 that Freyr was taking ‘backhanders’ in return for favours. But there was nothing the young (and by now clearly ‘slow’) Fylkir could do about it.

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[AI art from Leonardo]

Burgundy was the next de jure kingdom to fall under de jure Russian imperial control in January 1227 after a century of governance.

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Another major diplomatic change came in April 1227, when Byzantine Basileus Leon VII ‘the Evil’ fell in battle against a Rurikid shieldmaiden fighting one of the Russian vassal invaders. And the new Emperor Alexandros Sellokalas remained in a Russian prison given Leon had not had the gold the ransom him.

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During his time as a ‘forced ward’ in Holmgarðr, young Alexandros III had converted to Germanicism – a religion he would now seek to force on his vassals!

Then the ever-changing regency revolved yet again later that year, with General Magni resuming the post. The reasons for these frequent changes were beyond the ability of current historians to understand, let alone the young and dim-witted Fylkir Toste!

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Yet Magni’s time back in the job was even shorter this time, lasting just over three months until …

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… King Tjudmund ‘the Young’ of Italy deposed the ‘common upstart’. At this time, the dangerous Independence faction had become the most powerful group challenging Imperial rule, though it had not yet risen to a critical level requiring direct intervention by the new Regent.

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A typically mystified young Fylkir Toste IV after yet another change in regents, November 1227. [Leonardo AI]

Basileus Alexandros remained under loose arrest until January 1228, when his good works came to the attention of the Regency. He had begun forcing the conversion of his vassals to Germanicism and this promising development led to Regent Tjudmund arranging his betrothal to Toste’s sister Halla.

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With the arrangement formalised by 1 February, Alexandros was soon released to continue his mission to convert the bastion of Orthodox Christianity to the True Germanic Faith. And from that point on a steady stream of reports emanated from Constantinople announcing the latest Byzantine noble to be force-converted. It time, it was expected this would lead to these vassals in turn bringing their people into Odin’s light.

In April 1228 young Toste’s kindness had been acknowledged – but the benefits to his character were not enough for him to demonstrate any talent yet in his attributes [all traits still stuck on zero].

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A peasant revolt erupted in Vastmanland in late April, but the Regent left it to local vassals to deal with the insurrection. Then just a week later, news reached the capital of two epidemics approaching: consumption from the north and slow fever from the south. By 4 June consumption had reached neighbouring Belo Ozero but the Regent did not close the palace’s gates. Some have speculated [correctly] that is was in the hope that Toste may catch the disease and expire, allowing nature to do what no one else seemed willing to do themselves.

A lot of gold was spent by the Regents during this time on improvements that became possible to the Imperial demesne counties – many due to the spread of [level 4] improved keeps knowledge. New builds included:

  • Rouen, started 30 April 1225: Keep IV upgrade, 530 gold;
  • Melun (Paris), started 12 June 1225: Keep IV upgrade, 550 gold;
  • Yamsky Gorodok (Torzhok), started 20 March 1226: Keep IV upgrade, 530.4 gold;
  • Pest, Keep IV completed: Castle Walls III upgrade started 4 November 1226, finished 3 July 1228: 133.20 gold; and
  • Valencia, Castle Walls III completed: Keep IV upgrade started 4 November 1226: 530 gold;
These new projects cost a total of around 2,270 gold and, together with troop replacement costs for the Imperial Guard from their raiding, meant that new raiding was always being considered to replenish the coffers.

And as a new age of religious expansion into the Byzantine Empire was being contemplated, by the end of July 1228 the steady trickle of conversions in North Africa and the Middle East had continued after recent Russian territorial victories in those regions.

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The threat of the Mongols has been neutralised, for now...

How long will the Byzantines remain Germanic?

How many more Regents will be?
 
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What an interesting revolving door of regencies. Still, you ably held off the factions and the Mongols. Deciding to marry the dimwit Fylkir to them to create an alliance was an excellent diplomatic move by you and the regency council. Once their troops erode away, you'll be ready to deal with them.

Then this...

With the arrangement formalised by 1 February, Alexandros was soon released to continue his mission to convert the bastion of Orthodox Christianity to the True Germanic Faith. And from that point on a steady stream of reports emanated from Constantinople announcing the latest Byzantine noble to be force-converted. It time, it was expected this would lead to these vassals in turn bringing their people into Odin’s light.
Unexpected bonus! This may actually reduce your CB in the future but might help in other ways. Showing them Odin's light... great line.

Well done and great to see this one back. Glad the move and your busy summer have allowed you some time for the forums again.
 
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The invasion was won and six provinces annexed into the Mongol Empire just as the year came to a close. As was Temujin’s habit, it was only weeks later that the next invasion was launched – this one (as alluded to earlier) against Byzantium. A strike against the very heart of their empire: the large de jure kingdom of Trebizond.
oh wow the de jure kingdom swelled a lot to nearly include the city of men's desire as well!

The Mongol horde would triumph a little earlier than had been anticipated, with Byzantine resistance ending in surrender in August 1226. Two large chunks were ripped out of their heartland in a devastating blow.
so quick! byzantium is no more relevant unfortunately

A year later, the Regency Council decided that it would address the Mongol challenge – by joining them through the betrothal of the young ‘Feebleminded Fylkir’ to Ghengis Khan Temujin’s second daughter, Khorijin, who was of a similar age.
wise move

Shortly after Magni’s takeover as Regent, he was alerted him to the dangerous growth in factionalism after the relative decrease in Imperial military power and the joining of King Kettil the Dragon in the most dangerous of these, that arguing for increased council power throughout Russia. This could reverse years of Imperial legal changes if left to run unchecked. The Independence faction (smaller in number but even more dangerous in intent) was the next most serious threat.
oof

During his time as a ‘forced ward’ in Holmgarðr, young Alexandros III had converted to Germanicism – a religion he would now seek to force on his vassals!
wow this is so auspicious, now we defend them?

With the arrangement formalised by 1 February, Alexandros was soon released to continue his mission to convert the bastion of Orthodox Christianity to the True Germanic Faith. And from that point on a steady stream of reports emanated from Constantinople announcing the latest Byzantine noble to be force-converted. It time, it was expected this would lead to these vassals in turn bringing their people into Odin’s light.
If only there was a way to convert Genghis as well



Actually I wrote a reply earlier but the forum ate it, then later real life stuff caught up with me. great episode, looking forward to what happens with regency, mongols and byzantium!
 
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the Rurikid Regency decided to heed calls for an intervention against the rampant Mongols (more on their activities in the next section) who were by then invading Byzantium itself.
The raids have really hurt Byzantium. They're now weak enough that the Mongols feel confident.
Didn't the ERE have ~100k levies at one point? They've fallen so much.

And now they have to deal with the Rurikid vassals.
The proposal was soon accepted, producing a non-aggression pact between the two most powerful empires in the known world.
A very wise move by the Regency Council. They're at least competent.
It is unclear whether Old King Kol was a Merry Old Soul!
:D We'll see if he calls for his pipe, bowl, and fiddler's three.
However, the success of these actions did nothing to help Magni’s support among the magnates. Either in spite of or because of his manoeuvres, he was ousted after barely four months, replaced by Spymaster Freyr Tolirsson – who was at least a superior diplomat, though a less effective administrator.
Politics isn't kind to the competent.
During his time as a ‘forced ward’ in Holmgarðr, young Alexandros III had converted to Germanicism – a religion he would now seek to force on his vassals!
Another diplomatic win!

Though this does limit your vassals' expansion opportunities against them.
jtgiAR.jpg

A typically mystified young Fylkir Toste IV after yet another change in regents, November 1227. [Leonardo AI]
A very fine image. It looks kind of like the normal CK2 child-portrait. Did you use that as a base?
this promising development led to Regent Tjudmund arranging his betrothal to Toste’s sister Halla.
Do you plan to ally them as well, or just a NA pact?
Some have speculated [correctly] that is was in the hope that Toste may catch the disease and expire, allowing nature to do what no one else seemed willing to do themselves.
What a sad, cynical world the Prince is living in. I'm kind of rooting for him now to live and show everyone wrong.
 
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Time to return to the Great Green Rurikid Blob! Another big session played and the first of two chapters arising written up. Previous comment feedback:
The threat of the Mongols has been neutralised, for now...
Yes, for now ...
How long will the Byzantines remain Germanic?
Not sure: so far it seems to be just Alexandros and some force-converted vassals. Waiting to see if it has any major practical effect on county allegiances. I'm guessing it's also likely to be alienating many of his vassals, and Alexandros (like Toste) remains under a long-term regency. Plus he's broke and beset by Mongols and avalanches of raiders. They now need Russia's protection! How the tables have turned.
How many more Regents will be?
A lot more! :D:rolleyes:
What an interesting revolving door of regencies. Still, you ably held off the factions and the Mongols. Deciding to marry the dimwit Fylkir to them to create an alliance was an excellent diplomatic move by you and the regency council. Once their troops erode away, you'll be ready to deal with them.
The revolving door, factions and Mongols remain challenges as we go forward, though their respective threats ebb and flow.
Then this...

