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Chapter 21: The Peace of Westphalia (1574-77)
  • Chapter 21: The Peace of Westphalia (1574-77)

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    The French Conquest of Nebesek

    France brought Friesland and its subject colonial state New Friesland into another major Indian war against the Huron Confederation and its allies in 1574. One of those Huron allies was the Hathawekela, to which Friesland was no longer allied. The Huron Confederation mustered quite a large number of troops, including their own cavalry and artillery.

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    Although France naturally had a great overall strength advantage, most of those troops were still over in Europe. It would rely heavily on its own and New Friesland’s colonial troops and their far more advanced technical capabilities. By July 1575 the war continued, with the French alliance in front after two relatively small battles fought and Nebesek itself and other Huron territory had been occupied.

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    During this conflict, New Friesland had colonised the Cherokee tribal lands of Moratok in May 1574.

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    The War of the Protestant League Ends

    Having begun in 1566, after eight years of spectacularly bloody conflict the War of the Protestant League ended with the Peace of Westphalia on 24 August 1574. Bohemia had launched the war with (non-Protestant) French and Russian support but the Austrians had emerged victorious, thanks in great measure to the assistance of their traditional rivals the mighty Ottoman Empire.

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    In territorial terms, the main result was to see Bohemia’s northern lands along the Baltic Coast seized and awarded to three new independent states (all Protestant), Wolgast chief among them. The practical effect was also to cause great casualties and a subsequent manpower drain for many of the participants, with the burden falling heaviest on the losing League countries. By mid-July 1575 the powers involved had only begun to recover. We shall see where the principal powers of Europe stood by that time below.

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    The signing of the Treaty of Westphalia that ended the War of the Protestant League (or the ‘Eight Years War’) in August 1574.

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    The Settlement of Calabar

    The Frisian Gulf of Guinea was further expanded in April 1575 when Calabar was claimed for the Frisian Republic by Ernst Casimir Wynja. It had just 43 Frisian colonists in place by early July.

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    July 1575: Frisian Matters

    The metropolitan territory of the Republic had not changed since the end of the Bremer War in 1573. Hamburg had been confirmed as a core part of the nation. Potestaat Sikke Jousma still ruled the Republic and had just renewed the expansion of Frisian culture, this time into the often-restive Cleve. Of note, a Catholic missionary had finally been able to begin the work of the counter-reformation in the capital province of Friesland a few years before and his work was progressing well.

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    And as noted above, the alliance with the Hathawakela had been dissolved and not yet replaced with a new one, leaving the ‘traditional’ allies of France, Denmark and Savoy (a medium sized regional power with a decent army) in place.

    The three-way competition between Catholicism (which remained the state religion), the Reformed Churches (Calvinist, Presbyterian) and the Protestant (Lutheran) denomination remained in the balance, with only 22% of the overall Frisian population (excluding New Friesland but including the other colonies) remaining Catholic. But as noted above, work was finally in progress to advance the counter-reformation in the capital.

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    The contest between the religions continued in Europe, of course. The Reformed Churches still held sway in much of the British Isles, Normandy, Switzerland and the south of Friesland. The Lutherans remained strong in Bohemia, eastern Germany in particular.

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    The Frisian economy remained strong, thanks largely to burgeoning trade income. Corruption was again suppressed and inflation slowly trending down, despite the earlier discovery of gold in Swellendam and the continued receipt of reparations that had followed the war with Bremen. This allowed an aggressive colonisation programme to be funded and full military maintenance to be sustained, with the army remaining above its nominal establishment for now.

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    July 1575: The State of the Major Powers following the Eight Years War

    In July 1575, just a year after the end of the League war, Friesland’s relative position in naval and trade power remained strong. The territorial changes in Bohemia’s disfavour have already been detailed above. But the amount of territory shown on a map was only a small part of the story, of course. The relative military strength and technological advancement of the main players in Europe, North Africa and Western Asia at this historical watershed is reviewed below.

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    Friesland itself, as we have seen, had a decent sized army by European standards and a strong navy, with adequate manpower reserves and a stable government. Its two principal diplomatic rivals were England and Scotland. Its dominant ally to the south, France, was currently under a long regency that was due to end in another three years. Its army remained strong, though it had been weakened during the War and still had more vacancies than manpower to fill them.

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    They trusted Friesland, who could call on a good many diplomatic favours if required, well enough and their opinion of Friesland was favourable. A good thing too given Queen Regent Celeste’s reputation for malevolence! France's principal rivals were Austria and the Ottomans.

    Speaking of the Ottomans, they remained the pre-eminent military power in the known world, on land and at sea, though they too were still making up the heavy manpower losses incurred in the recent conflict. Though recent allies of the Austrians in the League war, the two remained bitter rivals, as did the French, Russians and Poles.

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    Emperor Ferdinand II von Habsburg ruled the Austrian-Hungarian Union, which had fared well in the League War, with both countries having very stable governance. Unsurprisingly, their most entrenched rivals were the French and the Bohemians. Their Hungarian subjects contributed only a small army that was a little behind most of its peers in technology.

    Of course, the losing aggressors Bohemia had suffered heavily, in both territorial and military losses. While the government remained strong, the army was much depleted in size, though its manpower reserve had just begun to recover. Austria and Bavaria were their arch-rivals, but they were also on poor terms with the Poles, who had remained neutral in the Eight Years War.

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    The Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth remained a strong and stable power that dominated eastern Europe territorially. Between the two powers, they could also summon large armies that were up to the same technological standard as the principal peers. Poland had an entrenched rivalry with the Danes and Russians and tense relations with Bohemia and the Ottomans. The Swiss Republic, a Calvinist bastion, is also listed here, in part because they will feature soon in another European war.

    Russia had sustained heavy casualties in the League War, and though its army had been depleted its manpower reserves were already recovering. Apart for its principal rivalries already noted with the Poles and Ottomans, they had an entrenched enmity with the Frisian ally Denmark as well. The Danes, also a neutral in the recent League war, retained one of the most powerful armies and fleets in the world and strong rivalries with Russia and Poland.

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    Friesland’s two long-standing rivals in Britain, England and Scotland, were both relatively weak and marginal powers in this period. Though Scotland’s King James IV ruled over a large part of Wales and northern England, the Danes in turn held a portion of Scottish territory: they hard large manpower reserves but a tiny army. By contrast, King Nehemiah I (founder of the Brock dynasty) had an army of over four times the size of their neighbour, though its administrative, diplomatic and military development was well below the standard of its peers and rivals. England had also established colonies in South America in Colombia (from 1552-63) and Suriname (in 1570).

    The Iberian peninsula contained three major powers of the time, all unscathed by the Eight Years War. Castile had a good-sized army and navy and considerable overseas colonial holdings. Their main rivals were Portugal, Morocco and Denmark. A little surprisingly, Aragon had the largest army and navy of the three and rivalries with France and Morocco.

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    Portugal, which vied with France as the greatest colonial power of the age, had a strong military though a less stable government than most. Castile and Scotland were its main rivals, Morocco a little less so.

    The Sultanate of Morocco, itself one of the acknowledged great world powers, had a good-sized army, a large navy, a stable government and well-entrenched rivalries with Castile and Aragon and poor relations with Portugal and Denmark.

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    Meanwhile, in Western Asia, what was known in Friesland of the Persian Empire indicated they had a less stable regime than most, were somewhat behind in diplomatic and military developments, but had a strong army with a large manpower reserve and a moderately sized fleet.

    In North America, the current war saw the two French colonies and New Friesland pitted against the Huron Confederacy. The three European colonies were of similar strength and largely up to European standards of technology.

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    The Hurons had numbers but were, naturally, very far behind the European invaders in all forms of developments. So too were the neutral Chickasaw Federation in the south-east, which maintained a very large army of over 50,000 warriors.

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    The Polish-Russian War for Novgorod

    In the second half of 1575, Poland declared war on Russia with the aim of grabbing more territory, with Novgorod being the principal claim. The war would be well under way by February 1577, evenly balanced but slightly in favour of Russia and its main ally Bohemia, opposing the Commonwealth and its allies. Poland had made gains in the north, Lithuania and Poland losses to Russia in the north-east and south-east, and Russia's ally Bohemia some inroads against Poland in the south-west.

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    Russia had won the two largest land battles so far against Poland, in Lubnai and Perejaslavas, while the Poles had defeated Bohemia in Poznan and Praha, despite losing some territory to them and defeated the Imereti in Budysin. The Commonwealth had lost all three naval battles contested. The biggest benefit to Poland was the fact they held the main objective, Novgorod itself.

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    The Lüneburgian-Verdner War

    A small local war had also been in progress since late 1575, mainly of interest as an indication of the strength (or lack of it) of some of the small states in Friesland’s vicinity. Verden’s army, already apparently devastated by an earlier rebel uprising, had been quickly destroyed by the invaders from Lüneburg.

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    Verden had been occupied since February 1576, but with only 4,000 men themselves, Lüneburg was itself too weak to take on the rebels who occupied their prime objective in Stade. This meant the war had dragged only slowly ever since and by February 1577 seemed destined to do so until Verden were finally forced to give up or Lüneburg got sick of the conflict and negotiated a peace deal.

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    The Austrian-Swiss War of Imperial Reconquest

    Switzerland had been lost to the Holy Roman Empire some years before the Austrians decided to reconquer it in 1576. The war pitted Austria-Hungary against Switzerland and their main ally of France. By February 1577 Austria had the upper hand, with the main fighting concentrated around the Swiss-Austrian border.

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    It looked as though a Hungarian army had been able to take Bois-le-Duc from France in the north after defeating the French in Utrecht, who had themselves defeated a smaller Austrian force there earlier. A large Swiss-led army had been defeated in Breisgau early on in the war and then in Zurich, presumably leaving Bern open to occupation. The Franco-Swiss alliance had lost more battles and taken by far the heavier combat casualties, while almost half the Austro-Hungarian losses had come from siege attrition.

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    February 1577: Friesland and North America

    In February 1577, the rather unpleasant but effective and long=serving Potestaat Sikke Jousma was dreaming the Frisian dream in the 14th year of his life term. And his chancellor and captain-general were both more effective (and expensive to retain) than most of their predecessors had been. The focus of political power had been shifted into the administrative field. And the ally network had not changed since 1575.

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    The next national idea would lead to the addition of a fourth Frisian merchant, possibly available from July that year.

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    The army remained over its establishment and the navy (whose traditions were by now very high) still working up to its.

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    The provinces were developing fairly slowly, with not much state effort invested in it for some time. The addition of Hamburg to the Republic made in the second most developed after Friesland itself.

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    In North America, the French-Huron war had ended in a predictable French victory in just the month before. The gains had gone to Floride in the north, while the French colonial footprint was also rapidly expanding to the south of New Friesland as well, which was likely to eventually be hemmed in at this rate, with Moratok still not yet developed to full colonial status.

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    February 1577: Religion

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    The counter-reformation had resumed in Friesland in few years before. In January 1577 it had made its most import inroad yet with the conversion of the capital back to Catholicism, boosting the population share of the True Faith in the Republic back to almost a third.

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    The missionaries were now waiting for the next domestic province to become available before committing to the next conversion. Both sides of the religious divide continued to fish for souls in the waters of the Frisian Republic.

    More widely throughout Europe, the same struggle went on. Of Interest, Genoese Crimea was providing five cardinals to the Holy See!

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    February 1577: The Wider World

    Frisian mariners had now discovered more Pacific islands, all the way up to Hawaii, in the last couple of years.

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    Admiral Eilert Stellingwerf was currently charting the Red Sea. Some of his previous recent voyages had charted the west coasts of India and Australia.

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    Friesland's main claims to fame remained its navy and trade income. It remained outside the great powers list, which was still dominated by France and the Ottomans (and no more VPs had been scored either).

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    With just the one colonial subject, six provincial religious conversions and its golden age now 15 years in the past, Friesland’s progress in the Age of Reformation was rather modest so far.

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    But the treasury was strong, the government fairly stable and Republican tradition remained high.
     
