This section allows TGW contributors to display their literary talents concerning the recent history of various countries in the pre-1914 era.
...alternatively, you can take original descriptions and slice off anything referring to the First World War and after
In any case, this shall have country descriptions. These are the ones that are done so far:
HEJAZ
Arab nationalism was a rising force in the political world at the turn on the twentieth century. Nowhere was this feeling greater than in the Hejaz - a desolate strip of territory running from the Gulf of Aqaba in the north to the Asir in the south, centred around the Holy city of Mecca. From here, the Sharif of Mecca, Hussein ibn Ali ruled under the auspices of the Ottoman Empire, with a considerable amount of independence. Although loyal to the Sultan of Turkey, Hussein found himself at odds with the Young Turks’ policy of centralisation - chief amongst them, the Hejaz railway link to Anatolia, that would allow the Ottoman authorities to strengthen their garrisons in the Hejaz and thus deprive the territory of its autonomy. Hussein knew that the completion of the railway would result in his relegation to the status of a local figurehead, and that any Arab revolt against Constantinople would have to come soon.
However, the Arab world was not the united force that it appeared, and Mecca was not the only centre for Arab nationalists’ loyalties. Ibn Saud of Nejd, and Ibn Mohammed of Yemen were but two rivals of Hussein, and the Sharif of Mecca knew only too well that the attitudes of these leaders would have to be considered when launching any revolt. In fleeting times of unity, the Arab chiefs had asked Hussein to throw off the Turkish yoke, yet he had refused, causing many senior Arab leaders to accuse Hussein of being a ‘tool of the Turks’. Indeed, Hussein had considered the possibility of cooperating with the Turks in hope of being granted more sovereignty, but fears of losing credibility had discouraged any such course of action.
By 1914, Hussein found himself surrounded by external enemies: many Arab nationalists saw himself as a Turkish official, the Ottoman authorities were extending their power over his domain via the Hejaz railway and Hussein was always wary of the intentions of his regional Arab rivals. As trouble brewed in Europe, Hussein chose to acquiesce, and allow developments on the continent determine his course of action.
GERMANY
The German Empire was created at Versailles in 1871 under the aegis of Prussian military might after the defeat of France a year previously. Yet Chancellor Bismarck desired no further expansion - rather, favoured the maintenance of the status quo. Bismarck’s foreign policy aimed at maintaining Germany’s position as Europe’s pre-eminent military power by keeping France diplomatically isolated. In 1879, a rapprochement with Austria was completed, with the signing of an alliance. 1882 saw Italy included into the combination, and a Reinsurance Treaty was signed with Russia, thereby separating France from potential allies and curtailing its desires for ‘revanche’. Domestically, Bismarck appeased the socialists’ desires for democratisation by pursuing a popular policy of colonialism and modest reforms. 1888 saw the ascent to the throne of Germany’s new emperor, Wilhelm II - a year later he sacked Chancellor Bismarck, refused to renew the Russian Reinsurance Treaty and began his pursuit of ‘a place in the sun’. Russia, insecure with the recent repeal of the Reinsurance Treaty, aligned themselves with France. Germany suddenly found itself with potential enemies on two fronts, not to mention the enemy within: the socialists.
Wilhelm II’s policy of ‘Weltmacht’ aimed at turning Germany from a continental power, into a global power. Wilhelm II believed that this could be achieved by the construction of an ocean-going fleet, and in 1897, his Navy minister, Alfred Tirpitz passed the first of two important navy bills, backed by rich industrialists and junkers alike - an attempt to unite all German peoples and integrate the socialist leaning working classes into the volksgemeinschaft. This move of naval expansion alarmed the British, causing the latter to align itself closer to France by signing the Entente Cordiale in 1904. By 1906, the British had responded comprehensively to the German naval challenge, by beginning the Dreadnought race, causing considerable antipathy between Great Britain and Germany. ‘Der Fischer kommt’ (Fisher is coming) was one of the frightened sayings of some of the residents of Kiel. With such a growing sense of encirclement, plans were drawn up for the eventuality of war with France and Russia - Chief of General Staff, Field Marshal Alfred von Schlieffen devised a timetable-tight plan involving an invasion of Belgium and a right-wheel flanking movement to circle Paris and crush the French army in its rear, before moving eastward to defeat the Russians before they had mobilised properly. This was not the only war that was planned: unease about the growing power of the socialists forced the German General Staff to devise the ‘Staatsstreich’, a contingency plan to crush uprising revolutionary workers that could imperil the stability of the German state and security of the landed elites.