Unexpected bonus! This may actually reduce your CB in the future but might help in other ways. Showing them Odin's light... great line.
It was an interesting departure I decided to embrace. Thanks, I like the Odin's Light metaphor for a medieval established faith - that has taken over from Catholicism as the dominant European religion.
Well done and great to see this one back. Glad the move and your busy summer have allowed you some time for the forums again.
Thanks! It went very well, followed by a nice-busy holiday period and just celebrated our 40th wedding anniversary with family visitors. But also enough time for some writing and reading again.
oh wow the de jure kingdom swelled a lot to nearly include the city of men's desire as well!
It did - only to prove too attractive a prize for the raging Mongols.
so quick! byzantium is no more relevant unfortunately
They are now definitely a secondary power, but their longevity might be sustained if the alliance with Russia lasts.
wise move
A very wise move by the Regency Council. They're at least competent.
Both interesting and prudent, I thought, especially during a long regency for a 'challenged' emperor.
Got to keep on top of those factions. Russia may be the only real threat to Russia now!
wow this is so auspicious, now we defend them?
Yes, it has turned around the whole equation. And we also don't ant them too weakened if they have to fight the Mongols again.
If only there was a way to convert Genghis as well
I'll be looking for something in the future - perhaps his heir(s)?
Actually I wrote a reply earlier but the forum ate it, then later real life stuff caught up with me. great episode, looking forward to what happens with regency, mongols and byzantium!
It happens! Hope RL/holidays (if you got them) have been good. All three of those will feature heavily going forward.
The raids have really hurt Byzantium. They're now weak enough that the Mongols feel confident.
Didn't the ERE have ~100k levies at one point? They've fallen so much.

And now they have to deal with the Rurikid vassals.
Yes, the Mongols got more of the benefit than the Russian vassals, in the end. How the Romans have fallen (though at least, compared to OTL, there won't be a 4th Crusade - the Mongol invasion is bad enough). And now they have a Russian protector - though there may be constraints on that.
:D We'll see if he calls for his pipe, bowl, and fiddler's three.
:D Thanks for referencing that little jape.
Politics isn't kind to the competent.
Yes, they're a capricious lot. Seems no regent can maintain a long-term grip on the office.
Another diplomatic win!

Though this does limit your vassals' expansion opportunities against them.
Agree with both of these propositions. Limits both vassal expansion and raiding opportunities.
A very fine image. It looks kind of like the normal CK2 child-portrait. Did you use that as a base?
Thanks very much. Yes, it used the CK generic portrait as a base reference image with the text prompt to expand on it.
Do you plan to ally them as well, or just a NA pact?
Yes, it was immediately converted into an alliance. Partly for RP purposes and to see where it might take the story.
What a sad, cynical world the Prince is living in. I'm kind of rooting for him now to live and show everyone wrong.
I know - though at that time I imagined the Norse types to retain a bit of the 'leave them out in the forest overnight to see if they survive' mentality! It looks like he may indeed prove his detractors wrong. Though only time will tell ...
 
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Chapter 75: An Unexpected Frenemy (1228-1231)
Chapter 75: An Unexpected Frenemy (1228-1231)

ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ

The Eastern Steppe

The revolving door regency of Fylkir Toste IV’s minority continued into mid-1228, with Toste around seven years old and the raid being forced even further east after the Mongols annexed the slice of Rashtrakuta the Russians had been raiding. Four of the raiding armies moved onto these supposed greener (or more golden) pastures but the long march would take until April-May 1229 to complete.

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By July 1229 the raid in Kashgar would end, yielding 321 gold but costing 602 raiders, after which the 15,750 raiders in that group were ordered to march back west towards the Middle East via the Caucasus. Around the same time, a revolt broke out in Rashtrakuta, where the raiders in Barkul found themselves attacking a rebel stronghold instead. The commander just shrugged his shoulders and continued.

It was at in December of 1229 that the Imperial court was surprised by the discovery that the Mongol Empire, with which Russia had a non-aggression pact, had become hostile due to raiding. The mystery was that there were no raids being conducted by Russian troops on Mongol soil and no known raids by the Mongols in Russia. It was always possible some incidental report of such had been missed, but no ‘smoking gun’ (or maybe ‘bloodied spear’) was ever found.

The nearest visible Mongol army of 41,500 men was at that time far to the south-west, in Kashgar. The Russians had around 30,000 men in three armies still conducting the Kumul and Barkul raids at that time. Those raids continued as by this time the treasury was beginning to shrink and the money was needed, with the Byzantine cash cow no longer available for pillage.

Although an eye was kept on the approaching Mongols through early 1230, their armies moved quickly and in April 1239 the reserves in Beshbalik were surprised by a large Mongol force coming north from Kara Khoja. While one of the smaller quick-moving brigades would escape in the nick of time, Þorbrandr’s larger army would not be able to evade combat.

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As more Mongol armies closed in from the west, the raid in Barkul was ended after its last holding fell on 6 April (312 gold, no casualties) and that army began evacuating. The raid in Kumul continued, in part because they had no safe escape route. At the same time, levies in the main Imperial demesne plus the vassal levies of the kingdoms of Volga Bulgaria (the closest), Könugarðr and Wallachia were called out. A total of around 48,000 men began the lengthy march eastwards, in case they were needed to help extract their comrades of the Imperial Guard now exposed on the far steppe.

Magni’s army crossed into Dünkheger the same day Þorbrandr was caught in Beshbalik. Þorbrandr immediately ordered a retreat on contact, but the ensuing eight days of pursuit saw almost 3,400 raiders lost. Þorbrandr himself was killed fighting a valiant rearguard action during the controlled retreat.

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‘The Battle of Beshbalik’, a scene from the Nygarðr Tapestry which still can still be seen on display at the Imperial Museum in Holmgarðr. [Leonardo AI, using a Bayeux Tapestry reference image.]

King Päiviö took command of the survivors who straggled into Þorbrandr on 1 May. They would soon be joining the general withdrawal westwards. The Mongols then turned towards Barkul, however the early retreat meant those troops would be able to get away a few weeks before Shaman Nakhu and Hetman Ajinai would arrive with over 30,000 men.

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As the Mongols surged north-west, the Russian raiders in Kumul waited for their opportunity to make their own escape. The raid was ended in early May (267 gold, 643 casualties) after the second holding fell. Two weeks later, the opportunity arose and they began a daring march through Mongolian territory, which would see them have to fight through local Varshasbid stragglers in an attempt to skirt south of the main Mongolian armies.

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The coming weeks would see Magni (who had been given the command on 20 May) skilfully skirmished his way through Kara Khoja, Karashar and Kucha against light and demoralised Varshasbid resistance, taking minimal losses.

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But just as they were getting close to Kashgar and safety, in mid-August scouts reported a block force of Mongol troops waiting for them in Gexianmiao. This time, a proper battle would need to be fought to continue on.

On the field of Kubera, Magni’s host attacked a mixed force of Mongol and Varshasbid troops on 22 August. Magni still had a slight edge in numbers and his army would emerge victorious after a month of fighting through the passes of Gexianmiao.

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Alas, the brave Magni would not survive himself, another of Toste’s best generals falling in combat against the Mongols while leading an attack on their central division. By the time the battle ended, the mysterious period of hostility between the two great empires had only nine more days to run.

Barid took over command as the largely intact raiders brushed away another local Rashtrakutan company in Aksu in October and then pushed on without further opposition to the old haunt of Kashgar, now free again from any immediate Mongol threat, arriving there on 20 November to begin another short raid.

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The possibility of a formal alliance with Genghis Khan was explored at that time, to see if further such incidents could be prevented, but the court lawyers advised this was impossible.

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Question: Does this ‘landless’ caveat relate to Toste being under a regency?

The rest of Russia’s steppe raiders had been able to evade further confrontations and the remaining 24,000-odd Guard and Jomsviking troops began their own long trek back to the west, while many (though not all) of the previously summoned levies were disbanded. Some though would be required for another task which had emerged by January 1231.

The short second raid in Kashgar ended in early February (52 gold, no casualties), formally ending this round of eastern raids. They too were ordered west, with the Middle East their next anticipated destination.

ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ

A Skottish Challenge

As the events on the steppe were playing out, in early February 1230 another surprise struck the Regency Court in Nygarðr: King Birger of Skotland had the temerity to declare a war for the Russian throne on behalf of some obscure claimant. The very large Irish vassal levy was called out to deal with this impudent challenge.

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Prince Bersi (the current Russian heir and Court Jester) took this large army north to Strangfjorðr, where it would be split in two to cross the Irish Sea into Argyll and Galloway as the Skottish army moved to the east coast. By the end of March Bersi and Sveinn were across, commencing sieges and ignoring the smaller Skottish army.

That army had taken to the ships and eventually made the time-honoured play or landing in Ingria in an attempt to take the fight to the heart of the Russian Empire. Unfortunately for them, the Imperial and Könugarðr vassal levies that had recently been called out in response to the Mongol emergency in the east had not gone too far by that time. They turned around and headed for a rally point in Luki. The Byzantine alliance was also enforced (coincidentally, just before the landings), more for form’s sake as their assistance was not really required.

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As this latest challenge emerged, back in Skotland progress was being made from June through to September 1230, with Argyll fully occupied and Galloway partly taken, allowing Gnupa (now in charge of the northern army) to march on the Skottish capital of Gowrie, where he arrived in early October.

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The Russian levy army had massed in Luki by 15 October, then marching north under Bersi’s command (who had been transferred back from Skotland). A big (though not easy) victory was won by 6 December, destroying nearly half the enemy’s army and (combined with the recent territorial gain in Skotland) pushing King Birger to the realisation his foolhardy adventure was failing.

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Two weeks after it was made, Birger accepted the offer of a white peace. The remaining Russian levies were dismissed (with a delay to allow those in Skotland to reach friendly territory first). To cement the deal, a royal betrothal was agreed, creating a non-aggression pact. But Birger would not take the next step of concluding a formal alliance.