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    Chapter 22: The Good Fight (1577-84)
  • Chapter 22: The Good Fight (1577-84)

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    The Subjugation of Verden: 1577-79

    Lüneburg had invaded Verden in late 1575 with the object of conquering it. This had been delayed by the presence of a large rebel army in Stade, which had remained unbowed by February 1577. Stade had been occupied and both it and Verden annexed by Lüneburg soon after, in April 1577.

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    But the rebels had returned in May and not evicted again until December 1579. This final pacification made Lüneburg one of the larger minor powers in north Germany.

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    The African Colonies: 1577-80

    The next Frisian ‘way station’ colony was founded at Inhambane in August 1577 and by May 1580 gold had been discovered there. Swellendam became a full city in July 1580.

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    By this time, Castilian South Africa was the dominant colonial territory in southern Africa, with the Portuguese being the other colonial competitors.

    Cameroon became a full city on 1 October 1579, the second to do so after Gabon in the Frisian Gulf of Guinea.

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    Diplomatic News: 1578-79

    François I, of the de Valois line, came of age (25) and was crowned King of France in February 1578 (an emperor level country, but not the HRE, which remained with the Habsburgs). He was a zealot, but fortunately for Friesland a fellow Catholic. His young son the Dauphin appeared to be a far more promising talent than his father.

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    The Austrian-Swiss War of Imperial Succession ended in 1579 without any change to the status quo. Berna had been occupied by Austria in 1576 and then liberated two years later.

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    April 1580

    In April 1580 old Sikke Jousma remained in power as the Potestaat of Friesland. The alliances with Denmark, France and Savoy persisted, with a fourth arrangement yet to put in place. The ‘good fight’ of the counter-reformation continued, with Utrecht returning to the Catholic fold in 1579 and the missionaries now well into the re-conversion of Groningen.

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    Catholicism had now returned to representing 40% of the population. The army was split between Meppen and a large garrison securing Hamburg.

    Two new national ideas had been adopted in the last three years, expanding the Frisian merchant network and greatly increasing the flow of colonists.

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    The assimilation of native peoples was again going through an accelerated period (another event) and regimental pride helped to make the Leger a more efficient fighting machine. A second diplomatic policy had been adopted to boost naval morale and the detection of foreign spies (it was only later I realised this was coming at the expense of a diplomatic point each month).

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    It was also around this time that Frisian merchants began to employ trade steering measures. The first was the use of the new (fourth) merchant to steer land trade from Champagne to the English Channel node, which Friesland continued to dominate.

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    The economy was now thriving, with a large monthly surplus and 371 ducats saved in the treasury. In Chesapeake Bay, the two largest shares of trade were held by Friesland (25%) and New Friesland (21%), followed by France and its American colonies.

    The Leger was still one regiment over its establishment and the navy six ships under, as naval capacity continued to increase.

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    The recovery of Catholicism in Friesland had seen a corresponding rise in the influence of the Clergy, though this remained at low levels. The Burghers were as strong as ever and both estates were loyal.

    Frisian explorers had now mapped a large part of the Australian coastline and the shores from Bengal to the East Indies, though both were still out of range of Frisian colonial expeditions.

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    The entire coastline of South America had been mapped and information on the great Incan Empire had also been discovered. Portugal was the dominant colonial power, while England held its colony in the north.

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    The Conquest of Oldenburg: 1580-81

    Only the western army had been required for the task of conquering Oldenburg when it failed to maintain enough deterrence to Frisian aggression via its own alliances, the Hamburg garrison having remained in place. Having acquired Hamburg, Friesland now had a long-range objective of using opportunity targets to build a land bridge to the great German port.

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    Bonny Colonised: 1580

    In November 1580, Bonny became the fourth and last province to be absorbed into the Frisian Guinea Coast when Johan Ernst Kooistra arrived with his latest colonial expedition.

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    November 1584

    Sikke Jousma’s life term was proving to be longer than anyone had expected, as he remained at the helm and dreaming his dreams at the age of 80 in November 1584. More money was being spent to improve Friesland’s diplomatic efforts, while a Protestant was being employed in the Cabinet for the first time, ensuring production remained efficient.

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    The big news over the last four years had been a massive construction programme in metropolitan Friesland. Hundreds of ducats had been spent completing two regimental camps (to increase the army’s sustainable establishment) and a courthouse in Hamburg.

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    Two new courthouses and a farm estate were being built. On the missionary front, Groningen had been brought back into the faith and the missionaries were now at work in Amsterdam.

    On the technological side, two important military advances had been made, with the introduction of new heavy and light ship designs and Maurician ‘pike and shot’ infantry tactics and formations being introduced.

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    Trade steering had also been introduced into the Lübeck node, as Friesland looked to boost the size of the zone whose share of trade it now dominated. Trade income ruled the economy more than ever and the monthly surplus had grown, even as the treasury had been used to fund the welter of new projects.

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    The Catholic Church had almost returned to holding fifty percent of the population as its flock and was working on converting the heretics of Amsterdam back to the One True Church. And its increasing influence in the Holy See had been converted into receiving a Papal Sanction to increase taxes.

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    By November 1584, New Friesland had been left to its own devices by the Homeland. Moratok had become a full city in May 1580, followed by Powhatan in December 1583. Atrakwaye in the north and Nottoway were being settled. The New Frisian army had 15 regiments and 15 ships, with all Frisian forces long since repatriated.

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    Frisian expansion ideas were further progressed with the introduction of early factories. And the stability of Friesland had never been higher.

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    As mentioned previously, the last few years had seen significant advances in military technology, as well as expansion of the army’s sustainment base through the building of regimental camps. The army was now sitting at 35 regiments in strength, its full establishment.

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    The navy still had room for expansion, with another early frigate under construction. Most of the navy was so far yet to be upgraded to the new models.

    And the rapid recovery of the Clergy’s influence continued, both through continued conversions and a new independence.

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    The next great political reform had also been implemented recently, with the citizenry being entrusted with the vote. The strong republican movement in Friesland still supported the life term system of sortition but would not tolerate a move to dynastic rule or even the restriction of the vote to landholders only. This broadening of the electorate would improve the morale of the army, whose soldiers were fighting for their own rights within the Republic: the dream of Frisian Freedom would triumph.

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    Frisian explorers had remained busy during this period, with Japan now being mapped in addition to most of Australasia and the South Pacific. Including a Portuguese colony discovered on the east coast of Australia.

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    The great power list was largely unchanged, but the Ottomans now dominated the top spot by a very large margin over France, the remaining powers a long way back. And Friesland had just managed to start earning a few victory points again for its recent administrative advancements.

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    Chapter 23: Men on a Mission (1585-91)
  • Chapter 23: Men on a Mission (1585-91)

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    February 1585

    In the three months since November 1584, Friesland remained at peace in a military sense, though the religious battle for hearts and minds continued, with Meppen once more falling to the Reformists. Sikke Jousma remained Potestaat at the ripe old age of 81, now in the 22nd year of his life term.

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    New Friesland was now essentially self-sufficient under general Frisian dominion, with the French presence also expanding to their south and the Huron Confederation standing in the way of westward expansion. The Hathawekela tribe remain Frisian allies.

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    The economy continued to perform strongly, with regular construction projects conducted in the homeland periodically. Trade now heavily dominated Friesland’s income stream. The recent alliance structure remained in place, the principal allies being the great powers of Denmark and France.

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    The proportion of Catholics in Friesland (including colonies but not New Friesland) sat at 45%, down slightly from 47% three months before, due to the loss of Meppen to the Reformists.

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    Frisian explorers continued to map more of north-east Asia, having now explored all of Australia, New Zealand and New Guinea, the Philippines, Korea and Japan’s main islands.

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    The Ottomans continued to dominate the great power rankings with France in a fairly distant second place. Friesland hovered on the edge of improving its score through its administrative accomplishments.

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    October 1591 – Political and Strategic Situation

    Sikke Jousma had passed on the next life in May 1585, shortly after our last survey point. Friesland had remained at peace for the intervening six years, with its dream of freedom and prosperity now in the hands of Willem Frederik Japisk. Trade, income and naval strength continued to be Friesland’s main claims to significance.

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    New Friesland also continued its modest expansion in the small pockets of land still available to it for easy colonisation.

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    New colonisation opportunities were taken up in 1586 in Lower Limpopo and south-eastern Australia and again in Tasmania in 1588. This had been possible in large part due to the advance in Frisian expansionist ideas, explained further below.

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    The clergy continued its slow return to influence and both estates remain loyal enough to the government.

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    There had been a few changes in the relativities of the great powers since 1585. The Ottomans were extending their dominance, while Russia’s development saw it return to a strong third place, just below France.

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    Frisian military and naval power had also grown in recent years, since we last assessed it in late 1584.

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    October 1591 – Religion, Ideas, Missions and Policies

    The last six years had been hectic on the religious front. While four re-conversions to Catholicism had been completed and another was in progress, the Protestants had reclaimed Oversticht and Geldern. But this meant Catholicism once again commanded the allegiance of more than half the population.

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    More widely in Europe, Catholicism remained the majority faith but it was far from a monopoly.

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    No technological advances had been made since 1584, with much administrative research effort being put into advancing expansionist ideas. This idea group had been completed, explaining the increased pace of colonisation, plus adding to Friesland’s diplomatic and trade power.

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    It was through Frisian expansionism that the most rapid advances in achieving its national missions in years were made. The recent cultivation of trade on the Ivory Coast was explained when investment in the rich trades was completed, leading to a big boost trade and colonial ranges – and helping open up Australia to Frisian colonisation.

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    This in turn quickly led to the chartering of the VOC, the colonisation of the Cape of Good Hope (adding a huge influx of ducats) and the discovery of Australia.

    Together with large monthly surpluses, the gold from South Africa boosted the Frisian treasury to a huge level. Burgeoning overseas trade and the blessing of the Pope added to Frisia’s prosperity at this time.

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    Meanwhile, a new military policy became available and was introduced to improve the efficiency of the army.

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    Chapter 24: Colonial Ambitions (1591-97)
  • Chapter 24: Colonial Ambitions (1591-97)

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    A map of Leeuwarden, the capital of Friesland, from the late 16th century.

    This chapter will take a more thematic approach to the five and a bit years between December 1591 and January 1597. First, the ‘Three As’: America, Africa and Australia.

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    North America and New Friesland

    Taking up the story just three months after the last chapter, there was of course little change in the overall situation surrounding the self-administering colony of New Friesland by December 1591. To the north and south, the expansionist French colonies had begun to hem the Frisians in. To the west, the Huron Confederacy and the Frisian-allied Hathawekela tribe limited expansion in that direction. To the southwest, the large Chickasaw Federation and beyond them, towards Central America, the Portuguese colonial presence lurked.

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    In 1593, a gradual rise in the liberty desire of New Friesland was being monitored by the home government. A central plank of colonial policy towards New Friesland was to keep them happy enough to not seek a break from the Fatherland, which tended to grow naturally with its increasing development.

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    A wider survey of the eastern half of North America in August 1596 showed the large territorial expansion of the French colonial presence, especially in the north, and the deepening northward encroachment of Portuguese Mexico into native lands. New Friesland remained hemmed in.

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    This remained true in early 1597, with the improvement in Friesland’s diplomatic reputation being the major factor in having reduced the net liberty desire of the colony from 37% to 34% over the last five or so years.

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    Africa

    The period 1591-97 saw the general consolidation of the Frisian Gulf of Guinea, which was now hemmed in by Granada Guinea to its west, Castilian Congo to its south and impenetrable jungle to its east. Swellendam in the south was a small enclave within Castilian South Africa, while the recent colonisation of Lower Limpopo in the south-east continued.

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    In November 1593, Lower Limpopo gained ‘full city’ status, but local religious unrest sparked a rebellion in Inhambane in early 1595, with that town falling in February and Lower Limpopo in June. By the end of the year, a large rebel army held Inhambane and no relief had yet arrived from Friesland.