Crises over Morocco had worsened relations with France, and the continued Dreadnought race strained relations with Britain yet further. By 1914, the socialists had become the most powerful party in Germany, France was planning to increase conscription from two years service to three, and the infrastructure in western Russia had improved vastly. The German military had estimated that given current developments, Franco-Russian military power would become unassailable by 1916, and that the Schlieffen Plan would have to be implemented by 1915 at the very latest to work successfully. These facts could not have been far from the German military’s mind as 1914 came: as Chief of Staff von Moltke put it - "the sooner war comes, the better!". Time is running out. Can the 'place in the sun' still be found?
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY
The Dual Monarchy had been created in 1867 from a compromise between Emperor Franz Josef and the nobility of Hungary. A patchwork empire, it was composed of eleven major ethnic groups: Germans, Magyars, Czechs, Poles, Ruthenes, Slovaks, Serbs, Romanians, Croats, Slovenes, and Italians, the empire centred around the capital, Vienna, and held together to a great degree by the strength of Emperor Franz Josef’s character. To limit Russian influence in the Balkans, Austria-Hungary aligned itself with Germany in 1879, and then with Italy in 1882 to form the Triple Alliance. However, with Germany the dominant party in the alliance, Austria-Hungary would find its foreign policy wishes subordinated to the desires of its senior partner.
The rulers of Austria-Hungary looked at their surroundings with great unease. Although Austria-Hungary was an ally of Italy, it was an unreliable power, and desired to complete its unification process with the addition of Austrian-owned Trieste and Trentino. Furthermore, the two nations had engaged in an intense naval race after the commissioning of the Dreadnought. Russia had traditionally been Austria’s rival in the Balkans: the two powers vying for influence in a region free from the hegemony of the declining Ottoman Empire. Russia was seen as the prime agent behind the phenomenon of Pan-Slavism, the motivating force behind Serbia’s growing power. The years leading up to 1914 would see Austria-Hungary grow ever more anxious about Serbia’s mounting strength: the two states engaged in a trade quarrel in 1906, followed by a diplomatic breakdown after Austria-Hungary’s annexation of the largely Serbian populated Bosnia-Herzegovina. 1913 saw further disagreement over the Balkan Wars, which pitted Serbia against Austrian-backed Bulgaria.
By 1914, Austria-Hungary was faced with what was seen as an increasingly unfavourable situation in the Balkans. Russia appeared to be stronger after its defeat against Japan in 1905, and continued to be Vienna’s main rival in the Balkans. Furthermore, its Pan-Slav policy made it Serbia’s greatest supporter. Serbia itself was greatly strengthened after victory over Bulgaria, and its desire for a ‘Greater Serbia’ had obvious implications for Austria-Hungary: any moves towards greater Serbian unity would result in a great proportion of Austro-Hungarian Serbs having greater affinity to the Serbian motherland, leading to their inevitable breakaway from the Dual Monarchy. Austria-Hungary’s rulers realised that if the Serbs broke away, other ethnic groups would demand greater autonomy, leading to the empire’s ultimate demise. It appeared that time was against Austria-Hungary: the longer the situation manifested, the stronger Russian-backed Serbia would grow. With the empire’s existence at stake, the Austro-Hungarian government knew that a remedy to the Serbian problem had to be found and administered soon. They would have to play their cards right though: war with Serbia may be desirable, but not so much with Russia. Any escalation of a European war must soon involve Italy and Rumania. Could it really be expected of the Austro-Hungarian Empire to survive a four-front war?
PORTUGAL
Portugal's power waned in the 19th century: political turmoil and international pressure on its African colonies ensured ever growing dissatisfaction with Portugal’s governing elite. The bourgeoisie leaned more and more to republicanism, seeing it as the solution to the decay of Portugal's prestige. Furthermore, Portugal's inability to service debts incurred in building railways added to Portugal’s foreign policy problems.