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However, his underwhelming opinion of Toste was not enough to overcome his base reluctance. Though the faithful Alexandros had managed to land a few troops in Skotland to support the war: it would earn him some kudos at court.

ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ

Politics, Vassals and Allies

King Tjudmund ‘the Young’ of Italy had been regent since November 1227: a good diplomat but with poor stewardship skills. As he presided over the realm on behalf of Toste, his colleague King Örvar of Wallachia completed his Holy War for Aswan, annexing Asyut in August 1228.

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Tjudmund would be ejected from his office on 25 September 1228 – replaced by a youth of just 16: Bo Rurikid. None other than the son of Prince Bersi, heir to the throne and Court Jester (appointed out of spite by the first regent).

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And Bo’s only real skill was as a soldier: his poor diplomatic and stewardship abilities would lower tax intake, vassal opinions and levy pledges. The treasury at the time remained healthy enough, but Bo’s administration would not help as raiding receipts declined and retinue replacement costs soared.

Factionalism remained the Regency’s most serious longer-term concern: passing external threats were nothing compared to the factional objectives to of the two main parties. The Independence faction was now the foremost threat, followed by the Increased Council Power group, which King Kol joined on 26 September, the very day after Bo became regent.

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Bo (or at least those advising him) was concerned enough to offer a hefty bribe to Warchief Prince Birger, who would leave the Independence faction the next day.

An indication of Bo’s poor management and the lingering dislike of Toste’s evil father could be seen in King Tjudmund’s opinion of the Fylkir as at January 1229. The worst effect was the remaining badly oversized Imperial demesne, which was being kept intact despite the effect on vassal opinion. This was the long-term power base of the Imperium and the highly developed counties would not be lightly surrendered.

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Meanwhile, it was decided to assist the broke Emperor Alexandros III Sellokalas by providing a gift. This not only improved his opinion of the Fylkir but allowed him to pay the ransom for his long-imprisoned sister Elaiodora, seeing 10 gold remitted back to Russia straight away.

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On 28 January 1229 the Swedish King Vagn’s attempt to conquer Zeila on the Red Sea failed. Toste had technically been a party to that war but had lent no assistance. Vagn took all the specific damage in the settlement (including a 1,000-gold indemnity to the victorious King Khalaf of Berbera), with the only general penalty being to the moral authority of Germanicism (which remained huge).

On 18 March, Regent Bo sent a 60-gold bribe to the King of Mali to dissuade him from factionalism, but a new and generally obscure Regent took over the next day. Valdemar was at least a better administrator than Bo, pleasing the vassals somewhat, but was no better at diplomacy.

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It was the Spymaster Freyr who proved of more help, coming up the next month with leverage over the powerful King Kol of England, then leader of the Independence faction and member of the Council faction. Naturally, Valdemar enforced this on Toste’s behalf.

The same day Kol agreed to back off, the earlier bribe to Kolbjörn of Mali paid dividends. On 12 May Kol left the Independence party so by 19 May, the Council faction had diminished below the 50% mark and the Independence party was barely a concern.

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Kol also quit the Council party in early July, meaning both the most dangerous factions had been greatly diminished by mid-1229. Both were now led by the King of Lotharingia – the principal thorn in the Regency’s side.

However, this would not last long: on 4 September the powerful King of Irland joined the Council faction and had founded his own to promote a claimant for Bavaria. But then fate intervened when Skotland declared war (as we saw in the previous section); in a stroke, the foreign war boosted the vassal’s loyalty to the child Emperor for its duration, as quantified by levy strength (thus increasing the relative strength of the factions).

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Former Regent King Tjudmund was able to complete a conquest of Eilat in late May 1230, further expanding the Russian presence in Sinai.

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The latest regency change took place in June 1230, when Valdemar was replaced by the equally obscure but less competent courtier Hjalmar Herja. And soon after the Spymaster found leverage on the faction-prone King of Mali, which Hjalmar used to be on the safe side.

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Despite the boost to opinion of the Skottish War (which would soon be over anyway), the Council faction made a resurgence in November 1230, to the extent an official warning was delivered to the Regent.

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To try to shake some of the members loose, the Empire backed King Haraldr’s long-running war in Egypt, which had begun back in 1225. The Basileus was soon recruited to join the war.

Further, Haraldr’s opinion (and vassal overreach) were addressed by the transfer of a Jarl to his supervision. Next, the Independence faction disbanded and soon after its leader, King Oddr, was obligated through the continued excellent work of Spymaster Freyr. Despite this, four days later the Council faction reached a critical 94.2%!

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Despite the impending obligation and a lowering treasury, a large bribe was also paid to Oddr lest either unacceptable demands and/or civil war be triggered. These emergency measures succeeded and by mid-February 1231 the latest factional crisis was over.

However, the end of the Skottish war meant a slate of new factions had arisen, all directed at instituting the discredited gavelkind system in Russia and a number of the kingdoms directly controlled by the Emperor.

ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ

Domestic Matters

In such a large empire, it was routine for some peasant rebellion to crop up in different regions. During this period of the Regency, they were usually left to powerful local vassals to deal with them. One such was a peasant revolt in Foix that began in November 1228 and was ended by the Jarl of Auvergne in February 1229.

But a festering revolt in Vestmannaland required direct action after holdings began to fall and as 1228 ended, King Vagn’s liege levy was summoned to do what he would not do himself. Magni (later to die on campaign against the Mongols in the Eastern Steppe) took charge of this group as they began their long approach march through Denmark.

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The depleted but still large levy army attacked the hapless rebels on 23 April 1229, after a second holding had fallen. The rout was complete and the enemy surrendered by 5 May.

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During this time, the Imperial treasury surplus remained strong, so when three keep builds were completed between August 1228 to July 1229, relatively cheap castle wall extensions were commissioned to follow on in Rouen, Paris and Torzhok.

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In October 1229, Toste was eight years old and in a couple of areas his schooling and general development had actually overcome his base lack of intelligence in two areas. It seemed he was increasingly likely to survive his minority, so this improvement, though limited, was welcomed.

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Another rebellion, this time in Tana, lasted from January to May 1230 before it too was put down by local forces.

Toste’s development continued, with his diplomatic skills receiving a large boost that April as he interacted more with his playmates at court.

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A few months later, it was Toste’s diplomatic and learning skills that benefited from his forbearance in the playground. Some courtiers began to think that his advisers “may be able to make a true Fylkir out of him yet”.

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Others were not so sure … the jury remained out.

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“Toste the Confused”, a later Renaissance painting that hangs in the Imperial Portrait Gallery of Chudovo. [Leonardo AI]

Another revolt broke out in Mzab, North Africa, in August 1230 – eventually ended by local forces in May 1231.

And that August, the economic situation continued to deteriorate. By then, the treasury was down to 2,307 gold and the monthly deficit, due to casualty replacements and levy costs, was up to over 150 gold between June-August 1230.

In December 1230, a detailed audit of the books showed how the almost constant vassal limit breach was depressing feudal, city and church tax takes. Demesne income was being depressed by its oversize. First, the dismissal of the last of the levies with the end of the Skottish war would help a little.

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The vassal transfer of Jarl Snorri to King Haraldr on 3 January 1231, mentioned earlier, was done in part to diminish the vassal overreach. This had some effect, but the deficit was still at over 100 per month, so the retinue reinforcement was halved soon after.

With the Skottish and Mongol threats now out of the way, faction management and the economy would continue to occupy the Regency Council. This would lead to the increased importance of finding a new raiding front in the Middle East to boost incomes as the Imperial Guard continued to head that way over the vast distances and sometimes rugged terrain from the steppe, over the Caucasus, through the eastern reaches of the Byzantine Empire to Palestine.
 
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Thank you for the new chapter. Good to see you back in the gaming saddle and off the pitch for the moment.

Regencies are always a challenge and you are meeting the challenge, so: Huzzah!

It was at in December of 1229 that the Imperial court was surprised by the discovery that the Mongol Empire, with which Russia had a non-aggression pact, had become hostile due to raiding. The mystery was that there were no raids being conducted by Russian troops on Mongol soil and no known raids by the Mongols in Russia.
Although I have little experience with the Mongols, I think this might be a particular game function at work. (This is just a theory. Could be in error.) What I have noticed is that some empires sweep into certain geographic locations and they may not take a full province, but they may gain a city or a castle, sometimes because they vassalized a family that may have had one holding in that province. So if you go to raid the top castle in that province, which belongs to someone else, that empire's members also feel like you have invaded their territory, even if you have not directly tried to siege any of their holdings. Not sure if you can check, but that may have been the case here: you raided someone else, but there was one Mongol holding in that province.
But then fate intervened when Skotland declared war (as we saw in the previous section); in a stroke, the foreign war boosted the vassal’s loyalty to the child Emperor for its duration, as quantified by levy strength (thus increasing the relative strength of the factions).
I know some folks will complain about making decisions that manipulate the game, but in these situations, I often keep the war going as long as possible for the political benefits.

I would argue that is not game manipulation but rather smart politics. I'm sure folks can think of examples of rulers extending popular wars with little to gain other than political leverage. Of course, sometimes it is a fine line between a popular war and one that has gone on for far too long.