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    But that relief was not far off: by May 1596 an army of nine regiments had landed and under command of General Johan Ernst Donia, the colonies were liberated from Fetishist control by early June 1596.

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    Australia

    Frisian colonisation of south-eastern Australia had begun in 1586 with the settlement of Wurundjeri, followed by Paredarerme in Tasmania in 1588. By December 1591, both these settlements remained in the early stages of development. Meanwhile, much of the eastern seaboard had already been colonised by Portugal, reaching down to Tharawal. As elsewhere, there was active competition for Frisia’s colonial ambitions in the far-flung corners of the New World.

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    Australia remained Friesland’s most active area of colonial expansion in these years. Paredarerme was the first settlement to reach autonomy in April 1592. This was followed by the settlement of Yuin in May 1594 (to head off further Portuguese expansion along the eastern coast) and the annexation of Kaurna in November 1594. Wurundjeri – the first and largest settlement – did not gain self-sufficiency until February 1595.

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    Kaurna and Yuin continued to be colonised in August 1596, aided by what passed for ‘humane’ colonial policies for the times. But Portugal conquered and annexed the tribal country of Peerapper in north-west Tasmania with a large army on 24 August; even as they suffered an occupation of much of their eastern colony of Portuguese Australia by the Yanuwa tribe.

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    The Counter-Reformation in Frisia

    As it had been for years now, the main conflict in Friesland itself was one of ideas rather than open warfare. The Frisian government had consistently sided with the Counter-Reformation and although Protestantism was not outlawed as such – some Protestants even openly served in the Frisian government – Catholic missionaries continued to do spiritual battle with their Lutheran and Reformed/Calvinist opponents for Frisian hearts and souls.

    In December 1591, around 61% of the population of Friesland professed the Catholic faith: a significant recovery from previous years. And Gent was close to being reclaimed for the True Faith as well. Lutherans and Calvinists held sway from south of the capital across east to Hamburg.

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    After Gent was converted back in January 1592 (once more increasing the strength of Catholicism in Friesland), the missionaries had switched to Oldenburg, which would be won back in September 1593. After that, the great (and expensive) task of reinstating Catholicism in Hamburg would soon be commenced.

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    As 1595 was ending, Hamburg was coming close to re-conversion but Cleve had once again succumbed to Protestantism in February that year, 33 years after their previous re-conversion to Catholicism. This saw a slight net decline in the strength of Catholicism at that time. Work was also being done to bring the majority heathens of Swellendam into the True Faith.

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    More widely, while Catholicism remained the primary religion of Western Europe, but the Reformed and protestant churches retained significant influence in many parts; Lutheranism more in the east and Calvinism the west and south.

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    The great work in Hamburg was completed in August 1596, bringing almost 50 years of Protestant domination there to an end. With it being too early yet to be able to launch missions in the remaining Frisian provinces in Europe, by early 1597 the missionaries had all turned to Africa – where the recent rebellion in the south-east had brought the dangers of local religious fervour into sharp relief.

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    The Economy, Military and Technological Developments

    Around mid-1592, the surge in demand for new ships precipitated a very inopportune slow-down in Frisian naval construction that would last for another ten years.

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    New research discoveries came in two fields in 1593. The development of maritime law expanded the range of Frisian traders and made them more efficient, while artillery was significantly improved and new cannon brought into service with the Leger.

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    The chambered demi-cannon had been introduced and another two artillery regiments built since 1591. The army was by this stage at full supported capacity, while the navy still had some room for expansion (albeit hindered by those construction problems).

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    By 1595, missionary costs had temporarily spiked (mainly due to the costly conversion of Hamburg) to decrease the monthly balance from around 24 ducats in 1591 to just over 10 four years later. But trade continued to grow, with Frisian merchants working hard to transfer trade flows from Lübeck and the Ivory Coast to the Frisian ‘home node’ of the English Channel.

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    Military administration had also been improved by this time, while Frisian diplomatic and military technology continued to significantly outpace many competitors.

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    Between December 1591 and January 1597, the economy had generally expanded and the balance sheet had largely recovered from the Conversion of Hamburg. Income was up by 6.8%, even though expenditure total had risen further, an increase of 18.9%, a significant proportion of which related to increased army maintenance costs. Frisian development levels had also increased over this time, up from 383 in 1591 to 402 by the start of 1597, mostly in base tax and production.

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    Since 1593, just one more ship, a galleon, had been completed, though the navy continued to be dominated numerically by the trade-supporting frigate classes.

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    Friesland and the World

    We come now to Friesland’s strategic circumstances and place in the world during this period. Potestaat Willem Frederick Japisk had held the highest office of the Republic since May 1585. In December 1591 he was 62 years old and well regarded as a leader and administrator. Many felt the Frisian Dream of Freedom to be in a safe pair of hands.

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    The government was stable, the economy doing well, there was a full treasury, plenty of reserve manpower and Friesland was at peace, with long-standing great power allies in France and Denmark.

    The Ottomans remained the most powerful nation in the known world, followed by France and Russia. A mix of European colonial and continental powers followed, with Morocco remaining the North African representative in the group. No purely Asian powers (other than the Ottomans, whose empire straddled three continents) were on the list of the top eight ranked world powers. Friesland remained a powerful trader and a major world economy and naval power.

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    China, as commentators at the time had observed [;)] , had apparently dissolved into a number of opposing fragments after the earlier collapse of the Ming Dynasty.

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    By August 1593, Friesland’s alliance network had undergone a fundamental change. For reasons lost to history, the long alliance with France had broken down with a formal diplomatic warning having been issued perhaps around mid-1593. While a truce had followed this breakdown, Friesland was clearly concerned about the now potentially hostile giant to its immediate south and in North America.

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    In response, new alliances had been forged with Austria (though bringing the Holy Roman Empire aboard, not classed as a great power at that time) and Savoy to balance this new French opposition, along with the retention of the durable Danish alliance.

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    As 1595 ended, Japisk remained in charge and was now regarded as an inspiring military leader as well. Friesland had once again begun to gradually increase its standing in the world (ie its score) and was now the second largest trade income in the world. Peace reigned for Friesland and throughout Europe.

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    But that peace was broken with the outbreak of a new European war between major powers in 1596. Poland was once again attempting to conquer Novgorod from Russia. By August 1596 this conflict was in its early days.

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    Otherwise, the great power standings remained steady and Friesland at peace (other than the recent zealot uprising in south-east Africa).

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    By January 1597, the Polish-Russian War had developed somewhat, but no field engagements had been fought. All the action had been siege work, much of it (but not all) on Russian soil.

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    Map showing known positions in the Polish-Russian War as at 16 January 1597, from the Polish perspective.

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    As can be seen above, the Polish-Lithuanian coalition had a significant advantage in overall army numbers but had already suffered significant attrition in its attempt to force the Russians into a surrender.

    More widely, Friesland had been influencing and currying favours with its new ally Aragon for some time. Combined with Savoy, the hope was both these middle powers might be able to distract France on its southern flank if war broke out and they could be persuaded to join in on Friesland’s side. The other hope was that forces from both Denmark and Austria-Hungary might either deter France from any attack in the first place or provide eventual assistance if it came to blows.

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    Chapter 25: New Century, New Horizons (1597-1605)
  • Chapter 25: New Century, New Horizons (1597-1605)

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    Frisian Domestic Issues

    In the four or so months following our last update, the government of Friesland has remained in the hands of Potestaat Willem Frederick Japisk. And his three chief advisers have taken on a multi-ethnic and religiously diverse character, though all remain patriotic Frisians who dream the same dream of Frisian freedom.

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    And in recent times, modest strength in Friesland’s administrative ranking had enabled its benchmark score to rise modestly.

    May 1597 also reflected the fact that more of Friesland’s administrative power was now available to making technological advances rather than being largely devoted to developing expansionist national ideas. The introduction of metallurgy would bring administrative development up to the same level as the other two branches of research, boost production efficiency and allow the building of mills.

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    By this time, Clerical influence had continued to recover among the Frisian estates, while both they and the burghers were loyal enough to the government of the Republic.

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    In 1597, the government began investigating the possibility of improving the iconic Dutch polders of Amsterdam, which would bring some significant benefits to the surrounding land and the Republic as a whole. It would require 1,000 ducats to improve them to the next level, so a dedicated saving program was commenced, while any windfalls that may come along would be invested in this infrastructure fund and other building would be limited.

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    Six years later, Willem Japisk remained in charge and the latest Frisian alliance network unchanged from the end of the 16th century. All of Japisk’s advisers were men who had originally arisen in the offshore colonies and the national focus remained on developing national power. A colonial policy of assimilation had been in place for a few years and would last until 1607.

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    In the estates, the clergy were even more loyal than before, but corruption concerns had undermined some of their influence. The interests of commerce as represented by the influential Frisian burghers remained paramount.

    By April 1603, the Frisian treasury boasted a large reserve of 766 ducats – and that was after the money to begin the improvement of the polders had been spent (as will be detailed below).

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    Meanwhile, the absolute measure of Frisian development had shown a decrease from 1597 (down from 402). But this could be explained by another development: the granting of another formal colonial administration in the New World (also more on that later).

    As noted above, the work on the improvement of the polders had progressed a short way, with current projections estimating another seven years would be required for its completion.

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    Two years later and the Frisian government was now in the hands of 68-year-old Potestaat Gerrit Wynja, a careful operator who would do his best to assuage other nations of any expansion Friesland may undertake during his term. Meanwhile, clerical influence in the estates had fallen again, more from the end of some previous positive factors than the introduction of new unfavourable ones.

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    In the meantime, the achievement of some important national missions in the last year or two saw two new positive national modifiers introduced – Imperial beneficence and the capital becoming a bourgeois city – to boost a range of economic, political and diplomatic measures. Both estates were therefore now even more loyal than in recent years.

    One of the reasons for the dedicated diplomatic effort by Friesland to woo Austria in recent years became apparent when relations with the Emperor were improved to such an extent that a 15-year ‘Imperial Beneficence’ had been granted in October 1604, for great tax and diplomatic advantage.

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    This had quickly led to the already well-developed capital of Leeuwarden being recognised as centre of commerce the following month.

    And more money invested in the polders project had seen its estimated completion date brought forward by two years.

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    A comparison of Friesland’s economic position from 1597 to 1603 showed most income generation – except for a small decrease in trade – had grown in the last six years, bringing net growth in income. Expenses had shown a more mixed report card, with some rising while others decreased, but in total terms expenses were down somewhat. Combined, the monthly balance bottom line was even better than in 1587 – an increase of over 21%.

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    Again, the notional decrease in total development was due to new colonial arrangements.

    Militarily, only one cavalry regiment had been added to the army over the last six years, keeping it in support equilibrium. There had been larger growth in the Navy, especially in the commissioning of new galleons. With the loss of sustainment capacity due to the ceding of the new colonial administration (in Australia, as we shall see), the Navy was currently two ships over its force capacity, which partly explained the sharp increase in Navy maintenance.

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    Administrative technology was now Friesland’s leading branch of research, which had outstripped that of many peers. Universities had been introduced since 1603, with national sovereignty being the next objective – allowing a new branch of national ideas to be developed.

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    The Americas

    The baseline for late-16th-century European settlement of North America is detailed below. Liberty desire in New Friesland – which at this point had been largely left to its own devices as Friesland concentrated on colonisation in Australia and potentially South East Asia – fluctuated but had been held below the point at which rebellion was an immediate threat.

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    French expansion in the north and east continued apace, as did that of the burgeoning Portuguese Mexico. Right or wrong, at the time Friesland felt it could do little to rein these in, especially when both these nations had the Pope’s mandate to exploit most of the colonised areas of the New World, around the globe.

    Portugal was also the dominant colonial power in South America, though England continued to maintain a significant colonial holding in the north-east, in and around Guyana.

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    Not too much had changed in either continent by 1603, though more complete maps were available for South America, showing the native nations of the west coast, especially the Inca, in more detail, plus the extent of the English colonisation around the north-west, where South America joined Central America. Together, both these enclaves were known as English Colombia.