The difficulties increased for Portugal’s different governments, which came and fell in quick succession. The King's attempts to intervene and stabilise the situation by his appointment of various Prime Ministers failed, resulting in his dissolution of parliament in 1907. Amidst such chaos, competition amongst the nations political factions developed, ultimately leading to the murder of the King, D. Carlos, and his eldest son in 1908. The King's second son, Manuel, succeeded to the throne, but continuing troubles culminated in the republican revolution of October 5th, 1910.
The new republic faced great difficulties in establishing itself and to be recognised by other countries as Portugal's legitimate government, and were compelled to pursue a more proactive foreign policy. Portugal’s new rulers needed to make decisive action to show that the Portuguese Republic was strong and an equal of the other great powers. With conflict looming in Europe, the Portuguese government felt the need to take an active part should war break out. Meanwhile, opinion was divided about which side to take. The British ultimatum of 1890 damaged Portuguese pride, and forced some to lean towards Germany. Others felt that Germany’s designs on Portuguese colonies made cooperation with the old ally the only way to guarantee Portugal’s integrity and standing in Africa.
BULGARIA
Following the preliminary peace of San Stefano after the eighth Russo-Turkish War of 1877/78, the newly formed nation-state of Bulgaria covered Macedonia to the Ochrid Lake as well as a coastal strip on the Aegean Sea. The Berlin Congress of 1878, however, limited Bulgaria’s territory to the region between the Danube and Balkans, plus the area around Sofia. Macedonia and Eastern Rumelia remained within the Ottoman Empire. Prince Alexander I was assigned with the task of leading the newly formed principality - Russia, however, keen to exercise control over Bulgaria, watched the successes of Alexander with a great degree of distrust. Alexander annexed Eastern Rumelia in 1885 and defeated Serbia in 1885/86, but was then forced to abdicate after a coup led by pro-Russian officers. His successor, Ferdinand of Saxony-Coburg-Gotha, led Bulgaria to formal independence from the Ottomans and was crowned Tsar in 1908. Motivated by a desire for ‘Greater Bulgaria’, the country became the driving force behind the Balkans League and carried the majority of the League’s burden in the First Balkans War (1912/13). However, during the Second Balkans War of 1913, in which Bulgaria planned to acquire the parts of the Balkans she considered to be populated by Bulgarians, a coalition consisting of Greece, Serbia, Montenegro, Romania, and the Ottoman Empire defeated Bulgaria. In the peace of Bucharest, Bulgaria lost large parts of her gains from the First Balkans War - Southern Dobrudja went to Romania, and Adrianople was given to the Ottomans. Of Macedonia, which Bulgaria had demanded in its entirety, they managed to hold onto a small strip of territory in the Pirin Mountains, the rest being parted between Serbia and Greece. Bulgaria had suffered a defeat, but its strong army was still intact and Ferdinand I was waiting for an opportunity to strike back at his neighbouring rivals. However, the Tsar had to contend with strong opposition from within both the army and parliament, which had strongly disapproved of the authoritarian style of Ferdinand’s conduct in foreign policy that had already proved so disastrous for Bulgaria.
BRITAIN
At the turn of the century, all appeared well for the British Empire - covering two-fifths of the world’s land surface, accounting for a quarter of the world’s population, policed by the most professional army in the world and guarded by the mightiest fleet ever built, the British could be confident ruling the empire ‘on which the sun never set’. But beneath the assurances of imperial grandeur lay insecurity about the future: economically and industrially, the United States was outperforming the British. The ‘Great Game’ in Central Asia with the Russians seemed unceasing, and the Germans had commenced an ominous fleet building programme to challenge the Royal Navy’s dominance of the seas.
Amidst such anxiety, the British assured its status in the East by signing an alliance with Japan in 1902, before settling imperial differences with France in 1904 with the Entente Cordiale. 1906 saw Britain commission the mighty HMS Dreadnought, the world’s first all big-gun battleship, a comprehensive response to Germany’s naval challenge. The resulting Dreadnought race polarised Great Britain and Germany, and served to push Britain towards even closer relations with France, and by 1908, to an entente with Russia.
