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In 1593, a gradual rise in the liberty desire of New Friesland was being monitored by the home government. A central plank of colonial policy towards New Friesland was to keep them happy enough to not seek a break from the Fatherland, which tended to grow naturally with its increasing development.
Some years ago, Paradox nerfed tariffs. Now they aren't worth the liberty desire. Something to keep in mind.
was now hemmed in by Granada Guinea to its west
I love seeing Granada still alive and expanding. I've only ever seen them as an OPM rump state in Arguin.
But Portugal conquered and annexed the tribal country of Peerapper in north-west Tasmania with a large army on 24 August; even as they suffered an occupation of much of their eastern colony of Portuguese Australia by the Yanuwa tribe.
Friesland may not be able to fight the bigger great powers, but Portugal seems like an easier war should it come to that.
Work was also being done to bring the majority heathens of Swellendam into the True Faith.
If you decide to put these colonies into a trade company, they don't affect your religious unity or cause unrest because of it.
The chambered demi-cannon had been introduced and another two artillery regiments built since 1591. The army was by this stage at full supported capacity, while the navy still had some room for expansion (albeit hindered by those construction problems).
That's a lot of cavalry. Too much, generally, for a western European nation. You probably only want 2-4 cav per combat stack. The rest can be infantry or artillery.
China, as commentators at the time had observed [;)] , had apparently dissolved into a number of opposing fragments after the earlier collapse of the Ming Dynasty.
Maybe Friesland will look to China for some "peaceful" trading opportunities ;).
By August 1593, Friesland’s alliance network had undergone a fundamental change. For reasons lost to history, the long alliance with France had broken down with a formal diplomatic warning having been issued perhaps around mid-1593.
A shame, but inevitable. France's North American colonies are causing competition with yours.

One thing about the warning France gave you. It only applies if you attack a nation bordering France. So attacking into the central HRE and colonial wars should still be fine. Just make sure France doesn't border your target.
In response, new alliances had been forged with Austria (though bringing the Holy Roman Empire aboard, not classed as a great power at that time) and Savoy to balance this new French opposition, along with the retention of the durable Danish alliance.
Austria is a great ally to have when playing in the HRE. And Savoy also looks like it's doing well. If you ally the Emperor (Is Austria still Emperor at this point?) you don't get any unlawful territory demands from them when you take HRE provinces.
 
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The end of the alliance with France could be problematic. This alliance with Austria should somewhat counterbalance that, but I would still be worried about the next European War that affects western Europe.

It's nice to hear that New Friesland won't revolt yet, although the fact that such a thing is a concern is worrying.

What are Granada's borders? I'm surprised they survived this long.
 
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It would be pleasant to see Friesland reclaim the Low Countries from French dominion, though of course that is an outside chance at best. I join many in thinking that the destruction of Portugal would be a more approachable stepping stone towards Frisian freedom...
 
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The only way out indeed is the Huron Confederacy
Yes, that and the Hathawekela themselves, if we ever got greedy that way. But beyond that France and Portugal were both rapidly outflanking Friesland in North America and the inexperienced ;) Frisian leadership felt it could do little to shift that overall dynamic, at that time anyway. Their longer term view may be to see if they could keep New Friesland loyal and see if future wars or independence movements among the French and Portuguese colonies might one day present opportunities not yet readily apparent at the turn of the 16th century.
Who is the green around the Cape? Portuguese?
Yes, Portugal (one province next to Swellendam). The rest is Castile, which rapidly cut us off in the south.

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Portugal delenda est
:D
@filcat was saying this would happen. new counterbalance needed soon; Aragon maybe? I also haven't seen them colonising so they won't be hostile towards you as easy.
this seems good too
Oh they're also in on the fun. That's good.

The going is good!
Great minds! ;)
Some years ago, Paradox nerfed tariffs. Now they aren't worth the liberty desire. Something to keep in mind.
OK. It will be a while yet before a catch up the narrative to the point where I can change things. I'll try to remember to look for the relevant toggle at the time! o_O
Friesland may not be able to fight the bigger great powers, but Portugal seems like an easier war should it come to that.
Yes, though they are still a pretty significant great power and are pretty strong in North America and Australia, where there are significant Frisian interests. At this point, I was in a mix of newbie survival mode and trying to expand a bit, so was a bit dubious about starting major wars. Didn't have the game time yet to feel confident making those 'gut feel' calculations about likely prospects. Though that changes a bit as things go along.
If you decide to put these colonies into a trade company, they don't affect your religious unity or cause unrest because of it.
Yes, discovered that as we went along, but I don't think the southern African holdings were large enough to do that (unless I don't understand the mechanic/options properly, which is very possible).
That's a lot of cavalry. Too much, generally, for a western European nation. You probably only want 2-4 cav per combat stack. The rest can be infantry or artillery.
Right, wasn't sure what the appropriate ration was. Still aren't. Thanks for the tip. :)
Maybe Friesland will look to China for some "peaceful" trading opportunities ;).
Heh, maybe, but there were other options in mind ... as will be seen shortly in the forthcoming chapter.
A shame, but inevitable. France's North American colonies are causing competition with yours.

One thing about the warning France gave you. It only applies if you attack a nation bordering France. So attacking into the central HRE and colonial wars should still be fine. Just make sure France doesn't border your target.
Noted, and I may even have come to realise in the play through to date. But I won't spoil that here. ;)
Austria is a great ally to have when playing in the HRE. And Savoy also looks like it's doing well. If you ally the Emperor (Is Austria still Emperor at this point?) you don't get any unlawful territory demands from them when you take HRE provinces.
Yes, Austria is still the Emperor. Not only did they seem a good traditional counter-weight to France, but there were some other specific Frisian reasons for getting in good with the Emperor, as will also be seen soon.
The end of the alliance with France could be problematic. This alliance with Austria should somewhat counterbalance that, but I would still be worried about the next European War that affects western Europe.
I'm hoping so. But, as will be seen soon, while seeking counter-balances, Friesland was also keen to avoid war with France if at all possible. Just too big and nasty at this point and war (or a major one on our doorstep, in Europe, anyway) is so bad for business. ;)
It's nice to hear that New Friesland won't revolt yet, although the fact that such a thing is a concern is worrying.
Just keeping an eye on it - not too concerned yet. Alert, not alarmed.
I love seeing Granada still alive and expanding. I've only ever seen them as an OPM rump state in Arguin.
What are Granada's borders? I'm surprised they survived this long.
Here are some maps as at 1603 to show Granada and its colonial holdings - those in Africa being quite significant.