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    Australia

    The Frisian colonial enterprise in Australia remained very active in the late 16th and early 17th century. In 1598, a short war was fought against the Palawa tribe resulting in the annexation of Pyemmairrener in Tasmania in April of that year. In 1600 Yuin converted to Catholicism and became a an established colonial province.

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    Early 1601 saw the colony in Kaurna established, followed by another short war in mid-1601 against the Kaurna tribe to secure the intervening province of Gunditjmara. By 1603, Wergaia was around two-thirds of the way to becoming recognised as a ‘full city’.

    During this period, these expansions led to the creation on 2 March 1601 (that is, directly after the conquest and annexation of Kaurna) of a colonial administration named Frisian Australia as a crown colony (or the equivalent, given Friesland was in fact a Republic). This time, Friesland wanted to retain a higher degree of direct control over the new colony.

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    Wergaia became an incorporated city in August 1604 and new colony established inland at Ngadjurri in May 1605. By mid-June of that year, a new colonial expedition was due to arrive in the western land of Nukunu in another four months. Most of these activities were driven more by a sense of competition for land with Portugal than from the perceived richness of the lands being settled and conquered. Such were the attitudes of those times.

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    Asia-Pacific

    By 1597, Frisian explorers had charted much of the coastlines of Far North-East Asia, what is now known (in OTL at least) as Alaska and the entire west coasts of North and South America. As Friesland remained highly interested in establishing a presence in the archipelagic islands of South East Asia – which had recently fallen within the range of Frisian colonial ventures.

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    This policy was first enacted in October 1601, with the establishment of a colony in the south of Sumatra at Bengkulu. This was followed less than a year later with the colonisation of Katapang in south-west Borneo. The colonisation of the so-called ‘Frisian East Indies had begun’!

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    Religion

    Even though (referring back to old archives) the Frisian government had the option of enacting edicts in its constituent states to enforce the state religion some time before 1591, this had not been done in Frisia then or since.

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    Of the two states such an edict might have been applied to, that of Frisia itself would have been the logical one to apply it to. But this would come at a massive increase in the cost of state maintenance, plus the sacrifice of the large trade benefits derived from the current trade protection edict.

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    With the Frisian counter-reformation apparently in control of the situation by May 1597, to the (now forgotten) extent the Frisian government was still engaged with the possibility, those factors still applied. Given the four current mainland provinces still under Lutheran or Calvinist sway had been too recently re-converted to allow the use of missionaries, the focus had switched to sending missionaries to convert the colonial provinces, first in Africa, where Fetishist unrest had been a recent problem.

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    From April 1598 through to October 1600, a total of five provinces in the Gulf of Guinea and southern Africa were converted to Catholicism.

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    By 1605, only the four mainland and two new South East Asian colonial provinces remained unconverted, following the hiving off of Frisian Australia into a self-administering crown colony.

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    The World

    In May 1597, the adjusted Frisian alliance network remained in place, with Aragon, Savoy and Austria (in particular) as the main strategic counter-weights to the now somewhat hostile and very powerful former Frisian ally of France, whose formal diplomatic warning remained in force. Favours were still being curried with Aragon, while Friesland’s other permanent emissary was in Paris, doing his best to repair relations with that huge and potentially threatening neighbour.

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    In a minor way, the relationship with Hathawekela was meant to perform a similar balancing function, though its value was probably negligible. Though it did deter other powers from perhaps stepping in to annex it in the interim, thus further blocking off potential westward expansion by New Friesland. Given the huge French colonial presence in North America and its presence on Friesland’s doorstep in Europe, successive Potestaat’s strove to keep relations from developing into open conflict, lest both their homeland and richest colony be swept away in some un-winnable (or at least very destructive) war.

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    Europe had remained comparatively peaceful in recent years, with the only significant war being the one that continued between Poland-Lithuania and Russia that had recently began, in mid-1596. By May 1597, Poland had won the lion’s share of territory through sieges, while Russia still held Novgorod, the Polish war objective. Only one apparently indecisive battle had been fought.

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    But in the next few months, Poland had secured Novgorod itself and forced Russia to accede to disadvantageous terms, establishing a greatly expanded Polish Russian territory through the annexation of fully 12 Russian provinces, including the newly renamed ‘Moskwa’ as well as ‘Nowogród’.

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    And from 1601, Russia had found itself embroiled in a new war, this time with another great power: Friesland’s Danish ally.

    In a similar vein as had happened in the early stages of the 2nd Novgorodian War, by April 1603 Denmark made territorial inroads but had yet to gain its war objective of Olonets. More information was directly available on deployments for this conflict due to allied reporting from the Danes – who had not called any of their allies into this war of aggression.

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    Two years later and the war remained contained; but many land battles had been fought in which Russia had generally come out on top. In addition, not only had Russia reoccupied all territory lost by 1603, but they had now taken all of them back and occupied five Danish provinces around the Baltic and in eastern Finland, swinging the war their way.

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    Four years into the destructive war, the morale of both sides was quite low, with the Russians fielding a preponderance of infantry and cavalry, while Denmark maintained a large advantage in artillery and at sea.

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    But the telling statistic for Denmark was the enormous death toll so far, with around 161,000 men lost, of which attrition accounted for over 70,000. The Russian naval losses had been heavy, but failed to balance the disparity of casualties on land.

    In the wider world, Friesland remained at peace (except for the aforementioned short colonial wars in Australia) for another six years. For a while, its standing (game score) had risen but it was again in the second tier of competitors, at around 12-13th in various comparative rankings. Its navy, trade and general income continued to be its strongest suits.

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    Among the great powers, Portugal, France and Denmark had gained prestige (or others had lost it in comparative terms) for the recent adoption of new institutions, but this boost in standing was likely to be temporary as others caught up.
     
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    Retrospective Update for 1595: Defender of the Faith
  • 1595: Defender of the Faith

    Something I only just noticed (then remembered) while doing the latest update: sometime around 1595, probably in March, Friesland made its play to become the Catholic Defender of the Faith, spending 500 ducats for the privilege.

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    Mammon had some benefits after all! The lucre wasn't filthy when it passed into the hands of Mother Church!
     
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    Chapter 26: Trade and Conquest (1605-14)
  • Chapter 26: Trade and Conquest (1605-14)

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    Frisian National and Domestic Issues

    Our last episode finished in June 1605. By December of that year, the recently appointed (for life) Potestaat Gerrit Wynja remained in power. The great project to upgrade the Dutch Polders in Amsterdam was well advanced on track for completion in less than three years. The recent alliance network remained in place, with the two larger self-governing colonies in America and Australia contributing their trade power to the homeland.

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    Friesland remained at peace in Europe and truces remained in place after the recent colonial wars in Australia.

    Wynja only governed until May 1608, being replaced by the generally competent but already old Willem Stiensma. But a notable change in the government had occurred, with the growing budget surplus having been invested into improved ministerial appointees.

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    In the intervening years, Friesland had benefited from a temporary boost to government investment and another bout of colonial enthusiasm – just the thing for a burgeoning settlement program, principally in Australia and the East Indies at this time.

    The Dutch Polders had been completed the year before, as planned. These now noteworthy works would do much to boost local defensive options but mainly to provide an enduring benefit to the production of goods and the loyalty of the Burghers in the Estates. But the great expense of upgrading again would be one for future generations to consider.

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    In the Frisian homeland, the recent status quo prevailed on the religious front, while overseas modest efforts continued to bring the heathens to Christ as Jesuit priests fanned out, one missionary team currently converting Katapang, in far Borneo.

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    Diplomatic and military technology had also advanced recently, with a new class of merchantman becoming available for production and flintlock muskets making supply far easier.

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    Between 1605 and 1609, the loyalty of both Clergy and Burghers remained steady, as did their influence. For the clergy, the benefits of clerical advancement had been replaced by a focus on public schools, maintaining their shaky influence. The Burgher still ruled the roost, however.

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    The rule of Willem Stiensma did not even last three years, with the brilliant but even older Koenraad Halbertsma taking over. In April 1614 he was 75 years old and was dealing with the enmity of Scotland, Portugal and Granada while Friesland’s alliances remained steady.

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    The big news in government practice in recent years was the introduction of a committee system for the appointment of the key bureaucrats. It may be another 60 years or more before another major reform was possible.

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    This period also saw a reintroduction of the dormant ‘Frisianisation’ policy across the more recently acquired provinces of the homeland. The two subject colonies remained well under control.

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    Catholicism in Friesland now claimed 83% of the population and the country remained as the Defender of the Faith. All colonial provinces bar the recently gained Manado and Sampit had been converted, but he four ‘blue provinces’ of Cleve, Meppen, Geldern and Oversticht could still not be tackled by the missionaries.

    The Leger had grown by six regiments between 1605 and 1614 as its sustainable capacity increased. Meanwhile, the Navy’s strength of 72 could now be supported effectively, helping with maintenance costs. The manpower reserves had increased significantly (by over 13,000 men to 48,686).

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    And as noted earlier, the upgrade from brig to merchantman would increase the strength and shock power of any ships that may have been converted or would be produced in the future.

    The influence of the Clergy in the Estates remained the same, but that of the Burghers was suffering temporarily due to a decline of the merchant classes expected to last at least another 13 years.

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    Economy and Trade

    Between 1605 and 1614, two major factors affected Friesland’s bottom line, with the net effect being an increase in the monthly surplus of ducats. First, as we observed above, by 1609 the Frisian government had drastically improved the calibre of its top advisors – which of course came at a cost – of around an extra 14 ducats per month in salaries.

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    But by April 1614, setting aside other minor fluctuations in both income and expenses, trade income had exploded, rising from around 51 ducats in 1605 and 54 in 1609, up to 70 in 1614! This more than compensated for the increased costs of the new advisors. Which were also partly offset (5%) by the recent introduction of the committee system for appointments.

    A more detailed review of the Frisian trade setup in 1614 shows where the money was coming from: mainly (of course) the English Channel node, which Friesland continued to lead in. Plus Chesapeake Bay, where both Friesland and New Frisland had strong interests.

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    By this time, Frisian traders and merchants had become more familiar with and attuned to some of the subtleties of trade flows. In the main hub of Europe, Lübeck (where the Frisian Navy also had a significant trade protection role, as well as in the Channel) now made a significant contribution to the English Channel, where Friesland commanded almost half the total trade power. The North Sea also made a modest contribution, as did other European and more distant inputs; not all directed by Friesland, with England and France also being leading beneficiaries of Channel trade.

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    In Chesapeake Bay, both Friesland (25%) and New Friesland (20%) wielded much of the trade power. And a good amount of the value was in turn being directed towards the English Channel node.

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    On a smaller scale, and with less Frisian influence, the Ivory Coast zone also transferred value to the Channel.

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    While in the East Indies, where the Frisian presence continued to grow quite rapidly around this time, its influence in the two main local trade zones was as yet minimal.

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    There was a little more trade power being exerted in Australia, through Frisian Australia, but it was modest and the overall value low.

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    The Wider World

    The Danish Conquest of Olonets had ended in loss and humiliation for the Danes in October 1605, after four years of large scale and deadly fighting. The settlement actually had them worse off as a result of their attempt, losing a swathe of land to the east of Finland, stretching from Lake Ladoga up to the White Sea and Kola.

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    It was apparent that the Danish Army had suffered terribly, with their manpower pool only just beginning to rebuild from nothing after a few months. Meanwhile, Russian reserves were a little healthier, but their navy had been all but destroyed.

    On the diplomatic front, in late 1605 the rivalry between Portugal and Friesland had deepened, with Portugal now applying an embargo and maintaining alliances with England, France and Aragon. Their colonial empire was of course huge and they held (but had so far not exercised) casus belli on both Friesland and Frisian Australia.

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    France remained as powerful as ever, with a large army, navy and manpower reserve. They still shared one ally in common (Savoy) with Friesland and held both the Austrians and Ottomans and major rivals. Emperor Louis XV had no legal heir [does that have much import in EU4?], but relations with Friesland were reasonable at that time, though their diplomatic warning remained in place.