I realize your treasury was hurting due to the demesne penalties so you had to curtail the war, but sometimes extending these affairs can help deal with factions. (Of course, I also like the strategy of having vassals revolt if I think I can win the war and then rearrange some holdings.)
“Toste the Confused”, a later Renaissance painting that hangs in the Imperial Portrait Gallery of Chudovo. [Leonardo AI]
Very nice work with Leonardo, by the way. I see though the AI loves to give you Vikings with winged helmets. Always an issue. This portrait of Toste was top notch. Love his deer in the headlights look.

The vassal transfer of Jarl Snorri to King Haraldr on 3 January 1231, mentioned earlier, was done in part to diminish the vassal overreach. This had some effect, but the deficit was still at over 100 per month, so the retinue reinforcement was halved soon after.
The lesson I have learned is that once your empire gets to be sizeable you must spend a lot of management time redesigning the vassal holdings and trying to get some of them to hold less so you can spread out the power, yet still have vassals that are useful to you. This becomes all the more important during a regency. Not always fun, but necessary.

Good luck in the new year as you move forward with this and other AARs!
 
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It was at in December of 1229 that the Imperial court was surprised by the discovery that the Mongol Empire, with which Russia had a non-aggression pact, had become hostile due to raiding. The mystery was that there were no raids being conducted by Russian troops on Mongol soil and no known raids by the Mongols in Russia. It was always possible some incidental report of such had been missed, but no ‘smoking gun’ (or maybe ‘bloodied spear’) was ever found.
Agreeing with @Chac1 that a sub-holding was probably temporarily raided, leading to hostilities. Shame you lost some good commanders out of it, though at least that means a spot in Valhalla for them both.
Question: Does this ‘landless’ caveat relate to Toste being under a regency?
I'm pretty sure it's because the Mongols are nomadic, so own no land. It could also be Mongol-specific to prevent allying the end-game threat.
King Birger of Skotland had the temerity to declare a war for the Russian throne on behalf of some obscure claimant. The very large Irish vassal levy was called out to deal with this impudent challenge.
The Irish levies arelarger than Skotland's entire army! What was Birger thinking?

And as @Chac1 stated above, keeping the war going might've been beneficial. Also a bit gamey, but I'm sure you could've RP'd it as shrewd politics or some such.
Meanwhile, it was decided to assist the broke Emperor Alexandros III Sellokalas by providing a gift. This not only improved his opinion of the Fylkir but allowed him to pay the ransom for his long-imprisoned sister Elaiodora, seeing 10 gold remitted back to Russia straight away.
It wasn't a gift then, more a loan. :D That 10 gold is just the first interest payment.
Despite the impending obligation and a lowering treasury, a large bribe was also paid to Oddr lest either unacceptable demands and/or civil war be triggered. These emergency measures succeeded and by mid-February 1231 the latest factional crisis was over.
Huzzah!
Some courtiers began to think that his advisers “may be able to make a true Fylkir out of him yet”.
That's the spirit!
With the Skottish and Mongol threats now out of the way, faction management and the economy would continue to occupy the Regency Council. This would lead to the increased importance of finding a new raiding front in the Middle East to boost incomes as the Imperial Guard continued to head that way over the vast distances and sometimes rugged terrain from the steppe, over the Caucasus, through the eastern reaches of the Byzantine Empire to Palestine.
There are always more battles over the horizon, always more lands to conquer, but the armies of Russia will always march. For gold, glory, and Fylkir. Onwards to Valhalla!
 
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It was at in December of 1229 that the Imperial court was surprised by the discovery that the Mongol Empire, with which Russia had a non-aggression pact, had become hostile due to raiding. The mystery was that there were no raids being conducted by Russian troops on Mongol soil and no known raids by the Mongols in Russia. It was always possible some incidental report of such had been missed, but no ‘smoking gun’ (or maybe ‘bloodied spear’) was ever found.
:eek:

Question: Does this ‘landless’ caveat relate to Toste being under a regency?
i assumed it was due to genghis being a special character, but I don't give more than 50% to my prediction over this

Despite this, four days later the Council faction reached a critical 94.2%!
the revolving door of regents and the amount of factionalism is too heavy to handle until the idiot becomes an adult

“Toste the Confused”, a later Renaissance painting that hangs in the Imperial Portrait Gallery of Chudovo. [Leonardo AI]
:D

it'll be difficult to bear 8 more years of this, and the current heir if the kid dies, he's no von neumann himself either
 
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Still a way off doing the next update, but thought I'd do some interim comment feedback now.
Thank you for the new chapter. Good to see you back in the gaming saddle and off the pitch for the moment.

Regencies are always a challenge and you are meeting the challenge, so: Huzzah!
It's good to be back in harness. And this is about the longest regency you can get and with a very uninspiring Fylkir. Ah well, his advisors should be able to see him through - if they don't kill him or each other first!
Although I have little experience with the Mongols, I think this might be a particular game function at work. (This is just a theory. Could be in error.) What I have noticed is that some empires sweep into certain geographic locations and they may not take a full province, but they may gain a city or a castle, sometimes because they vassalized a family that may have had one holding in that province. So if you go to raid the top castle in that province, which belongs to someone else, that empire's members also feel like you have invaded their territory, even if you have not directly tried to siege any of their holdings. Not sure if you can check, but that may have been the case here: you raided someone else, but there was one Mongol holding in that province.
This makes sense and is backed up by @jak7139 below, so I'm that's it. I will try to check if I can in retrospect (can't go to past saves as this is played in Ironman).
I know some folks will complain about making decisions that manipulate the game, but in these situations, I often keep the war going as long as possible for the political benefits.

I would argue that is not game manipulation but rather smart politics. I'm sure folks can think of examples of rulers extending popular wars with little to gain other than political leverage. Of course, sometimes it is a fine line between a popular war and one that has gone on for far too long.

I realize your treasury was hurting due to the demesne penalties so you had to curtail the war, but sometimes extending these affairs can help deal with factions. (Of course, I also like the strategy of having vassals revolt if I think I can win the war and then rearrange some holdings.)
The thought may have briefly crossed my mind, but I mainly RP this kind of thing and in this case, with the treasury running low I just wanted the war out of the way. I think 'in reality', powerful vassals would eventually recognise what was happening and the uniting effect would wear off, though I don't know if the game models this (other than maybe through war weariness?).
Very nice work with Leonardo, by the way. I see though the AI loves to give you Vikings with winged helmets. Always an issue. This portrait of Toste was top notch. Love his deer in the headlights look.
Thanks! Forced there after Playground folded, which I liked to use for the ability to have reference images. This one already had horns manually erased, but the wings aren't quite as egregious so I left them in for this one ;)
The lesson I have learned is that once your empire gets to be sizeable you must spend a lot of management time redesigning the vassal holdings and trying to get some of them to hold less so you can spread out the power, yet still have vassals that are useful to you. This becomes all the more important during a regency. Not always fun, but necessary.

Good luck in the new year as you move forward with this and other AARs!
Yes, have been doing that intensively behind the scenes (just not reporting on it). The problem now is that almost all direct vassals are kings, and a few very powerful Jarls/the Jomsviking Warchief, who I want to keep hold of. And with some of the smaller chiefdoms/jarldoms, I literally can't give them away without giving away a kingdom title! So usually I'm just trying to keep it going to see if some equilibrium can be restored once the regency is over. Of course, it could get worse.
Agreeing with @Chac1 that a sub-holding was probably temporarily raided, leading to hostilities. Shame you lost some good commanders out of it, though at least that means a spot in Valhalla for them both.
Thanks for confirming - seems obvious in retrospect :D
I'm pretty sure it's because the Mongols are nomadic, so own no land. It could also be Mongol-specific to prevent allying the end-game threat.
Either of which would make sense. No alliance coming there, then, unless they settle permanently (does that ever happen with the Mongols?).
The Irish levies arelarger than Skotland's entire army! What was Birger thinking?

And as @Chac1 stated above, keeping the war going might've been beneficial. Also a bit gamey, but I'm sure you could've RP'd it as shrewd politics or some such.
I don't think he was. Above re keeping the war going. A bit tempting, but resisted for various reasons.
It wasn't a gift then, more a loan. :D That 10 gold is just the first interest payment.
Well, yes, a bit of an offset and cynical but still gaining the good opinion. ;)
There are always more battles over the horizon, always more lands to conquer, but the armies of Russia will always march. For gold, glory, and Fylkir. Onwards to Valhalla!
Huzzah!
i assumed it was due to genghis being a special character, but I don't give more than 50% to my prediction over this
Seems from the above advice its a nomadic characteristic.
the revolving door of regents and the amount of factionalism is too heavy to handle until the idiot becomes an adult
I know, it's become quite wearisome. More regency shenanigans will come up in the next episode, of course. :rolleyes:
it'll be difficult to bear 8 more years of this, and the current heir if the kid dies, he's no von neumann himself either
Yup, this is one of those periods where the Empire tries to keep going despite, rather than aided by, its nominal rulers!
 
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Chapter 76: Friends in Need (1231-1234)
Chapter 76: Friends in Need (1231-1234)

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Lead elements of the Rurikid Imperial Guard march through Palestine in 1232, on their way to their next foray in Egypt. [MS Bing/Dall-E, text prompt]

ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ

Introduction

We last left the Rurikids in January 1231, still riven by factionalism and revolving door regents, with a ‘simple’ underage Fylkir and having just weathered a difficult ‘warm war’ with the Mongols over an accidentally raided holding in the steppe borderlands. An easier war against Skotland had been won in December 1230.