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It would be pleasant to see Friesland reclaim the Low Countries from French dominion, though of course that is an outside chance at best. I join many in thinking that the destruction of Portugal would be a more approachable stepping stone towards Frisian freedom...
It's something I would have liked from the start, but their rapid defeat of England and strong expansion (plus my crash and burn against far smaller adversaries in the first brief play through) had me running scared of them. :oops: Portugal? Maybe, though I wasn't think that way at the time. Will see what transpired over the next 90-odd years (to where I am up to in the AAR game pause).
France, No! Thanks
:D

To All: new chapter up soon. Thanks for your support, readership and - to those who do - comments. :)
 
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Chapter 25: New Century, New Horizons (1597-1605)
Chapter 25: New Century, New Horizons (1597-1605)

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Frisian Domestic Issues

In the four or so months following our last update, the government of Friesland has remained in the hands of Potestaat Willem Frederick Japisk. And his three chief advisers have taken on a multi-ethnic and religiously diverse character, though all remain patriotic Frisians who dream the same dream of Frisian freedom.

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And in recent times, modest strength in Friesland’s administrative ranking had enabled its benchmark score to rise modestly.

May 1597 also reflected the fact that more of Friesland’s administrative power was now available to making technological advances rather than being largely devoted to developing expansionist national ideas. The introduction of metallurgy would bring administrative development up to the same level as the other two branches of research, boost production efficiency and allow the building of mills.

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By this time, Clerical influence had continued to recover among the Frisian estates, while both they and the burghers were loyal enough to the government of the Republic.

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In 1597, the government began investigating the possibility of improving the iconic Dutch polders of Amsterdam, which would bring some significant benefits to the surrounding land and the Republic as a whole. It would require 1,000 ducats to improve them to the next level, so a dedicated saving program was commenced, while any windfalls that may come along would be invested in this infrastructure fund and other building would be limited.

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Six years later, Willem Japisk remained in charge and the latest Frisian alliance network unchanged from the end of the 16th century. All of Japisk’s advisers were men who had originally arisen in the offshore colonies and the national focus remained on developing national power. A colonial policy of assimilation had been in place for a few years and would last until 1607.

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In the estates, the clergy were even more loyal than before, but corruption concerns had undermined some of their influence. The interests of commerce as represented by the influential Frisian burghers remained paramount.

By April 1603, the Frisian treasury boasted a large reserve of 766 ducats – and that was after the money to begin the improvement of the polders had been spent (as will be detailed below).

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Meanwhile, the absolute measure of Frisian development had shown a decrease from 1597 (down from 402). But this could be explained by another development: the granting of another formal colonial administration in the New World (also more on that later).

As noted above, the work on the improvement of the polders had progressed a short way, with current projections estimating another seven years would be required for its completion.

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Two years later and the Frisian government was now in the hands of 68-year-old Potestaat Gerrit Wynja, a careful operator who would do his best to assuage other nations of any expansion Friesland may undertake during his term. Meanwhile, clerical influence in the estates had fallen again, more from the end of some previous positive factors than the introduction of new unfavourable ones.

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In the meantime, the achievement of some important national missions in the last year or two saw two new positive national modifiers introduced – Imperial beneficence and the capital becoming a bourgeois city – to boost a range of economic, political and diplomatic measures. Both estates were therefore now even more loyal than in recent years.

One of the reasons for the dedicated diplomatic effort by Friesland to woo Austria in recent years became apparent when relations with the Emperor were improved to such an extent that a 15-year ‘Imperial Beneficence’ had been granted in October 1604, for great tax and diplomatic advantage.

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This had quickly led to the already well-developed capital of Leeuwarden being recognised as centre of commerce the following month.

And more money invested in the polders project had seen its estimated completion date brought forward by two years.

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A comparison of Friesland’s economic position from 1597 to 1603 showed most income generation – except for a small decrease in trade – had grown in the last six years, bringing net growth in income. Expenses had shown a more mixed report card, with some rising while others decreased, but in total terms expenses were down somewhat. Combined, the monthly balance bottom line was even better than in 1587 – an increase of over 21%.

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Again, the notional decrease in total development was due to new colonial arrangements.

Militarily, only one cavalry regiment had been added to the army over the last six years, keeping it in support equilibrium. There had been larger growth in the Navy, especially in the commissioning of new galleons. With the loss of sustainment capacity due to the ceding of the new colonial administration (in Australia, as we shall see), the Navy was currently two ships over its force capacity, which partly explained the sharp increase in Navy maintenance.

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Administrative technology was now Friesland’s leading branch of research, which had outstripped that of many peers. Universities had been introduced since 1603, with national sovereignty being the next objective – allowing a new branch of national ideas to be developed.

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The Americas

The baseline for late-16th-century European settlement of North America is detailed below. Liberty desire in New Friesland – which at this point had been largely left to its own devices as Friesland concentrated on colonisation in Australia and potentially South East Asia – fluctuated but had been held below the point at which rebellion was an immediate threat.

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French expansion in the north and east continued apace, as did that of the burgeoning Portuguese Mexico. Right or wrong, at the time Friesland felt it could do little to rein these in, especially when both these nations had the Pope’s mandate to exploit most of the colonised areas of the New World, around the globe.

Portugal was also the dominant colonial power in South America, though England continued to maintain a significant colonial holding in the north-east, in and around Guyana.

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Not too much had changed in either continent by 1603, though more complete maps were available for South America, showing the native nations of the west coast, especially the Inca, in more detail, plus the extent of the English colonisation around the north-west, where South America joined Central America. Together, both these enclaves were known as English Colombia.

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Australia

The Frisian colonial enterprise in Australia remained very active in the late 16th and early 17th century. In 1598, a short war was fought against the Palawa tribe resulting in the annexation of Pyemmairrener in Tasmania in April of that year. In 1600 Yuin converted to Catholicism and became a an established colonial province.

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Early 1601 saw the colony in Kaurna established, followed by another short war in mid-1601 against the Kaurna tribe to secure the intervening province of Gunditjmara. By 1603, Wergaia was around two-thirds of the way to becoming recognised as a ‘full city’.

During this period, these expansions led to the creation on 2 March 1601 (that is, directly after the conquest and annexation of Kaurna) of a colonial administration named Frisian Australia as a crown colony (or the equivalent, given Friesland was in fact a Republic). This time, Friesland wanted to retain a higher degree of direct control over the new colony.

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Wergaia became an incorporated city in August 1604 and new colony established inland at Ngadjurri in May 1605. By mid-June of that year, a new colonial expedition was due to arrive in the western land of Nukunu in another four months. Most of these activities were driven more by a sense of competition for land with Portugal than from the perceived richness of the lands being settled and conquered. Such were the attitudes of those times.

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Asia-Pacific

By 1597, Frisian explorers had charted much of the coastlines of Far North-East Asia, what is now known (in OTL at least) as Alaska and the entire west coasts of North and South America. As Friesland remained highly interested in establishing a presence in the archipelagic islands of South East Asia – which had recently fallen within the range of Frisian colonial ventures.