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    Speaking of the Ottomans, they remained the dominant great power in the world. From their truce agreements, it could be seen that most of their recent activity had been focused to their south and east. They were almost on a par technologically with the leading European nations, had a huge army and navy and great international prestige.

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    Mehmed III’s empire had spread to occupy most of the Red Sea and Persian Gulf coastlines by 1605, also dominating the Libyan coast, Egypt and Mesopotamia, plus the Balkans and beyond to the south of Poland-Lithuania.

    In December 1605, there were no major wars in Europe, a state of general relative peace that would be maintained for the next decade or so. At that time, Austria had joined the list of great powers (following its formal absorption of Hungary). The other rankings would fluctuate a little but the list remained largely stable throughout the period.

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    By April 1614, Friesland’s relative position to the other great powers had climbed somewhat as new additions were made and advances adopted. It was now sitting not that far out of this ‘league table’ metric. Naval, trade and economic power remained Friesland’s premier areas of strength. And it’s standing [VPs] in the world had also begun to climb again, being seen in the leading 10 nations in administrative and diplomatic power rankings.

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    The Americas

    By August 1609, the Hathawekela tribe had been dragged into defending the Huron Confederacy against a French conquest war. Fortunately, as the Opothleyholo I was only doing this as an ally of the Huron, Friesland (though an ally) was not dragged into the conflict.

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    The Huron were in some trouble by this stage, the Hathawekela less so – though Tatteroa had been taken by French allies Portuguese Brazil and handed over to French occupation on 3 July 1609.

    The war ended in a ‘brutal’ loss for the Huron in May 1610, with French Canada being given control of two more Huron provinces. By January 1613 both were French Canadian cores. The Hathawekela were not forced to make any territorial concessions, though their small field army had been wiped out. And an indication of how far behind they were in technological advancement could also be seen [about 6 levels behind Friesland in all three streams].

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    In a closer look at the west coast of South America, the encroachment of Portuguese colonisation just to the south of the Inca had been traced out. From Arequipa up to Nazca had been colonised between 1558-61. A first war between the Inca, apparently allied with Pacajes, had occurred in the from around 1558 to September 1660.

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    It looked like another had followed from about March 1578 to maybe January 1585. Despite some long periods of Inca occupation during those periods, it seemed Portugal had eventually won this war too and that peace may have reigned since.

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    The East Indies

    In December 1605, a modest Frisian army and supporting fleet was in Bengkulu, ready for a possible expansionist campaign in Sumatra. The likely target was the small West Sumatran Princedom of Indrapura. It had a small army with fair technology, though three levels behind that of the Frisians.

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    Probably of more concern was their alliances, with the small country of Palembang but the larger Sunda, a neighbouring kingdom controlling most of Java. The other neighbouring Sumatran Sultanate of Malacca was significantly larger – with an army almost as large as that of Sunda, with both of similar advancement to Indrapura.

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    The problem with them (if either were attacked directly) was their respective regional allinces with Bengal (Malacca) and Ayutthaya (Sunda). This put both of these neighbours currently off limits to a direct attack, while Sunda’s alliance with Indrapura could also cause problems in a campaign there.

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    Both Bengal and Ayutthaya were genuinely powerful regional players, the Bengali navy being quite large.

    The Frisian Conquest of Muko-Muko had begun in 1607, ending on 9 May 1608. Few details are known now (including any side actions fought against either Palembang or Sunda), but the war was apparently effectively won with the defeat of Indrapura’s main army early on in the war.

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    Indrapura itself fell in February 1608 and Muko-Muko itself in early May, after which Indrapura capitulated and both were annexed by Friesland. By then Bengkulu was a full city and in June 1609 had been converted to Catholicism. The occupied provinces were well on the way to being made Frisian cores.

    In the wider view of the East Indies, Katapang in Borneo had also become a full city in February 1609, with Manado (at the northern tip of Sulawesi) being colonised a few weeks later.

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    The colonisation of Sampit in Borneo followed in late 1612, while another colonial fleet was getting ready to settle Gorontalo, next to Manado, by April 1614.

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    Australia

    Australia had remained fairly quiet from 1605-14. Colonial wars had been replaced once more by settler expeditions. Nukunu was settled in October 1605.

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    This was followed by Yuat, in the west of the continent, in December 1608.

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    Chapter 27: An Eastern Focus (1614-24)
  • Chapter 27: An Eastern Focus (1614-24)

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    Frisian National and Domestic Issues

    Our last episode finished in April 1614. By October of that year, the elderly but still vigorous Potestaat Koenraad Halbertsma (now 76) remained in power and he had a highly qualified cabinet to assist him (2 x +2, 1 x +3 advisers).

    In those months, an advancement in Frisian national sovereignty had led to the pursuit of a new group of ideas by the Government to improve the quality of a range of military doctrines and institutions. The first two of these had already been achieved by 11 October 1614.

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    By March 1616, there had been no change in the Government’s leadership or cabinet positions. Some key decisions had been taken in the last 18 months, with Friesland formally embracing the Counter-Reformation and founding the Frisian East India Company.

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    This meant there were now seven Frisian merchants available for tasks with the trade network. Their distribution at that point is also highlighted above.

    The Catholic Church now counted 82% of the Frisian metropolitan and direct colonial populations in their number. The first of the remaining Protestant provinces in European Friesland had become available for re-conversion and that process was almost complete.

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    Other colonial missionary work was under way where possible, but a few factors limited the ability of the Jesuits to spread the word in the Frisian East Indies: more on that in a subsequent section below. Friesland remained the Catholic Defender of the Faith.

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    About a year later, the Frisian leadership continued as it had, with Potestaat Halbertsma now 78 years old. The economy also remained strong, though the monthly surplus had been reduced to 17 ducats due to rising costs (adviser costs and colonial, army and navy maintenance mainly), while 731 ducats still remained in the treasury.

    Frisian cavalry mounts had been improved, with more naval design innovations next on the drawing board.

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    It was another seven busy years until we next check in with the pursuit of the Frisian Dream. In that time, old Koenraad Halbertsma had gone to his eternal rest, replaced by the significantly younger (that being a relative measure) Floris Van Uylenburgh as Potestaat. Alas, his talent for man-management of advisers coincided with a period of economic stringency at home, as the treasury fell into debt (for reasons that have proven difficult to glean from the available records – not building projects, mass ship upgrades or new military building as far as can be determined with a quick survey). This led to the cabinet being radically scaled back until more funds were available again.

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    Some previously noted events or decisions (such as ship costs) continued to apply or had been partly balanced out, while a just-received Papal sanction would see tax intakes increased for another 30 years! The nation remained stable, well enough respected and republican traditions remained high.

    As noted, a debt needed to be repaid and the treasury was close to the point where this could be done. The recent stringent savings measures (which also included mothballing most Frisian forts) had brought about a large monthly surplus, while recently increased colonial maintenance (principally from new settlements in the Frisian East Indies) might begin to reduce again as full cities were established in these provinces.

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    The military had seen a modest growth in numbers and supportable capacity in the last ten years. Galiot designs had replaced those for the galleass, but none of this oared warship type had yet been built. Nine out of 11 total Frisian forts, either (mainly) at home or abroad, had been mothballed to save costs. Some new fleet capacity would need to be acquired or built to return the increased navy to efficient maintenance levels.

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    As noted, naval technological developments had seen galiot designs gained and had also delivered a range of other benefits. More ‘quality’ ideas introduced during the last seven years had also benefitted the navy, with more on the way.

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    In 1624, Friesland was still the Defender of the Faith and all its four missionaries were fully engaged. Three of these were missions in the Frisian East Indies (more below on expansion there in the ten years from 1614-24), while after the conversion of Oversticht (1618) and then Geldern (1619) back to the One True Faith, Cleve was now the last of the Protestant provinces in European Friesland requiring missionary attention, which had just commenced.

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    Estate standings had also remained fairly steady over the last ten years. Of the ‘episodic’ factors affecting their influence, public school initiatives had been renewed to assist the standing of the clergy, though more recently the assertion of burgher authority had helped them but simultaneously hindered clergy influence. The loyalty of the clergy had also dropped in recent years, while the burghers were staunchly supportive of the government in August 1624.

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    The two subject colonies remained loyal enough and neither were on the cusp of seeking independence. Income remained modest, though Frisian Australia had grown – especially its armed forces – over the last decade.

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    The Wider World

    In 1614, the Frisian alliance network remained in place: Denmark, Austria, Aragon, Savoy and the Hathawekela tribe in America. This would remain so for the next decade. At this time, a determined diplomatic effort to improve relations with Poland (then +142) remained in full swing.

    Interestingly, by 1617 England was no longer a rival of Friesland – in fact, the English King Henry X Brock had sent a diplomatic mission to improve relations with their maritime neighbours and the two countries were now on quite friendly terms. England remained a little behind Friesland in technology and had a significantly smaller army and navy but remained a local middle and colonial power – with a royal marriage and alliance with Portugal.

    But there were clear limits to their strength and reach. In February 1617 they were around three years into a bloody colonial war against Muisca, whose principal ally Inca had countered English occupation of parts of Muisca with significant inroads into English Colombia. Meanwhile, the English had occupied Cuzco and their ally Portugal some of the southern Incan provinces.

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    While England seemed to be ahead in terms of bargaining power and the Inca had a significant separatist revolt to deal with along their western seaboard, the English had evidently over-extended themselves. Casualties had been heavy on both sides in land battles, while Anglo-Portuguese attrition had also been very heavy.

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    Just six days later, the ill-starred attempted subjugation was over – the English would have to lick their wounds and look elsewhere for their next expansion in South America.

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    By August 1624, English Colombia remained a substantial but divided colony. But to the south, the once-large regional native country of the Pacajes had been devastated by an earlier Portuguese invasion.

    The 2nd Portuguese Conquest of Quillacas had begun some time in or after 1617. By June 1619 almost all the Pacajan lands had been subsumed by Portugal, including the major sites of Tiwanaku and the Cerro Rico del Potosi. Only two provinces were left in native Pacajan hands.

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    Portuguese Peru had been formed in October 1622 and all these lands handed over to the new colonial administration.

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    The Americas, Europe, the Middle East and Africa were more comprehensively mapped by Friesland than in previous years by 1624.

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    Friesland, largely as a result of recent colonial acquisitions and development, was now inching quite close to official great power status. The top three acknowledged nations were the same in 1624 as ten years before, with the Ottomans continuing to rank way ahead of all other comers. Poland-Lithuania was ‘back’ after catching up with its peers in adopting major societal concepts, with Morocco being the one to drop out of the ‘top eight’. And trade continued to be Friesland’s strongest suit.

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    As noted before, Friesland’s European alliances ranged from the north to the south and central Europe, while they remained on a ‘diplomatic warning’ from France. Portugal was still the main rival and still embargoed Frisian trade. The rest of Europe had seen no major wars for the last decade.

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    North America

    New Friesland had been untroubled over the last ten years, largely penned in by geography and other native and colonial powers. In 1614, a war between France and its Portuguese allies (and colonies) against the Fox tribe had embroiled Fox’s allies the Chickasaw Federation in a major conflict that had first erupted in 1613.

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    By October 1614 the French were well ahead and large areas of the Chickasaw lands had been occupied. The conflict also showed up the gap in military technology between European and Native American armies. The Chickasaw were well behind, while the minor Fox tribe remained a century or more behind.

    Though the French had won a ‘brutal’ victory by May 1615, not much exchange of land had followed. By March 1616 Portugal had expanded from Mexico in Louisiana, while Castile was making inroads on the West Coast, in California.

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    At that time, a new merchant had been sent into the Caribbean to steer trade to Chesapeake Bay. Though for now, the value derived from this seemed rather paltry.

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    The East Indies

    During this decade, Frisian foreign and colonial policy remained almost exclusively centred on the East Indies. In October 1614, a sizeable army and a small transport fleet with a few escorts constituted the Frisian military presence.