By early 1231 all levies had been stood down, the raids on Rashtrakuta finalised and the Imperial Guard divisions were marching piecemeal towards Palestine. This had been done in large part to get forces there quickly but without suffering attrition along the way through the rugged lands of the Caucasus and the eastern marches of the now allied Byzantine Empire. It would take until late May 1232 for their advance guard to finally arrive in the north of Rurikid Syria.

ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ

Home Affairs: 1231

Meanwhile, the usual domestic distractions occupied the time of the Regency, led by the nondescript Regent Hjalmar Herja Ugdadasson, who would actually see out the year without losing his position. In March 1231, the treasury was down to just 779 gold: its lowest point in decades, perhaps hundreds of years. Despite some recent austerity measures, the monthly deficit was at around 73 gold. This improved a little in April to about 57 gold, but more savings would need to be made as raiding could not be expected to resume for months yet.

At least research was advancing, with cavalry being the next arm of the military to be improved later in April 1231. Likely to be a useful skill if the future held more confrontations – if not full-scale war – with the nomadic Mongols.

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As the treasury continued to shrink to only 688 gold in May of that year, the decision was taken to halt all retinue recruiting for the time being. This helped to eke out a small monthly surplus of a little under 7 gold by June.

Elsewhere, the usual periodic peasant rebellions would break out, with Oberbayern proving particularly troublesome. The rebels were left to local vassals to deal with and they did so within four months.

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It was for economic reasons (to improve tax takes among the direct vassals) that the contract of one of them – Jarl Geirr of Sarkel – was transferred to King Vagn ‘Son of Jörmungandr’ of Sviþjod in late October 1231. This essentially just kept the budget in approximate balance until the end of the year. New castle walls [level III] had been completed in Torzhok in March and keeps [level IV] in Ladoga (June) and València (December) but funds were too scare to pay for extended castle walls in either of those two. Recruiting would be a higher priority, then rebuilding a war chest for emergencies. A lucrative program of raiding would be required to allow for any new builds to be contemplated.

ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ

The Aydhab War: 1232-34

The Sardinian war to conquer the county of Aydhab from the Suhailid Badshah, to which the Imperium had signed up to more recently for political purposes, had dragged on since 1225. By April 1232, it was going poorly for King Haraldr ‘the Pious’: it looked like one of his vassals was about to lose a battle to the Suhailids in Nubia, where his only occupation of enemy holdings remained.

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Two previous defeats and ongoing Suhailid control of Aydhab itself meant Sardinia was staring down a likely defeat – if unaided. However, a small allied Byzantine army was (unbidden) on the way to assist. And of course, the following contingents of the Imperial guard were approaching too – their raiding goals coincided with giving King Haraldr a hand in his failing expedition.

Just two weeks later, the first of those Imperial reinforcements, under General Einarr, had arrived in Al Mafraq and by early June were passing through Palestine. The Byzantines under a Mayor Þorsteinn (ordered to attach to Einarr rather than run ahead – he must have been keen to ‘show his quality’) were about to attack a mainly Abazid regiment in Quena.

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What Þorsteinn may not have fully appreciated was that a large Suhailid army had begun to head north after their victory in Nubia, leaving a smaller force behind to liberate its holdings.

After winning his first skirmish in Quena, in mid-July Þorsteinn found himself in big trouble against the by now far larger and fully prepared Suhailid army, with Einarr and the next Russian contingent still well to the north.

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Ten days before, Anaga in Nubia had been retaken by the Suhailids. It could be that the Imperial Guard relief columns would be too little and too late to prevent a Sardinian defeat.

By 6 August Þorsteinn’s Byzantines had managed to retreat without being destroyed, though had lost another 700 men. Einarr had to fight his way through Farama against a Suhailid vassal army from Acre, annihilating them for minimal losses. King Päiviö and the Imperial heir (and Jester) Prince Bersi were coming on through Palestine.

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None of that was directly aiding the Sardinian bargaining position, however and by 22 August they had lost the other holding in Nubia and were very close to surrender [-96% warscore].

After a reorganisation in commands, a contingent under Prince Bersi had pushed into Manupura to attack the larger Suhailid army on 17 September, pinning it in place knowing a larger and slightly slower-moving main body under King Päiviö was just two days behind him.

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Despite attacking over a small river, the Guard had won a comfortable victory by 4 October, temporarily reviving King Haraldr’s prospects in the war and bringing his cause back from the brink.

Still in raiding mode, the quicker-moving Bersi now led the advance guard south through Sarqihya, Quena and Aswan to the main objective of Aydhab between October to December 1232, engaging in skirmishes in each as the Suhailids fell back before him, refusing battle with their main armies.

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By February 1223, the main Rurikid army was encamped in Aydhab, trying to take a holding before the Badshah was able to shame King Haraldr into surrender [as the war score timer continued to tick up]. Behind Bersi and Päiviö, more follow-on forces were forced to skirmish their way through Jerusalem and Sarqihya on their way south.

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The day before Halayeb fell in Aydhab on 28 April, King Haraldr had briefly contemplated giving up [warscore actually reached -100% very briefly], but breaking the stranglehold on Aydhab broke the spell: the Pious Haraldr attributed this to the God Thor, who reputedly smote the walls of Halayeb with a lightning bolt just before the attackers broke through the main gate.

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Prince Bersi joked that Haraldr must have taken him to be Thor, on account of his ‘mighty man-hammer’ which he flashed at the quailing defenders during the final assault. All this while, the consolidated main body of the Suhailid army had camped just to the south in Suakin, beginning to take Sardinian holdings there but not daring to attack the larger Guard army investing Aydhab.

From this point on, an ultimate Russian victory was never seriously in doubt. Another reinforcing army under Bo assisted a Sardinian army’s already winning defence in Farama on 3 June, after the Sardinians had taken heavy casualties up to that point as Suhailid vassals continued to make nuisances of themselves.

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Even as the Guard continued to siege down Aydhab, the Suhailids were doing the same in Suakin, so that by early June the bargaining position had not really changed.

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This situation went on for almost another year, as new Russian sieges (most armies by now having de-toggled from raiding to allow occupations to be made) began siege in Archa (a single holding in Syria), Fustat, Quena, Acre (a raid for money) Jerusalem and Suakin (to retake the lost Sardinian holdings). All that time, the main Suhailid army stood off as Russian numbers steadily built.

By early 1234 Aydhab had been completely occupied and the main Guard force moved south into Suakin, when word came that a rather foolhardy Abazid army of around 4,200 men had slipped in behind them into Aydhab to try to undo all the good work. Naturally, this would not be allowed to stand!

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Einarr took a large force a attacked the enemy at Marsa Alam on 19 March 1234. A tough victory was won and the pursuit of the enemy concluded by 16 April, costing the lives of only 71 Guardsmen but alas also another top general, the veteran Sveinn [and this peripheral battle would again not shift the warscore].

What did count was the mounting number of Suhailid holdings that had been occupied by the end of March 1234. Badshah Asim agreed to terms on 27 March, even as the battle in Aydhab continued against the still hostile Abazids.

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Even as that was fought out, any other Russian armies on friendly soil began to invoke the sacred raiding toggle as soon as they could, while others slipped over into friendly territory to do so. By the end of April, raids for money were in progress in Acre (continuing, 89 gold plundered to that point), Quena and Fustat.

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Other raiding parties were fanning out north and south in search of loot to replenish the Imperial coffers. Of some interest, a neutral Mongol army of over 27,700 was at that point passing through the Sinai Peninsula – its possible purpose unknown, but with some clues available below in the next section.

ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ

Byzantium: 1232-34

In April 1232, Genghis Khan Temujin once more declared war on the Byzantine Basileus Alexandros IV. The Mongols reportedly had around 80,000 men to call on, while Byzantium had built back up to around 40,000 troops.

Temujin’s objective was the remaining Duchy of Paphlagonia, the strip of land separating his two large Anatolian enclaves. And for whatever reason, Alexandros did not issue any call to arms to his ‘brother’ Toste. Thankfully.

By mid-September, the first few Mongol regiments were moving through Anatolia, but the needle had not shifted on the warscore. All that had changed by March 1233, with tens of thousands of Mongol troops swamping Paphlagonia and the Byzantine armies scared off and standing back, though no holdings had fallen yet.

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Eleven months later, it was all over and young Alexandros – still under his own regency – was forced to hand over Paphlagonia, with Temujin’s massive Anatolian territory now united.

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The next hammer blow fell less than a month later when a massive revolt broke out against Alexandros, led by a powerful Byzantine nobleman.

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This time Alexandros, badly outnumbered, did eventually call for assistance from their ally in April 1234. And with the war in Egypt just finished, the Regency agreed. They would want to keep enough raiders working to rebuild the coffers and fund a war, so some levies were going to need to be called out.

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The Rebels seemed to have the only forces present in the west of the Empire – especially around the Russian outpost of Athens. They would require some close attention in both Italy and Greece.

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The rebels also had a large army poised just to the west of Constantinople and throughout the south of Anatolia. Only around 6,000 Byzantine troops were anywhere near, still in Mongolian Anatolia. Perhaps the rest had ventured east to make a play at the Mongolian heartland in the ‘traditional’ response of outnumbered invasion targets. This would be explored soon.

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ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ

Vassals and Politics

After a politically quiet 1231, an untimely battlefield death saw another regency installed, this time in Italy for the new boy king, Knut. His father had been killed leading Italian troops somewhere in Egypt. This succession would trigger further internecine conflict soon afterwards.