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This policy was first enacted in October 1601, with the establishment of a colony in the south of Sumatra at Bengkulu. This was followed less than a year later with the colonisation of Katapang in south-west Borneo. The colonisation of the so-called ‘Frisian East Indies had begun’!

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Religion

Even though (referring back to old archives) the Frisian government had the option of enacting edicts in its constituent states to enforce the state religion some time before 1591, this had not been done in Frisia then or since.

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Of the two states such an edict might have been applied to, that of Frisia itself would have been the logical one to apply it to. But this would come at a massive increase in the cost of state maintenance, plus the sacrifice of the large trade benefits derived from the current trade protection edict.

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With the Frisian counter-reformation apparently in control of the situation by May 1597, to the (now forgotten) extent the Frisian government was still engaged with the possibility, those factors still applied. Given the four current mainland provinces still under Lutheran or Calvinist sway had been too recently re-converted to allow the use of missionaries, the focus had switched to sending missionaries to convert the colonial provinces, first in Africa, where Fetishist unrest had been a recent problem.

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From April 1598 through to October 1600, a total of five provinces in the Gulf of Guinea and southern Africa were converted to Catholicism.

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By 1605, only the four mainland and two new South East Asian colonial provinces remained unconverted, following the hiving off of Frisian Australia into a self-administering crown colony.

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The World

In May 1597, the adjusted Frisian alliance network remained in place, with Aragon, Savoy and Austria (in particular) as the main strategic counter-weights to the now somewhat hostile and very powerful former Frisian ally of France, whose formal diplomatic warning remained in force. Favours were still being curried with Aragon, while Friesland’s other permanent emissary was in Paris, doing his best to repair relations with that huge and potentially threatening neighbour.

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In a minor way, the relationship with Hathawekela was meant to perform a similar balancing function, though its value was probably negligible. Though it did deter other powers from perhaps stepping in to annex it in the interim, thus further blocking off potential westward expansion by New Friesland. Given the huge French colonial presence in North America and its presence on Friesland’s doorstep in Europe, successive Potestaat’s strove to keep relations from developing into open conflict, lest both their homeland and richest colony be swept away in some un-winnable (or at least very destructive) war.

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Europe had remained comparatively peaceful in recent years, with the only significant war being the one that continued between Poland-Lithuania and Russia that had recently began, in mid-1596. By May 1597, Poland had won the lion’s share of territory through sieges, while Russia still held Novgorod, the Polish war objective. Only one apparently indecisive battle had been fought.

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But in the next few months, Poland had secured Novgorod itself and forced Russia to accede to disadvantageous terms, establishing a greatly expanded Polish Russian territory through the annexation of fully 12 Russian provinces, including the newly renamed ‘Moskwa’ as well as ‘Nowogród’.

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And from 1601, Russia had found itself embroiled in a new war, this time with another great power: Friesland’s Danish ally.

In a similar vein as had happened in the early stages of the 2nd Novgorodian War, by April 1603 Denmark made territorial inroads but had yet to gain its war objective of Olonets. More information was directly available on deployments for this conflict due to allied reporting from the Danes – who had not called any of their allies into this war of aggression.

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Two years later and the war remained contained; but many land battles had been fought in which Russia had generally come out on top. In addition, not only had Russia reoccupied all territory lost by 1603, but they had now taken all of them back and occupied five Danish provinces around the Baltic and in eastern Finland, swinging the war their way.

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Four years into the destructive war, the morale of both sides was quite low, with the Russians fielding a preponderance of infantry and cavalry, while Denmark maintained a large advantage in artillery and at sea.

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But the telling statistic for Denmark was the enormous death toll so far, with around 161,000 men lost, of which attrition accounted for over 70,000. The Russian naval losses had been heavy, but failed to balance the disparity of casualties on land.

In the wider world, Friesland remained at peace (except for the aforementioned short colonial wars in Australia) for another six years. For a while, its standing (game score) had risen but it was again in the second tier of competitors, at around 12-13th in various comparative rankings. Its navy, trade and general income continued to be its strongest suits.

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Among the great powers, Portugal, France and Denmark had gained prestige (or others had lost it in comparative terms) for the recent adoption of new institutions, but this boost in standing was likely to be temporary as others caught up.
 
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but I don't think the southern African holdings were large enough to do that (unless I don't understand the mechanic/options properly, which is very possible).
Trade companies can be of any size. It's not like with Australia or North or South America where the territory becomes a separate country. You still own it directly. If you click on the province, on the bottom left side of the screen there's a button that lets you turn the province into a Trade company (or turn it back into a normal province).
Of the two states such an edict might have been applied to, that of Frisia itself would have been the logical one to apply it to. But this would come at a massive increase in the cost of state maintenance, plus the sacrifice of the large trade benefits derived from the current trade protection edict.
The trade edict is necessary for how much you rely on trade. But I don't think the autonomy one is worth it. It's costing a lot to maintain it. And you could just as easily decrease the autonomy manually for some unrest (though if you're rp-ing as a just republic, not the best thing to do).
the adjusted Frisian alliance network remained in place, with Aragon, Savoy and Austria (in particular) as the main strategic counter-weights to the now somewhat hostile and very powerful former Frisian ally of France
Does Austria have Bohemia and Hungary as subjects? As the alliances stand right now, I think your alliance could beat France (if the answer to my first question is yes). However, this may change depending on who France is allied to and how much land Denmark loses to Russia.
 
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The colonization of the East Indies is good. Do you have a head start there on other European powers?

How useful will this Austrian alliance be against France?

Russia is doing... poorly. They lost both Novgorod and Moscow to Poland? Where's their new capital, then? Also, what's their eastern border?
 
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This policy was first enacted in October 1601, with the establishment of a colony in the south of Sumatra at Bengkulu. This was followed less than a year later with the colonisation of Katapang in south-west Borneo. The colonisation of the so-called ‘Frisian East Indies had begun’!
historically appropriate too!

And from 1601, Russia had found itself embroiled in a new war, this time with another great power: Friesland’s Danish ally.
Aren't the ottomans joining the fun?
 
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There are so many incidents that are jumping out of the boundaries of interesting into the weird, it becomes difficult to follow up at the same time trying to understand how those had happened.

The Danes had occupied another key Coalition city (Lübeck) on 2 April
On 18 January 1573, Denmark had annexed Lübeck in a separate peace deal.
This one is the main incident that has been bothering since read it back in July.
They shouldn't be able to do that. If secondary allies negotiate separate peaces it knocks them out of the war. Denmark stayed in...somehow?
jak is correct; it is not possible. In order to verify own experience, a similar scenario has been played, and the outcome was as expected: the separate peace deal was made, but with the war leader, meaning in the frisian run, Bullfilter must have accepted the deal that was sent by lübeck-tag, else made the deal giving lübeck province to denmark-tag.