On the continent, diplomats averted crisis after crisis. Europe had nearly been plunged into war three times: over Bosnia in 1908, Agadir in 1911 and the Balkans in 1912-3. By 1914, British attention was turned to civil strife in Ulster and recent continental policy in times of crisis had been a mixture of self-interest and neutral mediation. Should another crisis occur, might British policy be the same? In any case, British attitudes to the continental balance of power will remain the same: no state must become hegemonic and the channel ports must remain in friendly hands at all costs.
NEJD
The centre of the Arabian Peninsula was the starting point of the Wahhabite state in 1744. For its ruler, Muhammad ibn Abd-al Wahhâb, both Shiite Islam of the Ottoman Empire and the Sunnite Islam of the Persians distortions of the true Muslim faith. In alliance with Muhammad Ibn Saud, the Wahhabites conquered all the tribes of Arabia in a string of offensives spread across several decades. After the death of Abd-al Wahhâb the Saudis ruled the larger part of the peninsula, conquering Mecca in 1806 and threatening Syria. Mohammed Ali, Ottoman governor in Egypt crushed the first Saudi state in 1818 by order of the Sultan. By 1824 a new principality under Saudi government was forming, and the Wahhabiyya remained an important religious and political power in Arabia. Continued Ottoman intervention hampered the development of the Saudi Kingdom, and in 1887 the rival Rashid dynasty conquered Riyadh and the last Saud fled to Kuwait in 1891. From there Aziz ibn Saud managed to form a new power base, and by 1902 he had retaken Riyadh from Jebel Shammar, and made it his capital. In 1905, he accepted Ottoman suzerainty over his domains in order to enhance his political position, but kept Constantinople off balance by waging war on them in 1913 in order to gain control of al-Hasa province.
By 1914, Saud had become the undisputed master of central Arabia - cautiously, Saud has kept Nejd’s loose link with the Ottoman Empire, but has now begun to open talks with the British.
JEBEL SHAMMAR
The Rashid dynasty begun their rule of Jebel Shammar in 1835, when Abdallah Ibn Rashid occupied the town of Hail, situated in the Shammar mountain range, located on an important pilgrimage route between Mesopotamia and Mecca. Throughout the nineteenth century the Rashidis consolidated their hold on Jebel Shammar, whilst rivalry for control of the Arabian peninsula continued with the Saud family.
In 1887, the Rashidis extended their domain to the Saudi ruled city of Riyadh, driving the Saud family into exile in Kuwait. With the power of Jebel Shammar at its zenith, the Saudis plotted to retake Riyadh, and in 1902 a force of just eighty camel riders surprised the Rashidi garrison and retook the city. Now somewhat in recession, Jebel Shammar’s ruler, Abdul Aziz Al Rashid now looks for closer relations with the Turks to counterbalance the rising power of Ibn Saud.
OMAN
When Ahmad Al Bu Sa'id rose to power in 1749, Oman embarked upon an age of expansion. For approximately a hundred years Great Britain tolerated their maritime empire which reached from the coasts of East Africa and as far as China, with slave trading and the export of spices formed the primary sources of income. Between 1789 and 1805 rivalries for the throne between factions within the Al Sa'id Dynasty preluded Oman's demise as a major power in the east. Steadily, the country came under the influence of the British Empire without ever becoming a formal colony. During this feud, Muscat on the sea formed a sultanate while the inner country became a relgiously oriented imamate. The growing dominance of the British increased Oman's political and economic dependency. Not only had they lost the rich island of Zanzibar to the British, recieving in exchange the Zanzibar Subsidy, but the opening of the Suez Canal and the prohibition of slave and weapons trade without a viable alternative had completely crippled their economy.
YEMEN
The distance to the seat of the Caliph in Damascus (661) and later in Baghdad (762) provided Yemen a peripheral role in the Arab-Muslim world. In 822 Yemen began to break away from the Abbasides Caliphate declaring independence in 945. From there on, the northern and southern Yemen began moving apart from each other, partly for geographical and economical reasons - mountains and agriculture in the north, with sea trade in the south. Additionally, religious and strategic-political issues played a role. Shiites dominated in the north whilst Sunnites dominated in the south. Foreign attempts of taking influence were focused on the strategically more important south with Britain eventually conquering Aden in 1839. Meanwhile, the north was left in peace for the most part until the Ottoman Empire took the coast of North Yemen in 1849 and the highlands in 1872 with approval from the British who were intent on containing French expansion on the Red Sea. As of 1914, Yemen remains under the Ottoman umbrella.