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    The Emirate of Aceh was being considered as an expansion target and Frisian spies were building a presence that might eventually lead to a claim being fabricated. But the possible involvement of Bengal had so far deterred Friesland from starting anything serious there.

    In May 1615, the latest colony in North Sulawesi was founded at Gorontalo, while the missionaries were well on their way to converting the locals of Manado from their heathen beliefs.

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    The big event of this decade for Friesland was the War of Conquest for Padang – the last Indrapuran province left after the previous successful war of conquest. The war was launched in the second half of 1614 and by March 1616 the battle lines had shaken out. Padang had been fully occupied by by Friesland, while Indrapura’s allies Sunda (a significant regional power) and Palembang had attacked Friesland’s outlying holdings in Borneo and North Sulawesi.

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    The enemy had suffered the bulk of the casualties on the land, both in battle and via attrition, though these had been modest by wider contemporary standards. It also appeared that New Friesland had some ships sunk in a losing naval skirmish with Indrapura at some point. Friesland remained ahead, as it held its major objective and the enemy tried to offset this by the outlying sieges and a naval blockade by Indrapura of Bengkulu.

    In more detail, the campaign in Sumatra had been brief, with a battle in Padang wiping out the Indrapuran army in 1614 before its fortress fell to Frisian siege in February 1615. Meanwhile, Palembang took Katapang in May 1615 and Sunda did likewise to Sampit the next month, before handing it over to Indrapura.

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    Sunda had just embarked a large army (16,000 men) onto their mixed fleet that consisted of heavy and light ocean-going ships, plus a large contingent of war galleys best suited to work in the Java Sea, all escorting 16 transport ships. It was just setting sail – destination unknown as yet.

    In the meantime, Friesland had organised a war fleet to sail all the way from Europe to the East Indies, using its way stations in the Ivory Coast, south and south-east Africa to minimise attrition during the long voyage.

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    This fleet contained the most modern light ships (all the available early frigates, supplemented by older caravels) including the flagship Frijheid. The remaining 7 galleons and 24 caravels remained back in Europe, where the fleets were typically more heavily equipped, protecting trade in the key English Channel trade node.

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    In June 1616 Palu had been colonised by Friesland but a few months later had been occupied by Sunda. A similar fate came to newly colonised Poso.

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    By February 1617 the Sundanese had landed their main expeditionary army in Gorontolo, where a siege would soon take that outpost, simultaneously despatching a single regiment to occupy undefended Manado. A smaller Sundanese force was heading back to Palu. None of these moves in Sulawesi or indeed Borneo were being contested by Friesland: their main campaign would focus in the western theatre.

    There, the reinforcing fleet from Europe had arrived and, combined with the small fleet already there, engaged the Indrapuran navy in the Sunda Strait some time in late 1616, wiping it out and breaking the blockade of Bengkulu. The whole fleet was back in port for now, with the army co-located but not yet loaded up. Frisia’s commanders continued to ignore the enemy’s ‘distractions’ in Borneo and Sulawesi.

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    Frisian casualties remained minimal while those of the enemy mounted, but war progress remained quite slow at this stage.

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    In the event, the war had continued for another two years. The Frisian army had invaded Sunda itself on Java, with Banten on the western end the first to fall in November 1617. Pakuan followed in March 1618 then finally Kawali in March 1619. The enemy gave up on 10 April 1619, with not only Padang being annexed, but the three occupied Sundanese provinces also taken, while all other enemy occupied provinces in the east were released.

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    In 1622 all three former Sundanese provinces had become Frisian cores and a short local separatist rebellion in Pakuan was defeated in 1623.

    Elsewhere, the consolidation of the Frisian East Indies went on. Kendari in south-east Sulawesi was colonised in December 1617, before the Padang War was over. Mamuju in the west of the island was colonised just after the end of the war.

    srGkTA.jpg

    Flores, to the east of Java, was colonised on 30 May 1619 and by August 1624 had been fully brought into the Frisian Republic. The four remaining colonies were all well along to becoming full cities.

    This period had seen considerable expansion for Friesland in the East Indies, both by conquest and colonisation.

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    Australia and Africa

    In an event overlooked in the last chapter, back in 1611 Nyaki-Nyaki was apparently won in a colonial war by Frisian Australia. The details of this brief conflict are somewhat confused, but the outcome was further expansion of the Frisian toehold in western Australia.

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    By 1614, Castile was by the far predominant colonial power in southern Africa. However, the larger Frisian colony in the Ivory Coast and the two other way-points had proven valuable links that had enabled the further expansion of Frisian colonists into the East Indies and Australia.

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    Almost the whole of Australia had been mapped by Friesland in 1624. Portugal dominated the island continent, with Friesland the only other colonial presence. The rest was still ruled by some remaining aboriginal nations [and registering my discomfort with all this on a conceptual level, but it’s part of the game and I report it as such.]

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    But together with the expanding Frisian East Indies, this made Friesland a fairly significant player in this corner of the world in the early decades of the 17th century.
     
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    Chapter 28: More Colonial Wars (1624-34)
  • Chapter 28: More Colonial Wars (1624-34)

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    Frisian National and Domestic Issues

    Two years on from 1624, Potestaat Floris Van Uylenburgh remained in charge of the Frisian Dream. Of their formal rivals, Portugal remained the most dangerous as a colonial adversary. Scotland was preoccupied with other problems during this time and was in no real position to worry Frisia in Europe or abroad. For now, the recent alliance arrangements continued as they had for some years now.

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    In terms of governance, the recent financial strictures that had forced two of the three ministers to be sacked were over, with two new and very effective diplomatic and military advisers hired. In January 1626 lucrative new trade monopolies had been granted that would further boost trade income for the next decade. And Friesland continued to hover on the edge of great power status on the back of its colonial and financial successes.

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    By mid-1627 there had been no change to the Frisian leadership group. Some decreases in revenue (trade and war spoils) and increases in some expenditure (fort and army maintenance) had outweighed some savings in fleet maintenance to cause a decrease in the monthly budget balance. But savings had been accumulated over the last year to boost the treasury, which stood at 539 ducats.

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    As military quality continued to improve, the endurance of the Navy’s ships was about to be considerably boosted through the installation of copper sheathing below the waterline.

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    Two years later, Van Uylenburgh and his cabinet remained in charge, with both colonial policy and the use of influence with the Pope helping out in the colonies – where (as we will see below) the East Indies was proving to be an active front for Frisian military adventures.

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    New Friesland and Frisian Australia remained contented enough with colonial rule, while Friesland itself remained nipping at the heels of the Great Powers while its standing in the world (VPs) continued to grow.

    Administrative technology had recently advanced, allowing the construction of cathedrals should the government wish to pursue them. Military technology had lagged a little as quality improvements had diverted research efforts in recent years.

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    Van Uylenburgh’s now long time at the top had not brought out his best characteristics: by 1634 he had earned a reputation as a corrupt and greedy politician. Though he had at least hired a new expert economist to offset the cost of corruption by decreasing annual inflation.

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    And the government had taken this further by pursuing long term improvements to the treasury that would help tame inflation for decades to come, while coffee imports and increased drilling were also bringing benefits.

    Over the last five years, trade had at first increased then come back somewhat. The main effect on the budget bottom line had however been the big increase in advisor costs (now at their highest level ever), with many other costs trending upwards except for missionaries, whose efforts by 1634 had seen most colonial provinces converted.

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    Not only had this drastically reduced the monthly balance, but a new colonial war in the East Indies had seen some increased shipbuilding and the one-off cost of hiring a large mercenary army significantly deplete the treasury.

    Clerical influence in the Estates had again sunk to a low point by April 1634, while that of the Burghers was riding high.

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    The recent introduction of new naval technology meant the next generation of seagoing warships would be bigger and better than ever. However, the current fleet remained composed of older designs (in light ships, caravels and early frigates). At this time. None of the new models had been built or converted to.

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    The ideas to improve military quality had reached their zenith, with the concept of massed artillery batteries introduced, while the completion of the reform cycle had yielded a permanent improvement in discipline.

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    And noting the jolly jape about HOI3 in the supply system comments.

    Meanwhile, the introduction of an additional new military policy to better supply troops in the field would (despite slowing military research somewhat) help with the increasingly frequent foreign wars Friesland had found itself in of late.

    In the last decade, army strength had remained very steady, with only one new infantry regiment being added to the Leger. A war galley had been captured but then lost in the East Indies during some of the naval fighting there and then the five years to 1634 had seen six new frigates built.

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    Due to diligent missionary work, the whole of European Friesland had been brought back into the Catholic fold with the conversion of Cleve in April 1626. The missionaries then turned their attentions fully to the colonies, so that by April 1634 Catholicism was the faith of 99% of the Frisian population.

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    Despite the diplomatic enmity of the Papal States, Friesland remained the Defender of the Faith throughout this period. By 1629 the number of Catholic nations had expanded to 50, meaning that foreign missionaries would also be cheaper to maintain for the rest of the Faith.

    The two Colonial States remained loyal enough by the end of the decade, even if their contribution to Frisian tariff income (mainly through New Friesland) remained relatively low.

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    The Wider World

    Republican Friesland did not appear to be a likely candidate to excel too much in the Age of Absolutism, though it would try to eke out some benefits along the way.

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    In North America, France and Portugal continued to lead the colonial race for territory, while Castile continued to encroach on native nations from the west. New Friesland remained peaceful and prosperous enough, though increasingly hemmed in.

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    Portugal was the dominant colonist in South America, though both England and Scotland (currently embroiled in a colonial war in Central America) maintained sizeable colonies in the north and the Inca held out in the north-west.

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    In 1626, Scotland was five years into a debilitating colonial war against Chactemal where, despite losing every land battle fought so far (principally by Scottish Colombia and Mexico) they were hanging on due to the occupation of their objective provinces and the home country’s high morale. And even though Chactemal in turn occupied much of Scottish Colombia.

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    A year later and the Scottish-Chactemal War dragged on, with total Scottish casualties now over 52,000. The occupation of Chacujal by Scottish Mexico almost exactly offset the continuing run of lost land battles and creeping occupation of Scottish Colombian provinces. A Scottish Army was now reinforcing the colonial forces, where far more advanced military technology helped to balance Chactemal’s advantage in numbers on the ground.

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    Eight years of bloody fighting and siege warfare had finally seen Scotland outlast its native enemy. Colonial forces had progressively retaken occupied Scottish Colombia and Mexican provinces from September 1628 to May 1629, culminating in the annexation of all three Chactemal province into Scottish Mexico on 26 July 1629. Whether this was worth the eight years of debilitating battle losses and attrition for Scotland and its colonies was another question.

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    For New Friesland, the situation remained largely unchanged by September 1629: a long peace with a decent sized colonial army and small navy looking after its own defence.

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    Only three years after its last difficult struggle in Central America, Scotland had been dragged into another debilitating war in 1632 through its alliance with the small native state of Xalisco. But this time, the opposition was far more powerful: Portugal was the aggressor and they were allied with England and France, as well as having the support of their own powerful American colonies. Huge armies had seen both parts of Scottish Colombia and Mexico completely occupied, as well as Xalisco itself.

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    Even worse for Scotland, they had been overrun by the English and French at home as well. While total enemy casualties had been even larger than their own (mainly through attrition in sieges), Scotland itself had lost over 41,000 men. By April 1634 surrender was imminent and the peace would undoubtedly be a punishing one, while Scotland’s army and navy had been eviscerated.

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    In central Europe, Friesland remained at peace. Bavaria, Franconia and Cologne were the rising small powers in western Germany.

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    Cologne had enlisted the aid of Franconia and was winning a war to conquer Göttingen from Brunswick, who was being aided by Saxony. A side war further south between Milan and Ragusa had also gone poorly for Brunswick’s unfortunate Adriatic ally.

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    Overall, Friesland continued to do reasonably well on the world stage, though it had stopped earning VPs by this time and still hovered outside the top eight Great Powers.