The case is very weird considering other aspects: the war started and the province was occupied in its first year, peace deal in the second year; there is not enough time for complete surrender - length of war modifier should have prevented this to be accepted. Yet, the war was fought against bremen-tag of the hanse league - not a coalition as Bullfilter names it; coalition is a specific term in eu4, reserved for punitive wars. Due to this, bremen-tag is the war leader, despite lübeck-tag being the trade league leader (most of the time), therefore called to defence as a regular ally in war instead of war leader, thus it can make separate deals. Still incomprehensible how the code-lübeck accepted its full annexation, as it should have additional modifier for rejecting such a peace deal: ally in war.

Now weirder part: the war happens during the war of the religious league. This may explain how the player-frisia could have attacked a free city out of all targets. By the start bremen-tag is one of the free cities in the hanse league led by lübeck-tag (not a free city). No tag can attack it, since the trade league as well as the emperor austria-tag will defend it; no matter the attacker is hre-member or not. If on the other hand during a war austria-tag is under heavy occupation, it may decline to come for the defence. But the league war progress had been favourable for the emperor in the screenshots shown; still austria-tag did not involve in the war. A lucky moment, probably its war exhaustion modifier was high nevertheless.
And the league war: yes, that usually happens; a rapid otto-expansion leads to austria-tag being eclipsed by the otto-tag. The rivalry falls, and the otto-tag remains with only a couple of tags to choose from as rivals, whereas the france-tag maintains its rivalry with the austria-tag most of the runs, until the league event happens, thus choosing the protestant side. In parallel, russia-tag had also chosen the protestants in the run; the two tags are usually the only remaining ones the code-ottos can choose as rivals. It is seen in the screenshots that austria-tag had chosen the ottos as rivals, but the otto-tag had not; probably this happened during another war, so the rivalry did not mutually materialise. In the end, otto-tag went with the catholic side against the france- and the russia-tags. And with that, the catholics win.

Except they lose, or at least peace of westphalia happens. This is better than a winning condition of either side for the code: since whenever a side wins, it usually means a lost cause in any case. When protestants win, they actually lose, the rest of the catholics annihilate them, and besides, austria-tag will hyper-charge its aggressiveness, devouring the empire (at least it tries - code is inherently incompetent). When catholics win, they actually lose, since more than half of the empire are protestants, and the code cannot cope with them.

And the weirdest on top of all: the player frisia attacks bremen of the hanse league, and makes peace deal to annex hamburg.

This is brave, and madness. In any case, both cities start with high-dev, and the tags develop the cities further in time. Even with a modest development effort by the code, still it can be assumed that by that time it is about 20-dev or more. Conquering such an hre-province, and as a separate peace deal, must have given an aggro-exp more than -50 with tens of other tags. Although, it is during age of reformation, so hamburg-tag could be protestant or reformed, which reduces the aggro-exp with catholics, but then again there must be many others with the same denomination, which should trigger a coalition, also after the emperor-demand. But apparently nothing happens, meaning every other tag had been busy with the religious league war. All the while player-frisia is catholic and rivaled by the papacy, and not excommunicated at all - hundreds must have been paid for indulgence, obviously.


Weird, and still checking the screenshots how all this mess happens, but then again, it is eu4, so not a rare occurrence, only a different one.



There are so many more, but the post is already over-crowded.

But these are not weird, but as expected:
For reasons lost to history, the long alliance with France had broken down with a formal diplomatic warning having been issued perhaps around mid-1593.
filcat was saying this would happen. new counterbalance needed soon; Aragon maybe? I also haven't seen them colonising so they won't be hostile towards you as easy.
Yes, it was not an if, but a question of when. And you had already shown that it was happening in one of the screenshots of Chapter 21: france-tag wants your subject's provinces.

This is the misery of the coloniser route. If the player goes colonising, it is a lonely run, as most run-types of eu4 are. It does not matter how friendly one is with the ally else how many favours-trust have been accummulated. Once the relations hit negative, the alliance breaks. And they will, since the wants your subject's provinces modifier caps at -200, in addition to wants your provinces, which immediately happens when the alliance breaks up.
I love seeing Granada still alive and expanding. I've only ever seen them as an OPM rump state in Arguin.
What are Granada's borders? I'm surprised they survived this long.
This is not a rare occurrence, but fairly usual.

But when it does, unfortunately it does not always happen due to an interesting reason (by interesting run, meaning that code-morocco and code-tunis are able to defend granada-tag against the onslaught of the iberians, else sometimes aragon-tag or france-tag intervenes, etc.),
on the contrary it is a consequence of the fetish of the code, insisting on taking the defender of the faith title.

It happens more when the player is in the area of interest. When the player is muscovy-tag or any russian principality, the code-ottos will take the defender of the faith, thus the khanates are protected against the player. Fortunately that is manageable, since at the start the otto-tag has no knowledge of north of crimea, so it will not come to defend the remnant-khanates until the map is exposed.

When the player is castille-portugal-aragon, the mamluks-tag will take the defender of the faith, effectively nullifying chances of attacking morocco or tunis. But before that, otto-tag will take it, so the castille-player will have a hard time conquering granada-tag.

Examples are numerous. When playing with serbia-tag, the catholics of balkans will be protected by a code-france as early as 1450. When playing with bahmani-tag or mewar-tag etc, the code-timurs will eradicate all its vassal-problems in light-speed and take the defender of the faith no matter what happens, providing protection for jaunpur-, bengal-, and delhi-tags, even if they all rival each other and timur-tag. A denmark-player can be rivalled by the code-muscovy, taking defender of the faith, and therefore suddenly novgorod-tag will be protected by code-muscovy. An otto-player may have to fight venice-tag, austria-tag, and england-tag as early as 1450 for reconquering the two-province albania-tag because: venice-tag starts with guaranteeing protection on albania, austria-tag allies with albania (threatened by rival modifier), and england-tag takes the defender of the faith, because it may start as rivaling the player-ottos, and no matter how much it is in debt after beaten up by france-tag, the code will proclaim the defender of the faith, and it will send a pathetic fleet to embark on a remote fort-province to lay siege.

Now these examples involve the player; the player can overcome such banal difficulties. Consider when these happen but between the code tags. Code-muscovy cannot attack the khanates; code-serbia stays dormant until eaten up by ottos or hungary; code-aragon fights for a couple of provinces in algiers against code-mamluks forever; etc.

...and of course code-castille will not even dare to attack code-granada when code-ottos assume the defender of the faith. The code will wait for the alliances, guarantors, and defenders of the faith to fall, so they will decline the call to war. Naturally this will slow down whatever objectives they may have.