...alternatively, you can take original descriptions and slice off anything referring to the First World War and after
In any case, this shall have country descriptions. These are the ones that are done so far:
HEJAZ
Arab nationalism was a rising force in the political world at the turn on the twentieth century. Nowhere was this feeling greater than in the Hejaz - a desolate strip of territory running from the Gulf of Aqaba in the north to the Asir in the south, centred around the Holy city of Mecca. From here, the Sharif of Mecca, Hussein ibn Ali ruled under the auspices of the Ottoman Empire, with a considerable amount of independence. Although loyal to the Sultan of Turkey, Hussein found himself at odds with the Young Turks’ policy of centralisation - chief amongst them, the Hejaz railway link to Anatolia, that would allow the Ottoman authorities to strengthen their garrisons in the Hejaz and thus deprive the territory of its autonomy. Hussein knew that the completion of the railway would result in his relegation to the status of a local figurehead, and that any Arab revolt against Constantinople would have to come soon.
However, the Arab world was not the united force that it appeared, and Mecca was not the only centre for Arab nationalists’ loyalties. Ibn Saud of Nejd, and Ibn Mohammed of Yemen were but two rivals of Hussein, and the Sharif of Mecca knew only too well that the attitudes of these leaders would have to be considered when launching any revolt. In fleeting times of unity, the Arab chiefs had asked Hussein to throw off the Turkish yoke, yet he had refused, causing many senior Arab leaders to accuse Hussein of being a ‘tool of the Turks’. Indeed, Hussein had considered the possibility of cooperating with the Turks in hope of being granted more sovereignty, but fears of losing credibility had discouraged any such course of action.
By 1914, Hussein found himself surrounded by external enemies: many Arab nationalists saw himself as a Turkish official, the Ottoman authorities were extending their power over his domain via the Hejaz railway and Hussein was always wary of the intentions of his regional Arab rivals. As trouble brewed in Europe, Hussein chose to acquiesce, and allow developments on the continent determine his course of action.
GERMANY
The German Empire was created at Versailles in 1871 under the aegis of Prussian military might after the defeat of France a year previously. Yet Chancellor Bismarck desired no further expansion - rather, favoured the maintenance of the status quo. Bismarck’s foreign policy aimed at maintaining Germany’s position as Europe’s pre-eminent military power by keeping France diplomatically isolated. In 1879, a rapprochement with Austria was completed, with the signing of an alliance. 1882 saw Italy included into the combination, and a Reinsurance Treaty was signed with Russia, thereby separating France from potential allies and curtailing its desires for ‘revanche’. Domestically, Bismarck appeased the socialists’ desires for democratisation by pursuing a popular policy of colonialism and modest reforms. 1888 saw the ascent to the throne of Germany’s new emperor, Wilhelm II - a year later he sacked Chancellor Bismarck, refused to renew the Russian Reinsurance Treaty and began his pursuit of ‘a place in the sun’. Russia, insecure with the recent repeal of the Reinsurance Treaty, aligned themselves with France. Germany suddenly found itself with potential enemies on two fronts, not to mention the enemy within: the socialists.
Wilhelm II’s policy of ‘Weltmacht’ aimed at turning Germany from a continental power, into a global power. Wilhelm II believed that this could be achieved by the construction of an ocean-going fleet, and in 1897, his Navy minister, Alfred Tirpitz passed the first of two important navy bills, backed by rich industrialists and junkers alike - an attempt to unite all German peoples and integrate the socialist leaning working classes into the volksgemeinschaft. This move of naval expansion alarmed the British, causing the latter to align itself closer to France by signing the Entente Cordiale in 1904. By 1906, the British had responded comprehensively to the German naval challenge, by beginning the Dreadnought race, causing considerable antipathy between Great Britain and Germany. ‘Der Fischer kommt’ (Fisher is coming) was one of the frightened sayings of some of the residents of Kiel. With such a growing sense of encirclement, plans were drawn up for the eventuality of war with France and Russia - Chief of General Staff, Field Marshal Alfred von Schlieffen devised a timetable-tight plan involving an invasion of Belgium and a right-wheel flanking movement to circle Paris and crush the French army in its rear, before moving eastward to defeat the Russians before they had mobilised properly. This was not the only war that was planned: unease about the growing power of the socialists forced the German General Staff to devise the ‘Staatsstreich’, a contingency plan to crush uprising revolutionary workers that could imperil the stability of the German state and security of the landed elites.