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    The East Indies

    In September 1626, Friesland was in the early stages of another expansionary war in Sumatra, seeking to take Pagarruyang from Aceh. Aceh’s main ally was the powerful Bengal, while Malacca was their other major regional ally. This would be a test of Friesland’s ability to project power against a significant regional grouping – whose military technology was generally better than that of the native countries in the Americas.

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    The early exchanges had all been at sea, with a couple of New Frisian vessels lost to Pahang but a comprehensive naval victory for the main Frisian fleet against Aceh more than compensating. However, the overall military strengths of both sides were quite evenly balanced in terms of numbers – and more than half of those forces (Frisian and colonial) were a long way off back in respective homelands).

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    Malacca had a large fleet – mainly equipped with war galleys – blockading Banten and Katapang and had deployed a large army into northern Sumatra to assist Aceh, while the Frisians besieged Pagarruyang itself. The Frisian fleet was in turn blockading the Coast of Aceh.

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    A war galley had been captured from Aceh in the naval battle in the Coast of Sumatra and was being sailed back to port for repairs. Friesland hoped to take Pagarruyang quickly enough to be able to hold off both Malacca and the more distant Bengal forces and extract a victory before things escalated too far.

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    As it happened, the conflict had proved far longer and more difficult than had been hoped. The combined Malaccan and Bengali fleets, which relied heavily on war galleys, had been too strong to take on in the inland sea areas. [Note, I recall that an experimental sea battle I tried at the start of the war had resulted in almost the entire Frisian East Indies fleet being destroyed, so I rebooted and kept them either in port or in open sea areas only.]

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    In the end, Bengal had landed a large army as well and it had taken the hiring of around 28,000-man mercenary army (the ‘Grand Company’ led by Muhammad Jamad-Din Burnei) to augment the Leger van Friesland to defeat the Bengalis at the climactic Battle of Pagarruyang. Peace was made on 28 March 1629 after around three years of fighting, with Pararruyang annexed. Malacca had meanwhile occupied Banten, which was liberated as part of the peace deal.

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    By September, the Bengali army (around 44,000 in total) was making its way south and was still passing through Frisian territory. The heavy and transport fleets were in port while the Frisian light ships protected the Malaccan node. The mercenaries were dismissed once the war had been won.

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    Later that year, wishing to balance the surprisingly powerful and aggressive Bengal with a large regional ally of its own, Friesland had concluded its long alliance with the Hathewekela tribe in North America for a new alliance with Ayutthaya. Unfortunately, Bengal had then proceeded to invade Ayutthaya soon afterwards, dragging Friesland into a new war.

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    The war had lasted until April 1634, ending in a Bengali victory. Any Frisian hopes to be able to stay out of it largely unscathed were frustrated due to Aceh and Malacca entering on Bengal’s side. Bengal secured their objective of Phetchaburi after also occupying Bangkok and some other coastal Ayutthayan provinces as the war progressed.

    The separate campaign in Sumatra had been extensive. In early 1630 the Frisian Leger had advanced into Malaccan territory, taking the two southern provinces of Tulangbewang and Palembang from February 1630 to February 1632. From May-December 1631 they had added the three Malaccan provinces in north-central Sumatra to the list. But meanwhile, Bengal had landed an army in Aceh and had taken Padang in late October 1630, followed by the level 4 fortress of Pagarruyang on 8 June 1631 then the level 2 fort of Indrapura in late July.

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    In early 1632, the Frisian Leger had left Siak to march around south-east Sumatra to knock Aceh out liberate the Bengal-occupied Frisian provinces. They retook Indrapura (Nov 1632) and then Pagarruyang (Apr 1633) before ignoring Padang to invade Aceh, taking three coastal provinces as they marched north-west from January 1633-April 1634. During that time, Malacca had retaken Siak (July 1633) before Friesland negotiated a separate white peace with them on 8 August 1633.

    The overall peace following the surrender of Ayutthaya on 24 April 1634 saw all remaining occupied lands in Sumatra handed back to their original owners. It was clear from these experiences in the East Indies from 1626-34 that winning wars there would need serious preparation and power to be employed by Friesland in the future.

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    Australasia

    The next area for Frisian colonial expansion was into Melanesia, with Vanuatu settled in September 1626. By July 1627 the colony was well-established, with favourable short-term colonial policies assisting the task.

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    By September 1629, two more settler missions were on their way to Rabaul and the Solomon Islands.

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    These settlements were established by late 1630, with Vanuatu attaining full city status in May 1632. In April 1634, no new colonial expeditions had been mounted as Friesland sought to see the two new colonies fully established first.

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    Chapter 29: European and American Wars (1634-44)
  • Chapter 29: European and American Wars (1634-44)

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    The Frisian capital of Leeuwarden in 1637.

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    The War for the Danish Conquest of Gotland: 1635-41

    After years of relative peace, the decade from 1635 onwards saw larger scale wars coming back to the lands of Europe – and Friesland became embroiled in one of these through their alliance with Denmark. Hostilities began in 1635, with Denmark bringing in Friesland (among other allies) while the small island state of Gotland was protected by the powerful Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. Friesland’s prior diplomatic outreach to Poland had come to nought.

    By June 1637, Friesland had sent a large army to eastern Poland but had not yet become involved in any large land battles. Denmark’s casualties had been heavy in both land battles and through siege attrition. It was not clear where and how New Friesland had suffered almost 4,500 land casualties. Poland-Lithuania’s combined casualties were even heavier, predominantly suffered in land battles.

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    The broad scope of the war can be seen below, with the largest battle so far having been fought in the east at Psków between Denmark and Poland (a Danish victory). Friesland maintained its trade protection mission in the English Channel, letting the large Danish navy to look after the Baltic.

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    In the western and central sectors, the fighting had mainly been well distant from Frisian territory so far, though there had been Danish-led battles in Hamburg (a major victory) earlier in the war. Friesland had occupied Santok in eastern Poland in late May 1637 and was currently besieging Poznan. But Poland had made gains from Denmark on their Baltic Coast enclaves.

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    The largest concentration of opposing forces was in the east by June 1637, where earlier Danish sieges had taken Ingria and Psków in 1636 and Nowogoród in early 1637. One Danish army was heading east from Reval to Narva, while another was trying to recover Wenden, which had been occupied by Poland back in January 1636. Lithuania was now trying to retake Ingria (siege almost complete) and Poland Psków.

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    The war was nearing its end by January 1641. The only thing holding Denmark back from victory was their inability to take Gotland itself. The many battles fought had been roughly even in terms of their contribution to the war. But the enemy’s collective national morale was low and the Danes had managed to occupy large swathes of Polish territory.

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    Casualties had been enormous on both sides and Friesland had incurred a good number of those, in a couple of large land battles and siege work in eastern Poland. They had also lost three vessels (details not recorded) in some small naval skirmish at some point since 1637. For both sides, the great majority of total casualties (around 580,000) had come from field combat.

    The two major battles involving Frisian troops had come at Poznan some time earlier – a major loss when ambushed by a far larger Polish force – and a victory back in Frisian Hamburg more recently, where the tables had been turned and the 2nd Army was still recovering. The occupation of Sanok had been taken over by Denmark in 1640.

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    As will be covered below, the Ottomans had launched a separate invasion of Poland in late 1638, which had no doubt been a major cause of the swing in fortunes towards the Danish-led coalition since then. Of note, at this time the transports previously based in the Frisian East Indies had been brought back to Europe and, combined with local transports, had embarked a force of 16 regiments now in Öresund and bound for Gotland, to do what the Danes seemed incapable of themselves.

    The wider strategic view showed the extent to which Poland-Lithuania was now in trouble, the war with Denmark having laid them open to a stab in the back by the Ottoman super-power to their south. The last large enemy field army – a Lithuanian force of around 20,000 men – was trying to retake Nowogoród.

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    The end came just a few weeks later, when on 5 February 1941 Friesland occupied Gotland. This forced Poland-Lithuania out of the war and (for reasons not quite clear from the available historical record but seeming to have been sparked by the gaining of more Prussian lands from Poland as part of the peace settlement) brought about the conversion of Denmark into the Kingdom of Scandinavia, incorporating a personal union with the Palatinate.

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    Denmark/Scandinavia had gained Malbork/Marienburg and Warmia from Poland. Gotland came to a separate peace a month later on 7 March, paying reparations but retaining its independence (thus counting the war as a ‘technical fail’ for Denmark but a ‘disaster’ for Poland. It would not be their worst disaster of the period, however.

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    The Ottoman Conquest of Hunyad: 1638-42

    As we have seen above, the Ottomans invaded the already much weakened and preoccupied Poland-Lithuania in late 1639 and proceeded to overrun them. By January 1941 the Ottomans were in a dominant position militarily and in terms of territory gained.

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    The great majority of coalition losses had come in field battles, with Bavaria (a new ally for that war) suffering most heavily in terms of men lost, followed by Lithuania and Franconia, another new ally for this conflict. The vast majority of Ottoman losses had come through siege attrition, to the extent that their total casualties were around 86,000 more than the Polish coalition. But it seemed they could afford the price.

    The pain and humiliation would continue for another year until Poland-Lithuania capitulated, the Ottomans claiming far more than the single province of Hunyad – with seven lost by Poland and six from Lithuania: far more than a ‘minor conquest’.

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    The French Conquest of Avignon: 1639-43

    War also came to the west in this period. France (backed by Portugal) claimed Avignon from the Papal State in late 1639, assisted by the regional powers of Frisian ally Savoy plus Switzerland. This brought a large coalition to oppose them, including the rival colonial great power Castile, to oppose the French. By October 1640 the French had occupied Avignon itself and three provinces in north-east Castile, while the Castilians had taken Évora from Portugal.

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    There had also been fighting in the colonies, from Australia's west coast to North America. The overall war’s balance so far was in France’s favour.

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    At this time, a large and fairly evenly poised battle was being fought in Rome itself between armies led by Savoy on one side and the Papacy on the other. The Savoyand-Swiss coalition force seemed to be slightly on top at that point.

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    The war would end in French victory on 11 March 1643, with Avignon incorporated into the Kingdom of France but no other known territorial changes.

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    The 2nd Lauenburgian Conquest of Lüneburg: 1642-present

    Closer to home, turmoil in the region came with a war by a Saxe-Lauenburgian-led coalition pitted against Lüneburg and its sole ally Scotland – not the most useful ally, perhaps, by this time. The war had begun in 1642 and it seemed poor Lüneburg had been outmatched from the start. By mid-1644 all their provinces were occupied and three large enemy coalition armies were camped in their territory.

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    It also showed Friesland that local German coalitions could easily muster large armies. They still needed allies just in case they came up against such a foe.

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    The Americas

    By 1636 the post-alliance truce with the Hathawekela tribe had finished: Friesland used the opportunity to launch a shameless campaign of colonial expansion at the expense of their former long-time allies, on the pretence of attacking their allies the Kispoko, for Manahoac.

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    The war had only just been completed by 4 June 1637, with Calicula and Patawomac from Hathawekela being added to Manahoac as spoils of war on 1 June, all to be ceded to New Friesland the next day. Friesland flagged its future intentions by establishing a spy network in the Chickasaw Federation where a claim on the isolation territory of Tutelo would be sought.

    At this time, Portugal was the dominant colonial power in South America, followed by England and then Scotland in central America. In the north, France led the way, followed by Portugal and then Castile.

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    In early 1643, having finished its war against Poland-Lithuania as Denmark’s ally, Friesland had gained its claimed and launched a war against the Chickasaw for Tutelo. Chickasaw’s ally the Comanche had retaken Tutelo and then taken the New Frisian province of Monacan in late 1643.

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    However the combined Frisian armies had won both back from February-April 1644. The war ended with Tutelo’s annexation and granting to New Friesland in early July 1644 – just as this latest episode was coming to a close.

    New Friesland had managed to expand its borders westward in recent years, but the avenue for growth was narrowing as France, the Floride, encroached both to the north and south and Portugal came east from Louisiana.

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    In South America, the Inca’s lands had been steadily encroached upon by Portugal from the south and the English from the north, with another war currently in progress by the English against Inca, Chachapoya and Muisca.