Funniest of all: even if the code assumes the defender of the faith, and when fails to answer the call to defensive war, due to being in debt, in another war, occupied, or simply declining it because the target is its rival, so it loses the title, so 500 ducats paid and lost, and then, it will take it again immediately after, if allowed (it has to have high enough prestige).


Edit: Corrected grammatical, semantic mistakes, minor additions for clarification.
 
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The last week or two have involved some rather demanding and nervous energy consuming RL attention, but I'm finally able to return (for a bit anyway) to some more normal broadcasting! Still, the mental energy to delve into some of the more esoteric questions below is still a bit limited, I'm afraid. That and the fact I still know virtually nothing about the game, have only played about half a game (so far) and am constructing the chapters from old saves played some months back, so was unable to screenshot and can't recall the details of what happened at the time (apart from not knowing what to look for)! But I'll do my best. :)
Trade companies can be of any size. It's not like with Australia or North or South America where the territory becomes a separate country. You still own it directly. If you click on the province, on the bottom left side of the screen there's a button that lets you turn the province into a Trade company (or turn it back into a normal province).
Ah, another interesting new fact - thanks! Will only be able to consider actually doing any of that until I catch up with gameplay again (now less than 90 game years).
The trade edict is necessary for how much you rely on trade. But I don't think the autonomy one is worth it. It's costing a lot to maintain it. And you could just as easily decrease the autonomy manually for some unrest (though if you're rp-ing as a just republic, not the best thing to do).
Ditto! And yes, unless it becomes silly, I am rp-ing a reasonably just (for its time) but avaricious and rapaciously colonial Republican approach! o_O
Does Austria have Bohemia and Hungary as subjects? As the alliances stand right now, I think your alliance could beat France (if the answer to my first question is yes). However, this may change depending on who France is allied to and how much land Denmark loses to Russia.
Ah, now that was a very interesting and apposite question to ask, as it happens! Looking back, the answer in part depended which year of the chapter you were referring to! But first, Bohemia is Protestant and Austria Catholic, so in general I don't believe they got on very well usually. And afaik Bohemia has never been a direct subject of Austria, any HRE associations aside.

Here follows a mini-update for an event I missed in reviewing the saves but that you have very helpfully led me to note.

In 1603, Hungary remained, as it had done for years now, a subject of Austria:

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But by 1605, they had been fully absorbed by Austria, which now has no subjects at all!

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Which at least seems to have led to some healthy additions to their standing army and ship numbers. You can also see their Allies at that time - including Bavaria, which has becoming a bit of an aspiring minor-middle power by that time. So, Hungary got 'Anschlussed'!
The colonization of the East Indies is good. Do you have a head start there on other European powers?
Yes, it had always been an aspiration, just needed to get the colonial range to start it. I'll do a bit of a look re other Europeans in the region in the next update, but iirc we were probably the first in the immediate region, which was dominated more by local powers and a few of their larger Asian allies/associates.
How useful will this Austrian alliance be against France?
We shall see ... if it simply deters them, then it will have served its purpose already. If it comes to blows at some point and both the Austrian and other alliances can keep us afloat, then that's good too. And getting to that level of relationship helped us achieve a mission along the way and might (as others have observed) ease friction with the Emperor over any possible Frisian expansions within it (I guess, but am not really familiar with and may have been unaware of at the time).
Russia is doing... poorly. They lost both Novgorod and Moscow to Poland? Where's their new capital, then? Also, what's their eastern border?
They've been in a bit of trouble of late, but do remain one of the larger great powers. And seem to have turned things around in this latest war with Denmark. It will be interesting to see where Russia goes from here ... they do have great depths. PS: they moved their capital to Nizhny Novgorod. Also, this is all we can see of Russia in 1605 ... the east is shrouded in the fog of distance.

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historically appropriate too!
Yes, that OTL parallel by the Dutch was also in my mind, apart from it being somewhere Frisia could try to establish colonial primacy, where elsewhere it had tended to be a secondary player. And it led to some pretty interesting 'learning experiences' too!
Aren't the ottomans joining the fun?
No, not yet. Though I think they're always up to something, somewhere.
There are so many incidents that are jumping out of the boundaries of interesting into the weird, it becomes difficult to follow up at the same time trying to understand how those had happened.
Glad it has provided some arcane quandaries!
This one is the main incident that has been bothering since read it back in July.
jak is correct; it is not possible. In order to verify own experience, a similar scenario have been played, and the outcome was as expected: the separate peace deal was made, but with the war leader, meaning in the frisian run, Bullfilter must have accepted the deal that was sent by lübeck-tag, else made the deal giving lübeck province to denmark-tag.

The case is very weird considering other aspects: the war started and the province was occupied in its first year, peace deal in the second year; there is not enough time for complete surrender - length of war modifier should have prevented this to be accepted. Yet, the war was fought against bremen-tag of the hanse league - not a coalition as Bullfilter names it; coalition is a specific term in eu4, reserved for punitive wars. Due to this, bremen-tag is the war leader, despite lübeck-tag being the trade league leader (most of the time), therefore called to defence as a regular ally in war instead of war leader, thus it can make separate deals. Still incomprehensible how the code-lübeck accepted its full annexation, as it should have additional modifier for rejecting such a peace deal: ally in war.
This far back (I have zero recollection of what may have been done in between saves at the time) and with a very rudimentary understanding of the game, I could only reconstruct so much from the info I had and just tried to put it into a short narrative context. But the details are beyond my modest game knowledge to understand, I'm afraid. I'll have to rely on you experts to either come up with plausible theories - or just shake heads in wry mystification and put it down to the veil of time! *Use of 'coalition' here was probably more narrative license, noting it also has some game specific meaning.
Now weirder part: the war happens during the war of the religious league. This may explain how the player-frisia could have attacked a free city out of all targets. By the start bremen-tag is one of the free cities in the hanse league led by lübeck-tag (not a free city). No tag can attack it, since the trade league as well as the emperor austria-tag will defend it; no matter the attacker is hre-member or not. If on the other hand during a war austria-tag is under heavy occupation, it may decline to come for the defence. But the league war progress had been favourable for the emperor in the screenshots shown; still austria-tag did not involve in the war. A lucky moment, probably its war exhaustion modifier was high nevertheless.
o_O I'll take your word for it! Glad Friesland blundered through it all without losing too much skin! :D
And the league war: yes, that usually happens; a rapid otto-expansion leads to austria-tag being eclipsed by the otto-tag. The rivalry falls, and the otto-tag remains with only a couple of tags to choose from as rivals, whereas the france-tag maintains its rivalry with the austria-tag most of the runs, until the league event happens, thus choosing the protestant side. In parallel, russia-tag had also chosen the protestants in the run; the two tags are usually the only remaining ones the code-ottos can choose as rivals. It is seen in the screenshots that austria-tag had chosen the ottos as rivals, but the otto-tag had not; probably this happened during another war, so the rivalry did not mutually materialise. In the end, otto-tag went with the catholic side against the france- and the russia-tags. And with that, the catholics win.