Crises over Morocco had worsened relations with France, and the continued Dreadnought race strained relations with Britain yet further. By 1914, the socialists had become the most powerful party in Germany, France was planning to increase conscription from two years service to three, and the infrastructure in western Russia had improved vastly. The German military had estimated that given current developments, Franco-Russian military power would become unassailable by 1916, and that the Schlieffen Plan would have to be implemented by 1915 at the very latest to work successfully. These facts could not have been far from the German military’s mind as 1914 came: as Chief of Staff von Moltke put it - "the sooner war comes, the better!". Time is running out. Can the 'place in the sun' still be found?
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY
The Dual Monarchy had been created in 1867 from a compromise between Emperor Franz Josef and the nobility of Hungary. A patchwork empire, it was composed of eleven major ethnic groups: Germans, Magyars, Czechs, Poles, Ruthenes, Slovaks, Serbs, Romanians, Croats, Slovenes, and Italians, the empire centred around the capital, Vienna, and held together to a great degree by the strength of Emperor Franz Josef’s character. To limit Russian influence in the Balkans, Austria-Hungary aligned itself with Germany in 1879, and then with Italy in 1882 to form the Triple Alliance. However, with Germany the dominant party in the alliance, Austria-Hungary would find its foreign policy wishes subordinated to the desires of its senior partner.
The rulers of Austria-Hungary looked at their surroundings with great unease. Although Austria-Hungary was an ally of Italy, it was an unreliable power, and desired to complete its unification process with the addition of Austrian-owned Trieste and Trentino. Furthermore, the two nations had engaged in an intense naval race after the commissioning of the Dreadnought. Russia had traditionally been Austria’s rival in the Balkans: the two powers vying for influence in a region free from the hegemony of the declining Ottoman Empire. Russia was seen as the prime agent behind the phenomenon of Pan-Slavism, the motivating force behind Serbia’s growing power. The years leading up to 1914 would see Austria-Hungary grow ever more anxious about Serbia’s mounting strength: the two states engaged in a trade quarrel in 1906, followed by a diplomatic breakdown after Austria-Hungary’s annexation of the largely Serbian populated Bosnia-Herzegovina. 1913 saw further disagreement over the Balkan Wars, which pitted Serbia against Austrian-backed Bulgaria.
By 1914, Austria-Hungary was faced with what was seen as an increasingly unfavourable situation in the Balkans. Russia appeared to be stronger after its defeat against Japan in 1905, and continued to be Vienna’s main rival in the Balkans. Furthermore, its Pan-Slav policy made it Serbia’s greatest supporter. Serbia itself was greatly strengthened after victory over Bulgaria, and its desire for a ‘Greater Serbia’ had obvious implications for Austria-Hungary: any moves towards greater Serbian unity would result in a great proportion of Austro-Hungarian Serbs having greater affinity to the Serbian motherland, leading to their inevitable breakaway from the Dual Monarchy. Austria-Hungary’s rulers realised that if the Serbs broke away, other ethnic groups would demand greater autonomy, leading to the empire’s ultimate demise. It appeared that time was against Austria-Hungary: the longer the situation manifested, the stronger Russian-backed Serbia would grow. With the empire’s existence at stake, the Austro-Hungarian government knew that a remedy to the Serbian problem had to be found and administered soon. They would have to play their cards right though: war with Serbia may be desirable, but not so much with Russia. Any escalation of a European war must soon involve Italy and Rumania. Could it really be expected of the Austro-Hungarian Empire to survive a four-front war?
PORTUGAL
Portugal's power waned in the 19th century: political turmoil and international pressure on its African colonies ensured ever growing dissatisfaction with Portugal’s governing elite. The bourgeoisie leaned more and more to republicanism, seeing it as the solution to the decay of Portugal's prestige. Furthermore, Portugal's inability to service debts incurred in building railways added to Portugal’s foreign policy problems.