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In the meantime, the powerful and fearsome King Þorbjörn ‘the Mutilator’ or Irland and Mauretania took up the vacant advisor appointment on the Imperial Council. Another disruptive voice on that now eight-man body (which also included the equally oppositional Regent Hjalmar). This made four opposed, one loyal (Marshal Dag) and three other (two glory hounds and a pragmatist) in that group.

But soon after, Hjalmar found himself axed as Regent. A new man, the brilliant Imperial Steward Barid af Holmgarðr, took over. He was by far the most accomplished man to hold the post yet. At a stroke, he had the administration of both the Imperial demesne and its gaggle of fractious magnates well in hand.

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[Image of Barid from MS Bing/Dall-E]

This would rapidly improve the tax base, lower opposition and suppress factionalism. Within a month, the previously powerful Council Power faction was reduced to an irrelevant husk (especially after the recently mollified King Þorbjörn, its leader, resigned). Two of the Gavelkind factions simply disbanded, the other two reduced to insignificance.

By the end of the year, factionalism remained minimal and would remain so to the end of the next year as well. Many hoped Barid would continue as Regent for the rest of Toste’s minority [not least myself]. But one thing Barid could not enforce during a regency was realm peace. This became an active issue when – even as the Aydhab war continued at that time – in May 1233 when the old dynastic tensions between Italy and Sardinia-Corsica once more came to a head.

King Haraldr ‘the Pious’ Moring declared war on his young kinsman King Knud Moring of Italy to claim all of Italy in a reunified realm. As this war started, Haraldr could call on 22,700 men and Knut 20,000. It may prove a bloody and persistent conflict and there was not much the Imperium could do to stop it.

In better news, King Vagn managed to help a claimant to win independence from Denmark for Turov. Within 12 days, Chieftess Guðrun had sworn fealty to the Russian throne in a peaceful admission to the Empire.

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Soon after his Rurikid-sponsored victory in Aydhab, King Haraldr had declared himself King of Aquitaine – and adopted that as his main title the following day, along with a new coat of arms. But the war over Italy would continue.

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ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ

Home Affairs: 1232-34

Despite his ‘learning challenges’, this had become Toste’s strongest attribute by the time he was ten.

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Economically, the treasury had recovered somewhat to 811 gold by April 1232 and monthly income was up to 86 gold. This allowed the frugal Barid to reintroduce half-paced retinue reinforcement, taking the monthly surplus back to about 7 gold. Though this would regress to a 22 gold deficit by October as war casualties started to bite again.

Recently appointed Imperial Seer Godi Hæsteinn of Tikhvin made quick progress, converting the persistently heathen demesne county of Valencia to the Old Gods in August 1232. He would do the same in Alexandria in September 1233.

A second revolt in Oberbayern was dealt with even more quickly than the first, with order restored by the local magnate within the month of December 1232.

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And by June 1233, Toste’s interpersonal skills had improved significantly, matching his (relatively) promising learning abilities. Though the rest of his attributes remained poor.

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At the age of 12 in September 1233, Toste at last embarked on a more serious programme of study – now under the direct tutelage of the Regent and Steward, Barid. Who, while considered mad, was a genius administrator of an ‘illegitimate’ line of the Rurikid dynasty.

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The economy continued to languish from February to September 1233, with the deficit rising to 38 per month and the treasury down to just 651 gold. It was at that time that one of the Guard armies heading to Egypt was diverted to start raiding Acre in order to keep the finances afloat.

Alas, Toste’s progress was not consistent: in March 1234 he fell back, losing confidence in himself and becoming frail in the process.

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ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ

Summary: March-April 1234

The close partnership between Fylkir Toste and Regent Barid remained strong as the new war to save Alexandros from the rebel threat beckoned. Levy numbers remained high, though the retinue was not yet returned to full strength due to recent budgetary stringencies.

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Conversions had slowed since 1229, with only five recorded – two of them from the Seer’s interventions. There were no obvious signs yet of separate conversions within the shrinking East Roman Empire.

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The Russian Empire had grown incrementally in recent years, mainly in the Middle East.

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So in April 1234, young Toste was rather thin and withdrawn, though by all accounts both likeable and a willing (if rather slow) learner. His circle of advisors remained a real mix of personalities and ambitions. Many were antagonistic in the Council, but factionalism was all but eliminated under the expert supervision of the loyal and brilliant Regent Barid.

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“Doing his best,” Fylkir Toste at age 12 in 1234, Imperial Portrait Gallery, Chudovo. [MS Bing/Dall-E, text prompt]
 
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Quite the rebound for our young Fylkir! Glad that someone who has a level of talent seized the reins from those incompetent malcontents... With some hope now that the Steward will break the simple habit of the young emperor and encourage the love of learning!
 
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The day before Halayeb fell in Aydhab on 28 April, King Haraldr had briefly contemplated giving up [warscore actually reached -100% very briefly], but breaking the stranglehold on Aydhab broke the spell: the Pious Haraldr attributed this to the God Thor, who reputedly smote the walls of Halayeb with a lightning bolt just before the attackers broke through the main gate.
finally some good news

leven months later, it was all over and young Alexandros – still under his own regency – was forced to hand over Paphlagonia
two germanic minors against the mighty genghis!

But soon after, Hjalmar found himself axed as Regent. A new man, the brilliant Imperial Steward Barid af Holmgarðr, took over. He was by far the most accomplished man to hold the post yet. At a stroke, he had the administration of both the Imperial demesne and its gaggle of fractious magnates well in hand.
finally! i hope he stays until the kid grows

Alas, Toste’s progress was not consistent: in March 1234 he fell back, losing confidence in himself and becoming frail in the process.
maybe a blessing in disguise? although, i'd love to see him persist and succeed despite his draw of luck
 
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their raiding goals coincided with giving King Haraldr a hand in his failing expedition.
I'm sure Haraldr is happy to have imperial assistance, even if the armies aren't there for him. But as long as he thinks they are, no harm done.
The day before Halayeb fell in Aydhab on 28 April, King Haraldr had briefly contemplated giving up [warscore actually reached -100% very briefly], but breaking the stranglehold on Aydhab broke the spell: the Pious Haraldr attributed this to the God Thor, who reputedly smote the walls of Halayeb with a lightning bolt just before the attackers broke through the main gate.
A close one!
And for whatever reason, Alexandros did not issue any call to arms to his ‘brother’ Toste. Thankfully.
It might be because of your non agression pact with Genghis, so Alexandros can't call you in.
The next hammer blow fell less than a month later when a massive revolt broke out against Alexandros, led by a powerful Byzantine nobleman.
An excellent opportunity, should your side win, to get some proper Norse vassals in there.
A new man, the brilliant Imperial Steward Barid af Holmgarðr, took over. He was by far the most accomplished man to hold the post yet. At a stroke, he had the administration of both the Imperial demesne and its gaggle of fractious magnates well in hand.
Let's hope he stays in the post.
 
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Thanks again for the new chapter. The young fylkir may be slow but at least he now has a great tutor and regent. So overall, things are looking up for the empire despite the budget shortfalls.

Lead elements of the Rurikid Imperial Guard march through Palestine in 1232, on their way to their next foray in Egypt. [MS Bing/Dall-E, text prompt]
“Doing his best,” Fylkir Toste at age 12 in 1234, Imperial Portrait Gallery, Chudovo. [MS Bing/Dall-E, text prompt]
Two excellent art pieces to complement this great AAR. At least Toste has lost his "deer in the headlights" look. I too move between Leonardo and MS Bing for images these days. What made your decision here? (The results are very good.)
The day before Halayeb fell in Aydhab on 28 April, King Haraldr had briefly contemplated giving up [warscore actually reached -100% very briefly], but breaking the stranglehold on Aydhab broke the spell: the Pious Haraldr attributed this to the God Thor, who reputedly smote the walls of Halayeb with a lightning bolt just before the attackers broke through the main gate.
Ah, the thunder god to the rescue! Were the walls really hit by lightning (and if so, what 22nd Century weapon did Thor use?) or was that just a metaphor for a great assault?
Prince Bersi joked that Haraldr must have taken him to be Thor, on account of his ‘mighty man-hammer’ which he flashed at the quailing defenders during the final assault.
Oh, no! :eek:
This one certainly had me laughing.
Well done!
 