Except they lose, or at least peace of westphalia happens. This is better than a winning condition of either side for the code: since whenever a side wins, it usually means a lost cause in any case. When protestants win, they actually lose, the rest of the catholics annihilate them, and besides, austria-tag will hyper-charge its aggressiveness, devouring the empire (at least it tries - code is inherently incompetent). When catholics win, they actually lose, since more than half of the empire are protestants, and the code cannot cope with them.
Noted and interesting. And code/AI incompetence is why, even in a test run of a game I've never played before, I often go for a minor power in a difficult situation. That, and only having something pretty small to manage, at the start at least, while learning the ropes (if surviving that far).
And the weirdest on top of all: the player frisia attacks bremen of the hanse league, and makes peace deal to annex hamburg.

This is brave, and madness. In any case, both cities start with high-dev, and the tags develop the cities further in time. Even with a modest development effort by the code, still it can be assumed that by that time it is about 20-dev or more. Conquering such an hre-province, and as a separate peace deal, must have given an aggro-exp more than -50 with tens of other tags. Although, it is during age of reformation, so hamburg-tag could be protestant or reformed, which reduces the aggro-exp with catholics, but then again there must be many others with the same denomination, which should trigger a coalition, also after the emperor-demand. But apparently nothing happens, meaning every other tag had been busy with the religious league war. All the while player-frisia is catholic and rivaled by the papacy, and not excommunicated at all - hundreds must have been paid for indulgence, obviously.


Weird, and still checking the screenshots how all this mess happens, but then again, it is eu4, so not a rare occurrence, only a different one.
Haha, this is one of those 'irregular adjective' situations, I think: "I'm brave, you're reckless, they're mad!" :p Can't recall the aggro index from the time, or whether Hamburg was Protestant (I think it may have been, which might account for something) but we didn't get hit with anything at the time, anyway. No indulgences (in game, though maybe notionally in narrative form) paid, but blind luck and maybe staunch dedication to the counter-reformation? The Papal rivalry is because they irritatingly keep granting those colonial concessions to France and Portugal where we compete for territory. "What about me!?" :D
There are so many more, but the post is already over-crowded.

But these are not weird, but as expected:
At least some of the EU4 tropes seem to be playing out as expected. I hope I can come out with some more paradoxical/weird events as I go along - who wants these run-throughs to be boring and stereotypical, I ask rhetorically!

To All: Thanks so much for the readership, advice and comments. I'm now going to start rummaging through the next batch of save games to see what happened next. That other RL business may slow things down a bit over the next few days, but time is an elastic and paradoxical (ahem) thing here on the forums, so the next edition will (or will not) be out (or in) whenever it is ready, so long as I can find Schrödinger's cat, which seems to have escaped its box and is loose around here somewhere ... :p
 
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Retrospective Update for 1595: Defender of the Faith
1595: Defender of the Faith

Something I only just noticed (then remembered) while doing the latest update: sometime around 1595, probably in March, Friesland made its play to become the Catholic Defender of the Faith, spending 500 ducats for the privilege.

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Mammon had some benefits after all! The lucre wasn't filthy when it passed into the hands of Mother Church!
 
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Chapter 26: Trade and Conquest (1605-14)
Chapter 26: Trade and Conquest (1605-14)

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Frisian National and Domestic Issues

Our last episode finished in June 1605. By December of that year, the recently appointed (for life) Potestaat Gerrit Wynja remained in power. The great project to upgrade the Dutch Polders in Amsterdam was well advanced on track for completion in less than three years. The recent alliance network remained in place, with the two larger self-governing colonies in America and Australia contributing their trade power to the homeland.

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Friesland remained at peace in Europe and truces remained in place after the recent colonial wars in Australia.

Wynja only governed until May 1608, being replaced by the generally competent but already old Willem Stiensma. But a notable change in the government had occurred, with the growing budget surplus having been invested into improved ministerial appointees.

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In the intervening years, Friesland had benefited from a temporary boost to government investment and another bout of colonial enthusiasm – just the thing for a burgeoning settlement program, principally in Australia and the East Indies at this time.

The Dutch Polders had been completed the year before, as planned. These now noteworthy works would do much to boost local defensive options but mainly to provide an enduring benefit to the production of goods and the loyalty of the Burghers in the Estates. But the great expense of upgrading again would be one for future generations to consider.

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In the Frisian homeland, the recent status quo prevailed on the religious front, while overseas modest efforts continued to bring the heathens to Christ as Jesuit priests fanned out, one missionary team currently converting Katapang, in far Borneo.

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Diplomatic and military technology had also advanced recently, with a new class of merchantman becoming available for production and flintlock muskets making supply far easier.

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Between 1605 and 1609, the loyalty of both Clergy and Burghers remained steady, as did their influence. For the clergy, the benefits of clerical advancement had been replaced by a focus on public schools, maintaining their shaky influence. The Burgher still ruled the roost, however.

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The rule of Willem Stiensma did not even last three years, with the brilliant but even older Koenraad Halbertsma taking over. In April 1614 he was 75 years old and was dealing with the enmity of Scotland, Portugal and Granada while Friesland’s alliances remained steady.

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The big news in government practice in recent years was the introduction of a committee system for the appointment of the key bureaucrats. It may be another 60 years or more before another major reform was possible.

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This period also saw a reintroduction of the dormant ‘Frisianisation’ policy across the more recently acquired provinces of the homeland. The two subject colonies remained well under control.

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Catholicism in Friesland now claimed 83% of the population and the country remained as the Defender of the Faith. All colonial provinces bar the recently gained Manado and Sampit had been converted, but he four ‘blue provinces’ of Cleve, Meppen, Geldern and Oversticht could still not be tackled by the missionaries.

The Leger had grown by six regiments between 1605 and 1614 as its sustainable capacity increased. Meanwhile, the Navy’s strength of 72 could now be supported effectively, helping with maintenance costs. The manpower reserves had increased significantly (by over 13,000 men to 48,686).

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And as noted earlier, the upgrade from brig to merchantman would increase the strength and shock power of any ships that may have been converted or would be produced in the future.

The influence of the Clergy in the Estates remained the same, but that of the Burghers was suffering temporarily due to a decline of the merchant classes expected to last at least another 13 years.

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Economy and Trade

Between 1605 and 1614, two major factors affected Friesland’s bottom line, with the net effect being an increase in the monthly surplus of ducats. First, as we observed above, by 1609 the Frisian government had drastically improved the calibre of its top advisors – which of course came at a cost – of around an extra 14 ducats per month in salaries.