The difficulties increased for Portugal’s different governments, which came and fell in quick succession. The King's attempts to intervene and stabilise the situation by his appointment of various Prime Ministers failed, resulting in his dissolution of parliament in 1907. Amidst such chaos, competition amongst the nations political factions developed, ultimately leading to the murder of the King, D. Carlos, and his eldest son in 1908. The King's second son, Manuel, succeeded to the throne, but continuing troubles culminated in the republican revolution of October 5th, 1910.
The new republic faced great difficulties in establishing itself and to be recognised by other countries as Portugal's legitimate government, and were compelled to pursue a more proactive foreign policy. Portugal’s new rulers needed to make decisive action to show that the Portuguese Republic was strong and an equal of the other great powers. With conflict looming in Europe, the Portuguese government felt the need to take an active part should war break out. Meanwhile, opinion was divided about which side to take. The British ultimatum of 1890 damaged Portuguese pride, and forced some to lean towards Germany. Others felt that Germany’s designs on Portuguese colonies made cooperation with the old ally the only way to guarantee Portugal’s integrity and standing in Africa.
BULGARIA
Following the preliminary peace of San Stefano after the eighth Russo-Turkish War of 1877/78, the newly formed nation-state of Bulgaria covered Macedonia to the Ochrid Lake as well as a coastal strip on the Aegean Sea. The Berlin Congress of 1878, however, limited Bulgaria’s territory to the region between the Danube and Balkans, plus the area around Sofia. Macedonia and Eastern Rumelia remained within the Ottoman Empire. Prince Alexander I was assigned with the task of leading the newly formed principality - Russia, however, keen to exercise control over Bulgaria, watched the successes of Alexander with a great degree of distrust. Alexander annexed Eastern Rumelia in 1885 and defeated Serbia in 1885/86, but was then forced to abdicate after a coup led by pro-Russian officers. His successor, Ferdinand of Saxony-Coburg-Gotha, led Bulgaria to formal independence from the Ottomans and was crowned Tsar in 1908. Motivated by a desire for ‘Greater Bulgaria’, the country became the driving force behind the Balkans League and carried the majority of the League’s burden in the First Balkans War (1912/13). However, during the Second Balkans War of 1913, in which Bulgaria planned to acquire the parts of the Balkans she considered to be populated by Bulgarians, a coalition consisting of Greece, Serbia, Montenegro, Romania, and the Ottoman Empire defeated Bulgaria. In the peace of Bucharest, Bulgaria lost large parts of her gains from the First Balkans War - Southern Dobrudja went to Romania, and Adrianople was given to the Ottomans. Of Macedonia, which Bulgaria had demanded in its entirety, they managed to hold onto a small strip of territory in the Pirin Mountains, the rest being parted between Serbia and Greece. Bulgaria had suffered a defeat, but its strong army was still intact and Ferdinand I was waiting for an opportunity to strike back at his neighbouring rivals. However, the Tsar had to contend with strong opposition from within both the army and parliament, which had strongly disapproved of the authoritarian style of Ferdinand’s conduct in foreign policy that had already proved so disastrous for Bulgaria.
BRITAIN
At the turn of the century, all appeared well for the British Empire - covering two-fifths of the world’s land surface, accounting for a quarter of the world’s population, policed by the most professional army in the world and guarded by the mightiest fleet ever built, the British could be confident ruling the empire ‘on which the sun never set’. But beneath the assurances of imperial grandeur lay insecurity about the future: economically and industrially, the United States was outperforming the British. The ‘Great Game’ in Central Asia with the Russians seemed unceasing, and the Germans had commenced an ominous fleet building programme to challenge the Royal Navy’s dominance of the seas.
Amidst such anxiety, the British assured its status in the East by signing an alliance with Japan in 1902, before settling imperial differences with France in 1904 with the Entente Cordiale. 1906 saw Britain commission the mighty HMS Dreadnought, the world’s first all big-gun battleship, a comprehensive response to Germany’s naval challenge. The resulting Dreadnought race polarised Great Britain and Germany, and served to push Britain towards even closer relations with France, and by 1908, to an entente with Russia.
On the continent, diplomats averted crisis after crisis. Europe had nearly been plunged into war three times: over Bosnia in 1908, Agadir in 1911 and the Balkans in 1912-3. By 1914, British attention was turned to civil strife in Ulster and recent continental policy in times of crisis had been a mixture of self-interest and neutral mediation. Should another crisis occur, might British policy be the same? In any case, British attitudes to the continental balance of power will remain the same: no state must become hegemonic and the channel ports must remain in friendly hands at all costs.