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Quite the rebound for our young Fylkir! Glad that someone who has a level of talent seized the reins from those incompetent malcontents... With some hope now that the Steward will break the simple habit of the young emperor and encourage the love of learning!
It was a great relief to have Barid take over. We shall soon see if he can hold the office for the last three years of the Regency.
finally some good news
It took a while, but we got there just in time!
two germanic minors against the mighty genghis!
Though I'm glad we weren't forced to choose between them - yet. And the Germanic Alexandros would have got the nod, I think.
finally! i hope he stays until the kid grows
Me too.
maybe a blessing in disguise? although, i'd love to see him persist and succeed despite his draw of luck
He seems to be lasting now, so the frailty trait is not welcome. Hope he can shrug it off at some point: maybe some vigorous hunting in the future!
I'm sure Haraldr is happy to have imperial assistance, even if the armies aren't there for him. But as long as he thinks they are, no harm done.
True. And we don't want one of our most powerful vassals defeated by an infidel!
A close one!
Very. A few more days and I think Haraldr would have surrendered.
It might be because of your non agression pact with Genghis, so Alexandros can't call you in.
Could be. Per above, glad we didn't have to intervene, but it might have been a good challenge to see if we could take the Mongols down. Though money would have been an issue, especially if the Guard's raiding had to be curtailed.
An excellent opportunity, should your side win, to get some proper Norse vassals in there.
Yes, I'm hoping the Byzantine vassal conversion process actually starts leading to county conversions. No sign of it yet.
Let's hope he stays in the post.
Per above, agree. He's brilliant!
Thanks again for the new chapter. The young fylkir may be slow but at least he now has a great tutor and regent. So overall, things are looking up for the empire despite the budget shortfalls.
Agree. They are both now doing their best for the realm, and poor young Toste has grown on me as a character. I hope he can succeed (in both senses)!
Two excellent art pieces to complement this great AAR. At least Toste has lost his "deer in the headlights" look. I too move between Leonardo and MS Bing for images these days. What made your decision here? (The results are very good.)
Many thanks for the kind words. :) I've found Leonardo to be very good at converting my prompts to outcomes, even culling things out of earlier iterations (such as big modern-looking glass beer steins, horned Vikings helmets, etc). As well as the ability to have reference images.
Ah, the thunder god to the rescue! Were the walls really hit by lightning (and if so, what 22nd Century weapon did Thor use?) or was that just a metaphor for a great assault?
Oh, no! :eek:
This one certainly had me laughing.
Well done!
No, just figurative 'man-lightning' from Bersi's Great Hammer. He has been forced to become the court jester, after all, so has some license there ;)
With the constant musical chairs between regents, how long before the Mongols pounce...
I think we may be too strong for them to target with invasions, for now anyway. Aside from the NAP. It may not last though - and the clock is ticking on the Aztecs too, which everyone in Europe has pretty much forgotten about (I'm roleplaying complacent ignorance there until they show up).

To All: As always, thanks so much for the comments and readership! Next chapter follows soon, will be a little longer to cover quite a bit of warfare, raiding and taking us up to Toste's coming of age.
 
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Chapter 77: Two Young Emperors (1234-1237)
Chapter 77: Two Young Emperors (1234-1237)

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"Simple but studious": young Fylkir Toste IV aged around 15, undertaking one of his lessons in stewardship. He evidently took his studies seriously, even though his limited intelligence and physical frailty meant he was never going to be a shining example of the strong Viking leader. [Leonardo AI, Phoenix 1.0, text prompt]

ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ

Raiding in Egypt and Palestine: 1234-37

While the new war in support of Basileus Alexandros against ‘heretic’ rebels would be conducted in parallel, this would have virtually no effect on the conduct of the extensive raiding program by the Empire’s professional armies. Levies would conduct the war, while the Guard would refloat the dangerously eroded treasury.

In 1233-35, raids continued or started in Acre, Quena, Fustat, Aswan, Aksum, Asqalan and Darum and were finished by the end of 1236. Other than the odd small-scale skirmish with local troops, the main events during this time were the discovery of a key for one of those locked chests in Aswan in September 1235, which yielded a bonus of 200 gold. The other was a battle in Quena where a Suhailid army sought to defeat one of the dispersed raiding contingents and thus end the Russian raiding of their territory.

The danger was first spotted on 9 September 1236, with a large Suhailid army approaching Quena. On the 14th, Sigtrygg’s even larger army in Aswan finished its latest siege (where the key to the chest had been found) and then marched north to relieve his comrades.

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The Russian defenders in Quena, commanded by Jomsvikings, would have to hold out for two weeks before the relief column would arrive. They were heavily outnumbered and the Suhailid attack was strongest in the centre. By 27 September, the centre had broken while the right held on desperately in a fierce melee, shortening their line in an attempt to hold out for the promised relief.

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In this they were successful: when Sygtrygg arrived the pursuing enemy centre was itself struck by a strong counter-charge. Enemy casualties began to mount at the same time Russian morale had rallied. After a tough fight, the raid was saved and the field won on 16 October.

The Suhailids tried again at Fustat in April 1236, this time with a reduced army against defenders they only outnumbered by around 500. The Russians only manned two flanks and by 28 April the enemy melee was being pressed, with the centre again under heavy pressure. But this time the approaching relief army, under General Folki, numbered almost twice the original enemy host.

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When they smashed into the tiring Suhailid ranks on 5 May the effect was overwhelming and instant: the whole enemy front broke into a panicked retreat. Russian casualties were even heavier this time, but the raid was again secured and the last Suhailid field army of any size badly smashed. They would not make a third attempt.

New raids started in 1236 in Buhairya and Hayya (both finished in the first half on 1237), in Akordat and Dotawo and then in 1237 in Asyut, Nubia and Tadjura, all five of these ongoing in August 1237. All these raids in total saw almost 50 holdings sacked, almost 4,400 raiders die in the sieges and thousands of gold added to the treasury.

By May 1237 smallpox was rampant through the entire area of the raid, but the exercise continued without change. By August, two new raids were initiated south of those indicated in the map below (the statistic relate to the entire period through to August 1237).

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During this period, the budget balance had varied – mainly due to reinforcement rates for the retinues, which were increased back to the maximum rate once the treasury was deemed sufficiently refilled in April 1235. Income (other than raiding) remained fairly steady over this time. Steward and Regent Barid had presided over a period of treasury repair and retinue rejuvenation and was able to hand over a strong treasury hoard in August 1237, when Toste would reach his maturity.

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Barid with the ‘golden hoard’ in Nygarðr, August 1237. [Leonardo AI, Phoenix 1.0, text prompt]

ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ

Byzantine Civil War: 1234-35

Russia became involved in the Byzantine Civil War for Gavelkind in April 1234 to support Alexandros IV as a Germanic Basileus fighting an Orthodox-led rebellion in support of their alliance. With eh Guard off raiding in Egypt and Palestine, the fighting would be left to vassal levies within reasonable range of the various theatres – mainly in the trans-Danubian Balkans, also one army sent down to Tunisia.

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[Inset: Leonardo AI, Phoenix 1.0, text prompt]

This time, no Imperial demesne troops were called out, in order to save troop support costs. The main potential cost was the goodwill of the Russian magnates so summoned. If the war could be concluded quickly, little or no ill will would be generated. Over 90,000 levies were mustered.

The first troops were approaching the Byzantine border in Croatia and on the Black Sea costs at Karvuna by mid-July. At that time, the main Byzantine army of around 6,300 was being by over 11,000 rebel troops at Dorylaion in central Anatolia. It is estimated around 2,400 Loyalist and 900 Rebels were killed, giving the Revolt first blood.

But the score was more than evened up when the castle in Rebel Raugia [11.3% warscore] was taken by Russian troops on 6 August, for the loss of around 192 besiegers. And a rebel regiment was wiped out in a skirmish in Mesembria a few weeks later by a large Russian army that blundered into them as they were besieging its rebel-held castle.

By October 1234, Russia had seven rebel counties under siege across the Balkans and in southern Italy. A Russian army of over 9,700 men had pushed south to besiege Adrianopolis in September and by 22 October were alerted to a somewhat larger rebel army under Count Apollonius approaching from Kaliopolis to its south. To be safe, a smaller force besieging Mesembria was ordered to join them.

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Even before the reinforcements arrived on 7 November, the Russians had gained the upper hand in the centre and left, though had been losing ground on the right, where they were still outnumbered.

Though the Russians took some significant casualties, the rebel losses were far higher and a major victory was won, swinging the war more clearly in favour of the Loyalist cause, even as the victorious Vikings celebrated on the field of battle.

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[Inset: Leonardo AI, Phoenix 1.0, text prompt]

By February 1235 the main theatre was set and it became a race between the two sides to see who could win the most sieges. Russia’s support meant the loyalists would quickly gain the upper hand. By this time, Russia had fully occupied Raugia and had ten other counties under siege (including Neapolis and Gaeta in Italy).

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On 14 April 1235, the rebel leader Despot Pantoleon ‘the Holy’ knew his cause was lost: he surrendered to the Basileus and was imprisoned. Alexandros was pleased with the Russian support but still rankled at having been called into the previous war. The Russians would be a little bit more careful in making such requests in the future, on an ‘only if really needed’ basis.

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This relatively brief war had seen two major battles, one involving the Russians and over 3,200 levies lost in sieges, with a little plunder taken along the way as each of the 14 rebel holdings taken fell.

It didn’t take long for Alexandros to come down hard on his vassals, forcing more conversions and issuing revocations against former enemies, one example being Queen Eustathia of Sicily. They considered him to be a cowardly and cruel tyrant, while he despised them as unforgiven traitors.

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The consequences of this were soon made obvious, with a rebel ‘continuation war’ soon launched.

ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ

2nd Byzantine Civil War: 1235-37

On 30 July 1235 Alexandros revoked another county from the defeated rebel leader Pantoleon but provoked a new rebellion the next day when demanding a vassal retraction from Doux Eudokimos II of Epirus, who now became the rebel leader against his tyranny.

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Their demesne and vassal levy bases were almost identical, but Alexandros had been badly depleted from recent losses and was outnumbered by almost three-to-one. Once again, the call to arms was sent to ‘Great Emperor’ and Fylkir Toste and was accepted in aid of his ‘Brother in Odin’. A similar number of vassal levy troops from similar locations were mustered as for the recent war.

By early November, the rebel cause was ahead [12.5% warscore] simply by still being in control of all their holdings. It would take a while to rectify that. Dorostotum, just over the Danube, was the first rebel stronghold besieged soon afterwards.

Then, an attack on Rama was led by leading Russian general Sigtrygg on 24 January 1236 to clear out a rebel vassal army and commence a siege by 7 February just as King Päiviö’s reinforcing army joined in. An easy victory was won [though it did nothing to advance he warscore].