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But by April 1614, setting aside other minor fluctuations in both income and expenses, trade income had exploded, rising from around 51 ducats in 1605 and 54 in 1609, up to 70 in 1614! This more than compensated for the increased costs of the new advisors. Which were also partly offset (5%) by the recent introduction of the committee system for appointments.

A more detailed review of the Frisian trade setup in 1614 shows where the money was coming from: mainly (of course) the English Channel node, which Friesland continued to lead in. Plus Chesapeake Bay, where both Friesland and New Frisland had strong interests.

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By this time, Frisian traders and merchants had become more familiar with and attuned to some of the subtleties of trade flows. In the main hub of Europe, Lübeck (where the Frisian Navy also had a significant trade protection role, as well as in the Channel) now made a significant contribution to the English Channel, where Friesland commanded almost half the total trade power. The North Sea also made a modest contribution, as did other European and more distant inputs; not all directed by Friesland, with England and France also being leading beneficiaries of Channel trade.

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In Chesapeake Bay, both Friesland (25%) and New Friesland (20%) wielded much of the trade power. And a good amount of the value was in turn being directed towards the English Channel node.

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On a smaller scale, and with less Frisian influence, the Ivory Coast zone also transferred value to the Channel.

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While in the East Indies, where the Frisian presence continued to grow quite rapidly around this time, its influence in the two main local trade zones was as yet minimal.

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There was a little more trade power being exerted in Australia, through Frisian Australia, but it was modest and the overall value low.

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The Wider World

The Danish Conquest of Olonets had ended in loss and humiliation for the Danes in October 1605, after four years of large scale and deadly fighting. The settlement actually had them worse off as a result of their attempt, losing a swathe of land to the east of Finland, stretching from Lake Ladoga up to the White Sea and Kola.

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It was apparent that the Danish Army had suffered terribly, with their manpower pool only just beginning to rebuild from nothing after a few months. Meanwhile, Russian reserves were a little healthier, but their navy had been all but destroyed.

On the diplomatic front, in late 1605 the rivalry between Portugal and Friesland had deepened, with Portugal now applying an embargo and maintaining alliances with England, France and Aragon. Their colonial empire was of course huge and they held (but had so far not exercised) casus belli on both Friesland and Frisian Australia.

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France remained as powerful as ever, with a large army, navy and manpower reserve. They still shared one ally in common (Savoy) with Friesland and held both the Austrians and Ottomans and major rivals. Emperor Louis XV had no legal heir [does that have much import in EU4?], but relations with Friesland were reasonable at that time, though their diplomatic warning remained in place.

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Speaking of the Ottomans, they remained the dominant great power in the world. From their truce agreements, it could be seen that most of their recent activity had been focused to their south and east. They were almost on a par technologically with the leading European nations, had a huge army and navy and great international prestige.

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Mehmed III’s empire had spread to occupy most of the Red Sea and Persian Gulf coastlines by 1605, also dominating the Libyan coast, Egypt and Mesopotamia, plus the Balkans and beyond to the south of Poland-Lithuania.

In December 1605, there were no major wars in Europe, a state of general relative peace that would be maintained for the next decade or so. At that time, Austria had joined the list of great powers (following its formal absorption of Hungary). The other rankings would fluctuate a little but the list remained largely stable throughout the period.

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By April 1614, Friesland’s relative position to the other great powers had climbed somewhat as new additions were made and advances adopted. It was now sitting not that far out of this ‘league table’ metric. Naval, trade and economic power remained Friesland’s premier areas of strength. And it’s standing [VPs] in the world had also begun to climb again, being seen in the leading 10 nations in administrative and diplomatic power rankings.

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The Americas

By August 1609, the Hathawekela tribe had been dragged into defending the Huron Confederacy against a French conquest war. Fortunately, as the Opothleyholo I was only doing this as an ally of the Huron, Friesland (though an ally) was not dragged into the conflict.

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The Huron were in some trouble by this stage, the Hathawekela less so – though Tatteroa had been taken by French allies Portuguese Brazil and handed over to French occupation on 3 July 1609.

The war ended in a ‘brutal’ loss for the Huron in May 1610, with French Canada being given control of two more Huron provinces. By January 1613 both were French Canadian cores. The Hathawekela were not forced to make any territorial concessions, though their small field army had been wiped out. And an indication of how far behind they were in technological advancement could also be seen [about 6 levels behind Friesland in all three streams].

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In a closer look at the west coast of South America, the encroachment of Portuguese colonisation just to the south of the Inca had been traced out. From Arequipa up to Nazca had been colonised between 1558-61. A first war between the Inca, apparently allied with Pacajes, had occurred in the from around 1558 to September 1660.

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It looked like another had followed from about March 1578 to maybe January 1585. Despite some long periods of Inca occupation during those periods, it seemed Portugal had eventually won this war too and that peace may have reigned since.

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The East Indies

In December 1605, a modest Frisian army and supporting fleet was in Bengkulu, ready for a possible expansionist campaign in Sumatra. The likely target was the small West Sumatran Princedom of Indrapura. It had a small army with fair technology, though three levels behind that of the Frisians.

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Probably of more concern was their alliances, with the small country of Palembang but the larger Sunda, a neighbouring kingdom controlling most of Java. The other neighbouring Sumatran Sultanate of Malacca was significantly larger – with an army almost as large as that of Sunda, with both of similar advancement to Indrapura.

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The problem with them (if either were attacked directly) was their respective regional allinces with Bengal (Malacca) and Ayutthaya (Sunda). This put both of these neighbours currently off limits to a direct attack, while Sunda’s alliance with Indrapura could also cause problems in a campaign there.

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Both Bengal and Ayutthaya were genuinely powerful regional players, the Bengali navy being quite large.

The Frisian Conquest of Muko-Muko had begun in 1607, ending on 9 May 1608. Few details are known now (including any side actions fought against either Palembang or Sunda), but the war was apparently effectively won with the defeat of Indrapura’s main army early on in the war.

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Indrapura itself fell in February 1608 and Muko-Muko itself in early May, after which Indrapura capitulated and both were annexed by Friesland. By then Bengkulu was a full city and in June 1609 had been converted to Catholicism. The occupied provinces were well on the way to being made Frisian cores.

In the wider view of the East Indies, Katapang in Borneo had also become a full city in February 1609, with Manado (at the northern tip of Sulawesi) being colonised a few weeks later.

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The colonisation of Sampit in Borneo followed in late 1612, while another colonial fleet was getting ready to settle Gorontalo, next to Manado, by April 1614.