NEJD
The centre of the Arabian Peninsula was the starting point of the Wahhabite state in 1744. For its ruler, Muhammad ibn Abd-al Wahhâb, both Shiite Islam of the Ottoman Empire and the Sunnite Islam of the Persians distortions of the true Muslim faith. In alliance with Muhammad Ibn Saud, the Wahhabites conquered all the tribes of Arabia in a string of offensives spread across several decades. After the death of Abd-al Wahhâb the Saudis ruled the larger part of the peninsula, conquering Mecca in 1806 and threatening Syria. Mohammed Ali, Ottoman governor in Egypt crushed the first Saudi state in 1818 by order of the Sultan. By 1824 a new principality under Saudi government was forming, and the Wahhabiyya remained an important religious and political power in Arabia. Continued Ottoman intervention hampered the development of the Saudi Kingdom, and in 1887 the rival Rashid dynasty conquered Riyadh and the last Saud fled to Kuwait in 1891. From there Aziz ibn Saud managed to form a new power base, and by 1902 he had retaken Riyadh from Jebel Shammar, and made it his capital. In 1905, he accepted Ottoman suzerainty over his domains in order to enhance his political position, but kept Constantinople off balance by waging war on them in 1913 in order to gain control of al-Hasa province.
By 1914, Saud had become the undisputed master of central Arabia - cautiously, Saud has kept Nejd’s loose link with the Ottoman Empire, but has now begun to open talks with the British.
JEBEL SHAMMAR
The Rashid dynasty begun their rule of Jebel Shammar in 1835, when Abdallah Ibn Rashid occupied the town of Hail, situated in the Shammar mountain range, located on an important pilgrimage route between Mesopotamia and Mecca. Throughout the nineteenth century the Rashidis consolidated their hold on Jebel Shammar, whilst rivalry for control of the Arabian peninsula continued with the Saud family.
In 1887, the Rashidis extended their domain to the Saudi ruled city of Riyadh, driving the Saud family into exile in Kuwait. With the power of Jebel Shammar at its zenith, the Saudis plotted to retake Riyadh, and in 1902 a force of just eighty camel riders surprised the Rashidi garrison and retook the city. Now somewhat in recession, Jebel Shammar’s ruler, Abdul Aziz Al Rashid now looks for closer relations with the Turks to counterbalance the rising power of Ibn Saud.
OMAN
When Ahmad Al Bu Sa'id rose to power in 1749, Oman embarked upon an age of expansion. For approximately a hundred years Great Britain tolerated their maritime empire which reached from the coasts of East Africa and as far as China, with slave trading and the export of spices formed the primary sources of income. Between 1789 and 1805 rivalries for the throne between factions within the Al Sa'id Dynasty preluded Oman's demise as a major power in the east. Steadily, the country came under the influence of the British Empire without ever becoming a formal colony. During this feud, Muscat on the sea formed a sultanate while the inner country became a relgiously oriented imamate. The growing dominance of the British increased Oman's political and economic dependency. Not only had they lost the rich island of Zanzibar to the British, recieving in exchange the Zanzibar Subsidy, but the opening of the Suez Canal and the prohibition of slave and weapons trade without a viable alternative had completely crippled their economy.
YEMEN
The distance to the seat of the Caliph in Damascus (661) and later in Baghdad (762) provided Yemen a peripheral role in the Arab-Muslim world. In 822 Yemen began to break away from the Abbasides Caliphate declaring independence in 945. From there on, the northern and southern Yemen began moving apart from each other, partly for geographical and economical reasons - mountains and agriculture in the north, with sea trade in the south. Additionally, religious and strategic-political issues played a role. Shiites dominated in the north whilst Sunnites dominated in the south. Foreign attempts of taking influence were focused on the strategically more important south with Britain eventually conquering Aden in 1839. Meanwhile, the north was left in peace for the most part until the Ottoman Empire took the coast of North Yemen in 1849 and the highlands in 1872 with approval from the British who were intent on containing French expansion on the Red Sea. As of 1914, Yemen remains under the Ottoman umbrella.