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The siege program expanded through to April, where two more clearing skirmishes saw the small enemy contingents wiped out.

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By then Dorostotum, Rama, Gaeta, Nikopolis, Naissos, Salerno, Lychnidos and Strymon were all under Russian siege. But the enemy still had not lost a holding so remained well ahead in the bargaining stakes.

This changed on 3 May with the fall of the castle of Dorostotum to Russian levies, putting the balance very slightly in the Loyalist’s favour [+2% warscore]. By 1 June, the main rebel army, numbering a little over 19,000 men, had been sighted in central Anatolia, making for Dorylaion.

A month later the war was once more settling into a siege competition, with the Russians keeping the Loyalists in the game and just ahead.

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Mahdia in Tunisia was under siege by then, with Russian levies assisting a Byzantine force leading the operation. Sigtrygg would seek to elevate the tempo by advancing on the rebel capital of Árta, arriving there on 7 September.

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The strategy was paying off by early November, as more rebel holdings fell. It was a week after Prince Bersi arrived in Kaliopolis with a strong force on 13 November that a similarly sized rebel army was sighted just over the strait to the south, with another even larger force following up through eastern Anatolia.

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Hoping to be able to hold the favourable position until reinforcements could arrive – a tactic repeatedly used during this period both in Greece and Egypt – Bersi held his ground.

In early December the main rebel army, under Eudokimos himself (a very skilled commander), was already crossing the strait to Kaliopolis. The Russian army in Strymon was ordered to march as soon as their siege of Skopje was finished, while those in Naissos and Nikopolis were already in motion. It would be a race to see if Bersi could hold long enough for these reinforcements to arrive.

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The battle was joined at Madtya in Kaliopolis on 17 December, with the initial skirmishing quite even despite the great disparity in numbers. Notably however, as these were Russian levies rather than the elite Guard armies off in raiding in Egypt, the skill and equipment levels were closer to the average standards of the time.

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By the end of December and into early January, Prince Bersi’s centre broke and then so did the left and right as the casualties mounted. With the enemy due to push on to Adrianopolis anyway, the first reinforcement army made the fateful decision to keep on marching in the hope they could turn the battle enough for the next two armies to close up.

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Arriving on 9 January, as Eudokimos’ pursuit of Bersi’s army was nearing its end, the Russian reinforcements briefly delayed the enemy but were soon also routed, having found themselves simply reinforcing defeat. On 18 January, the rout began after one of the worst Russian defeats in many decades: a bloodbath where over 10,000 Russian levies perished.

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Inset: defeated Russian stragglers retreat along an old Roman road after the Battle of Madyta, January 1237. [Leonardo AI, Phoenix 1.0, text prompt]

The next Russian army turned around in Adrianopolis and sought to withdraw to their compatriots now waiting in Moesia, but would not be able to escape in time, as yet another sizeable rebel army approached Thrake.

The ensuing defeat in Adrianopolis on 18 January 1237 saw another 1,000 Russian troops killed, but only in the pursuit as contact was broken immediately on engagement outside Skalothe.

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Another 16,000 levies from the Kingdom of Könugarðr were mustered in Belo Ozero on 1 February and began their long trek to the front. Meanwhile, the retreat to Moesia was completed on the 12th as Bersi’s shattered army headed towards Sigtrygg’s main army encamped in Árta.

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The now joined Russian field army in the north under veteran General Einarr shadowed the similarly united rebel army of now almost 27,000 men as it also headed to their capital along the Aegean coast. If necessary, they would join with Sigtrygg for a decisive showdown with the rebels, though their inland route may take longer to navigate.

During this period, only the sieges of Gaeta, Salerno, Mahdia and Árta continued for the Russians, with the Byzantine main army just to their north. On 5 March another of the Russian subsidiary armies reached Nikopolis and would restart the siege there [warscore at +62%].

As it happened, there was no great showdown - a great relief for Sigtrygg, who would have been force to withdraw in advance of the rebels' arrival. Eudokimos sued for peace and on 17 March 1237 the 2nd Byzantine Civil War of this period ended in his surrender. Alexandros was again happy with the support and though battle casualties this time round were very heavy, the sieges were not so costly even though more holdings were taken than in the previous war.

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And despite these casualties, because they were vassal levies no upkeep was charged and there would be no increased replacement costs to refill the ranks. All this would be borne by the magnates used and the war was again over quickly enough for only minimal resentment to have grown.

ᚔ ᚱᚢᚱᛁᚲᛁᛞ ᚔ

Domestic, Vassal and Foreign Affairs: 1234-37

The reason for the large numbers of Mongol troops ranging south through Egypt was discovered in July 1234: a Shi’a Caliphate rising in Abyssinia against Suhailid Badshah Asim II the Unready had drawn the Mongols in as an ally! This meant most of the Mongol army was far away from the homeland seeking to retrieve the Badshah’s losing position [-27% warscore]. This would eventually be done, but the details were of little interest to the Russian court and are lost to history.

Old King Dan of Noregr died of consumption aged 70 in October 1234. The new King Gunnarr’s heir Kolbjörn was soon betrothed to Toste’s 11-year-old half-sister Iliana to cement a non-aggression pact and take Noregr back out of the pagan defensive pact.

Basileus Alexandros came of age in November 1234 and, though he was Germanic and keen to marry, there were no eligible Rurikid candidates left. The Regency slightly regretted the earlier match with Noregr but did not seek to break it: the Byzantine alliance was well locked in by that stage anyway.

In vassal news, the big event of 1235 was the conclusion of the claim by King Haraldr (now of Aquitaine) to retake Italy from his young kinsman Knut. His victory gave him a massive realm, making him now the clear second strongest ruler in the realm after the Emperor himself. Knut was forced to swear fealty as a jarl, retaining two jarldoms of his old kingdom.

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Inset: Knut swears fealty to King Haraldr ‘the Pious’ at spearpoint, Modena, 21 February 1235. [Leonardo AI, Phoenix 1.0, text prompt]

Factionalism remained negligible through 1235 under the watchful eye of Regent Barid and would remain so for the rest of his term – which lasted without further turmoil until Toste’s majority in August 1237.

Another ‘background conquest’ was won by Grand Mayor Halsten of Ferrara in May 1235, increasing the Russian encroachment along the southern shore of the Red Sea down to Assab.

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A new major civil war broke out in Germany in June 1235, pitting to Hjort dynasty members against each other in a bid to institute gavelkind succession laws. The rebels had the early advantage in numbers on the outbreak of the war.

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King Kettil would die in July 1236 at the ripe age of 77. The rebels were winning the war narrowly on paper, but Kettil had called in Sviþjod and Volga Bulgaria as allies. And these allied armies were just beginning to appear on the scene as King Baldr assumed the German throne. With this assistance, the loyalists would emerge victorious about a year later.

In September 1236, Toste had just turned 15 and was being acknowledged as a diligent young man, striving to overcome his mental and physical disadvantages. Through persistence and hard work, he had managed to show at least some skill in all five of his main governing characteristics and was becoming quite well liked as he continued to be well supported by his very able regent.

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Later that year, it came to Toste’s attention that almost all the Council was now under obligation to Spymaster Freyr – including Barid himself plus the two Loyalist members Seer Hæsteinn and Marshal Dag. A gift to Freyr was due and quickly paid, while a marriage was also arranged for the lovesick spy. It seemed prudent to have the man on side, even though no legislative initiatives or war declarations were in train.

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While distracted in Abyssinia, a Buddhist uprising in Kucha against Mongol rule had run rampant by 2 May 1237. But rebel hopes were dashed by 15 May: a Mongol force must have returned in time to snuff out their hopes.

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As noted earlier, Basileus Alexandros had managed to inspire two civil wars in quick succession, sparked by religious and political tensions within the Byzantine elites and his reputation as a cruel tyrant. In May 1237 he was hailed as ‘the Mutilator’ and was busy for the next few months force-converting vassals and progressively stripping his old foe Despot Pantoleon of counties.

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But no new civil war was sparked – yet – and as long as this was all being done under the auspices of a Germanic ruler, his Fylkir (and regent) were happy enough. Even if he did seem to be quite an unpleasant chap.

Alas, another of the Rurikids’ dynastic arrangements came undone, this time with Skotland, as Toste’s sister Ulfhildr died from rabies and her husband’s father-in-law King Birger dissolved the non-aggression pact. Within a month he had taken Skotland back into the pagan pact.

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As Toste’s majority approached, he had Barid find the smartest young woman in the realm and bring her to court. Toste officially came of age on 14 August, when it was decided that the betrothal with Khorijin, daughter of Genghis Khan Temujin, would proceed. The marriage would be held on 22 August, by which time Toste had already taken Þyra Veðr as his first concubine.

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After the halcyon days of Barid’s regency, demesne and vassal scope fell back a bit, but not too badly. Some room for vassal transfers existed but the long policy of retaining all the highly developed demesne counties would stand. Toste’s stewardship studies had been mildly productive and he would embark on a period of stewardship focus in the early years of his reign, to retain as many powerful vassals under his direct control as possible. And he naturally sought to groom an heir of his own.

Against the odds, Toste had made it through in one piece as a not completely incompetent young Emperor who would try to do his best to improve himself over time.

There had been no new buildings or religious expansion in the last three years of his long Regency, but the Empire had grown slightly, remaining strong with a replenished treasury and formidable army.

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