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Australia

Australia had remained fairly quiet from 1605-14. Colonial wars had been replaced once more by settler expeditions. Nukunu was settled in October 1605.

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This was followed by Yuat, in the west of the continent, in December 1608.

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a war is in brewing
 
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Where, do you think?
With both of Portugal and France and we're probably not the ones starting it.

The wars against native nations in colonies don't count :D
 
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Emperor Louis XV had no legal heir [does that have much import in EU4?],
I appreciated this, as it becomes fairly apparent once you've played a monarchy (and so appropriate commentary for a player whose first experience is with a republic). The main import of this is that the nation could gain a foreign dynasty on its throne or even fall into a Personal Union if the monarch dies without an heir, depending on its royal marriages and the relative prestige of it and its prospective senior partners. This can even end up in a succession war between one of those and one of their rivals, I believe to model wars like the War of the Spanish Succession.

Anyway, it tends not to matter too much in any individual case unless the player is trying to force a union, particularly if the king remains young. That said, we could see France as the Junior Partner in a PU, which would certainly be exciting if rather worrying.
 
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And as noted earlier, the upgrade from brig to merchantman would increase the strength and shock power of any ships that may have been converted or would be produced in the future.
Generally, you don't want your transport ships to see combat. They're terrible at it. Not even worth upgrading their old designs into the new models.
trade income had exploded, rising from around 51 ducats in 1605 and 54 in 1609, up to 70 in 1614!
Trade starts to take off during the mid/late game. A major reason why getting extra merchants from your colonies is a good idea.
In the main hub of Europe, Lübeck (where the Frisian Navy also had a significant trade protection role, as well as in the Channel) now made a significant contribution to the English Channel, where Friesland commanded almost half the total trade power.
I think it might be better to have your Lubeck and North Sea fleets combine with your English Channel fleet and protect trade their instead. The value from Lubeck and North Sea both already flow into EC, so you want the most share in EC. Something having all your ships there will accomplish.

Also upgrading the trade center in Brugge (and elsewhere) can really help in getting more trade power in a node. You can't make everywhere into a level 3 (your limited by your number of merchants), but everywhere should at least be at level 2.
The settlement actually had them worse off as a result of their attempt, losing a swathe of land to the east of Finland, stretching from Lake Ladoga up to the White Sea and Kola.
Denmark still remains strong and not crippled. Frisia breathes a sigh of relief. Denmark could've lost so much more.
with Portugal now applying an embargo
Have you done this to your own rivals? It's a good thing to do if not.
Emperor Louis XV had no legal heir [does that have much import in EU4?]
As @Ix:Risor explained, it could cause France to become a subject of another nation. As a republic you can't take advantage of this. Though if it did happen, France would lose their allies and may become weaker.
The colonisation of Sampit in Borneo followed in late 1612, while another colonial fleet was getting ready to settle Gorontalo, next to Manado, by April 1614.
Sort of historical here. Your main base of power will be in the east, since you've been boxed-in in the west.
 
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I wonder when the storm will start.

Hopefully Friesland can increase its influence in the East Indies as time passes. The extra trade - and thus money - could be very useful in case more wars happen in Europe.
 
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OK, been able to comb through the next set of saves and reconstruct the next bit of the story. More comment feedback first:
With both of Portugal and France and we're probably not the ones starting it.

The wars against native nations in colonies don't count :D
Will have to tuck that thought away and see what happens. And noting some of the powers in Asia are quite formidable, reasonably advanced technically (far more than in North America and Australia) and far closer to any potential action ... ;)
I appreciated this, as it becomes fairly apparent once you've played a monarchy (and so appropriate commentary for a player whose first experience is with a republic). The main import of this is that the nation could gain a foreign dynasty on its throne or even fall into a Personal Union if the monarch dies without an heir, depending on its royal marriages and the relative prestige of it and its prospective senior partners. This can even end up in a succession war between one of those and one of their rivals, I believe to model wars like the War of the Spanish Succession.

Anyway, it tends not to matter too much in any individual case unless the player is trying to force a union, particularly if the king remains young. That said, we could see France as the Junior Partner in a PU, which would certainly be exciting if rather worrying.
Thanks, helpful to know. Will just observe and react in this case. Not a great deal I think Friesland can do in this case.
Generally, you don't want your transport ships to see combat. They're terrible at it. Not even worth upgrading their old designs into the new models.
Indeed. They will only feature in combats where they form part of a fleet to protect them on some mission or other (hopefully the escorts normally do the fighting first to protect them as much as possible, but I'm quite unaware of the actual EU4 naval battle mechanics).
Trade starts to take off during the mid/late game. A major reason why getting extra merchants from your colonies is a good idea.
Lot's of merchants coming in - more added for Friesland in the next chapter. Though I'm not sure how well I was placing a few of them at this time. Most though by now were sending trade to the EC node, where we are predominant.
I think it might be better to have your Lubeck and North Sea fleets combine with your English Channel fleet and protect trade their instead. The value from Lubeck and North Sea both already flow into EC, so you want the most share in EC. Something having all your ships there will accomplish.

Also upgrading the trade center in Brugge (and elsewhere) can really help in getting more trade power in a node. You can't make everywhere into a level 3 (your limited by your number of merchants), but everywhere should at least be at level 2.
Noting I can't do that now (ie up to 1693 in-game as I catch up with the retrospective narrative), point taken. Same re the trade centres - can't remember now whether I did any (more) of that in the following periods, will try to keep an eye out and note for when I do catch up.
Denmark still remains strong and not crippled. Frisia breathes a sigh of relief. Denmark could've lost so much more.
Yes, fairly strong though I suspect their most glorious days may be behind them (as they're not jumping on the colonial bandwagon and I think they're largely hemmed in now, having been checked by Russia. But we shall see!
Have you done this to your own rivals? It's a good thing to do if not.
I may do down the track, but not yet.
As @Ix:Risor explained, it could cause France to become a subject of another nation. As a republic you can't take advantage of this. Though if it did happen, France would lose their allies and may become weaker.
Noted, thanks. I'm going to be concerned about them the closer we get to OTL Napoleonic times!
Sort of historical here. Your main base of power will be in the east, since you've been boxed-in in the west.
This is true, there were elements of OTL sympathy, plus the game events and specific Frisian objectives pushing us in that direction.
I wonder when the storm will start.

Hopefully Friesland can increase its influence in the East Indies as time passes. The extra trade - and thus money - could be very useful in case more wars happen in Europe.
Bound to be more than one storm! But we're trying to keep them localised tropical ones in Asia rather than hurricanes in Europe or America! You will certainly see wha5t happened with Frisian East Indies policy in the next chapter and onwards. It becomes a major focal point of Frisian effort in coming years.

Thanks to everyone for reading and commenting. Next chapter hopefully out in the next day or so.
 
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