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    The Frisian East Indies

    The decade from 1634-44 was once of consolidation, peace and building trade in the Frisian East Indies. In 1637. The transport fleet was still based in Sumatra, as was the large colonial army. The light vessels were busy protecting trade in Malacca, where a merchant had been located (transferred from the less lucrative Caribbean trade node). Friesland was now the second most powerful trader in the Indonesian Charter.

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    In 1644, many ships (some light and all the transports) were still in Europe following the Gotland War. But a sizeable fleet still patrolled Malacca and four heavy ships remained in reserve in Sumatra in case called upon for regional hostilities.

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    Melanesia

    Little had changed in Australia during this time, following the brief colonial skirmishes between Castile and Portugal on the west coast during the Avignon War. But the colonial race was heating up in Papua. In 1637 Friesland had sent colonial ventures to the south of Papua (though they would take well over a year to arrive), while the colony in the Salomonen Islands had almost become self-sustaining.

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    The Frisian colonial effort had been none too soon as both Portugal and Scotland established colonies on the Papuan east coast in July 1638, at around the same time as Friesland had in Kerema and Hanuabada. These had been followed by a new Frisian expedition to Daru, which was settled in December 1638. All were still being consolidated in mid-1644.

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    Domestic Affairs

    In June 1637, the new Potestaat Johan Ernst Jongstra was just over a year into his term following his predecessor Floris Van Uylenburgh commencing his eternal Dream of Frisian Freedom the year before. Jongstra would remain in office for the rest of this period.

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    The year before, a military focus on the offensive had provided a very handy boost to Frisian siege warfare for the next decade, but trade and tax incomes were at the same time under downward pressure through the dominance of smuggling rings. The two subject colonies remained loyal enough and existing Frisian alliances remained in place.

    Military advances had seen the introduction of improved cavalry and artillery formations since 1634.

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    But (previously un-noted) some time between 1629 and 1634 Friesland had lost its position as the Catholic Defender of the Faith. It would once again cost 500 ducats to regain the title – funds not then available. However, full religious unity was brining its own benefits to the Republic.

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    In January 1641 advances had just been made in administrative and (again) military technology, which meant an upgrade of all three branches of the army had been completed since 1634 as the Republic’s governing capacity increased. Friesland had opted for Gustavian Infantry.

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    However, national stability had decreased somewhat from its usual highs (from 3 down to 2) and would take some administrative effort to remedy.

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    In July 1644, the Danish alliance had been transferred to Scandinavia, but the regional pact with Ayutthaya had been discontinued – to avoid distracting entanglements in that part of the world for the time being. Since 1638, many events and decisions had impacted upon the factors modifying Friesland’s national efforts. Most were positive, though institutional corruption was again nibbling away at national prosperity. One colonial policy had lapsed in 1643 and another would do so in late 1644.

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    The clerical estate had made up a little ground, while Frisian prestige, Republicanism and power projection were good to adequate.

    Diplomatic technology was the next to benefit from research, with increased naval professionalism benefitting trade efficiency and range.

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    The economic summary from 1637-44 showed a gradually increased balance more through expenditure efficiencies rather than revenue, which had drifted down very slightly. The main benefit had come in decreased advisor costs (the standard had been maintained).

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    The decrease in the treasury in July 1644 could be explained by the choice to once again become the Defender of the Faith. The funds had not been available in 1641 but by July 1644 Friesland had once again claimed this title. The entry of a couple of new Animist colonies in Papua had slightly decreased national religious unity, but missionaries were already in place to rectify this.

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    As noted, military advancements had seen the whole Frisian Leger modernised since 1634. By 1641 losses in the Gotland War had seen some regiments destroyed at the Battle of Poznan, while new cavalry and artillery units had been raised. The heavy impact of Frisian army reserve manpower could also be seen at that time.

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    Two new infantry regiments had been recruited by 1644, but the navy had barely changed in numbers, with any losses being matched by new builds. And manpower levels had largely regenerated by then.

    In July 1644, Poland-Lithuania had been weakened but remained a great power. And Friesland was once again on the cusp of reaching that status, just barely short of Austria and Morocco in those rankings.

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    The Frisian Dream remained well and truly alive as the middle of the 17th century approached.
     
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    Chapter 30: Building Freedom (1644-60)
  • Chapter 30: Building Freedom (1644-60)

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    The Lauenburgian Conquest of Lüneburg (continued): 1642-47

    Saxe-Lauenburg and its allies had launched its campaign to conquer Lüneburg back in 1642. By July 1644 the whole of Lüneburg had been overrun and occupied but they had not surrendered in the vain hope that their own allies Scotland might come to their rescue. Almost three years later, the war dragged on as the long occupation stretched into a fifth year.

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    But a few months later, Lüneburg recognised the inevitable and their entire country was annexed in July 1647. Of interest, the country of Verden was revived after 70 year gap under a new King, Nicholas II, who was given both Verden and Stade by the victorious coalition. Saxe-Lauenburg got its prize of Lüneburg, while they ceded Celle to Magdeburg a couple of months later.

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    War of the Scandinavian Succession: 1647-53

    As had been mooted a couple of years before, Friesland’s largest and most long-standing ally Scandinavia (until recently Denmark) was at risk of succumbing to a succession war on the death of the current king. This eventuated in March 1647, triggering a series of events. First, the Elector of the tiny Palatinate became ruler of a personal union where Scandinavia was the junior partner. This automatically voided Friesland’s alliance with Scandinavia – but apparently (as far as can be reconstructed from partial historical records, many being destroyed after the Great Archival Fire of 1693) not before they became embroiled in a Succession War declared by the powerful Russian Tsardom!

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    In any case, March 1647 saw Friesland as the second most powerful member of a coalition in a war with Russia that they did not want nor would likely benefit from. The initial Russian blockades in the Baltic would soon be relieved by the immensely stronger Scandinavian Navy. On paper, in March 1947 the Coalition led by The Palatinate looked far stronger than their Russian adversary.

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    But the Coalition’s forces were all in the west and scattered – while the Russians were of course concentrated in the east and under unified command.

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    Friesland had soon extracted itself from this conflict: the exact date and terms of its withdrawal and whether it suffered any losses before doing so is lost to the historical record. This hard-headed decision would have badly damaged the prospects of the Coalition and by 1651 the Coalition (still nominally larger in forces than the Russians) had lost fourteen field battles in a row after initial victories at sea and on land (at Viborg) in the opening phase.

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    This equated to around 220,000 Coalition losses in field combat to just under 80,000 for the Russians, whose attrition casualties were almost as large. Scandinavia alone had lost 150,000 men. By that time, the Russians had a large advantage in infantry and a huge one in artillery, only being outnumbered in cavalry. Only the possession of Sjælland prevented the war situation being even more dire for the Coalition.

    After modest gains in eastern Finland in late 1647 and 1648 (one province each), the Russians had gathered a little pace in 1649 (two provinces in May-July. But in 1650 the floodgates had opened, with most of Finland being overrun quickly between September and November. These gains had only been offset slightly by Berg and Regensburg taking two Russian province in the south in 1649-50.

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    By early 1651, Russia had pushed into Sweden in the north and had a large army in the south to relieve its lost provinces. Of significance for the Coalition, a Scandinavian rebellion had just broken out in Denmark against the personal union, led by the pretender Magnus Juel. His army of 40,000 men had no credible nearby threat.

    The war would end on 23 February 1653, with no apparent gain of territory by Russia on terms that remain unknown to modern historians. In any case, two years later Magnus Juel had succeeded in his rebellion, re-establishing the Scandinavian monarchy after a brief interlude. Though The Palatinate remained in alliance with them.

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    And in 1658 the Scandinavians were once more trying to conquer Gotland – again with little apparent direct success by March 1660. Gotland’s ally Riga had taken all the punishment for them, while the attackers lost the vast majority of their casualties through siege attrition.

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    Other Wars: 1651-60

    Friesland’s alliance with the rising Franconia drew it into two German wars in the 1650s. First, they played a prominent role on the Franconian Conquest of Rothenburg against Mainz from 1651-53. This saw Rothenburg and Mainz itself annexed by Franconia on 21 September 1653.

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    Less than three years later Franconia was at it again, this time aiming to take Niederhessen from Hesse. Mainz were again penalised, as an ally of Hesse, losing Coblenz to Franconia as well when the treaty was concluded on 17 January 1657.

    In 1654 the unlucky Scotland once again found itself on the wrong end of a war caused because of its modest colonial holdings, again in Columbia. By this time, France had taken over the southern part of Scotland’s Central American slice of Scottish Colombia. During the latest war, England and its colonies had overrun the rest of Scotland’s Columbian holdings.

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    Even more devastating for the Scots, England had also occupied the whole of Scotland itself by March 1660. It seemed a Scottish surrender must be imminent by this time.

    And another large, long and bloody coalition war had broken out in Western Europe in 1655 when the Swiss, with the important aid of France, embarked on a conquest of Milan, backed by a range of Italian allies and Cologne. By March 1660, a great many bloody battles had been fought, both sides suffering hundreds of thousands in casualties – principally in many field battles.

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    There had also been significant warfare at sea – where the Milanese Coalition’s heavy advantage in war galleys seemed to have given them a clear tactical edge in Mediterranean sea combat against the French. But the Swiss-French partnership was now well on top and had gained a big edge in overall numbers. Though in northern Italy, Swiss and French armies seemed to be fairly evenly matched against two Coalition armies headed by Naples and Mantua.

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    New Friesland Expands: 1648-60

    Friesland had pushed its colony to expand further against the unfortunate Hathawekela tribe – the only avenue (limited) left open for western growth there. From 1648-49 an uneven fight had seen Kanawha and Mohatan annexed and allocated to New Friesland.

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    In early 1651, France had swept well past New Friesland’s western borders and between them and their allies Portugal had almost eliminated the formerly large Chickasaw Federation.

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    The final small slice of Hathawekela land was grabbed in January 1659, when Tatteroa was conquered after a very brief campaign over just a couple of months. And New Friesland was now fully encircled by French colonies.

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    Asia and Australasia: 1645-60

    The latest flurry of Frisian colonisation (interspersed with similar efforts by France, Portugal and Scotland) had been in Melanesia and Papua in recent times. Yos Sudarso and Manokwari were settled in late 1645, both later becoming full cities by 1650-51, followed by forcible conversion to Catholicism and to Frisian culture by 1658 – along with the rest of the Frisian settlements in the region.

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    The centre of the Frisian East Indies colonial administration had grown in Sumatra. Frisian military expansion at the start of the 1650s saw a series of regimental camps raised there, while Indrapura’s fortifications were upgraded in 1658.

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    In Australia, the last tribal lands available on the continent were taken by Friesland and added to Frisian Australian rule in 1655. Minang, owned by the Nyoongah people, was the prime target but their allies the Larrakia were also drawn in – meaning both were annexed after the inevitable victory by the colonialists. Most of Australia was now controlled by Portugal and Friesland, with a small Castilian enclave on the west coast.

    Then as 1659 drew to close, Friesland took an opportunity to use its large colonial army to defeat the Sundanese and their partners in a quick campaign in eastern Java, from February-December. Kawali was no longer isolated and Frisian control over the whole of eastern Java was secured – though some local rebellions had to be suppressed subsequently.

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    Frisian Affairs: 1641 and 1647

    In an event not noted in this work at the time, by January 1641 the twelfth round of governmental reforms had been implemented, with traditional Frisian Republican values being reinforced.

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    Potestaat Johan Ernst Jongstra still ran the government with a strong set of advisors – who now cost far less to remunerate, thank to Jongstra’s well-developed political connections. This would yield a large benefit to the budget while he ruled. Though the common people were somewhat discontented and would remain so for the next few years.

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    And of much satisfaction to the Republic was its recognition by this time as one of the Great Powers of the world. Its prestige had also grown further, acknowledged as a leading source of administrative, diplomatic and military achievements. At that time, Scandinavia’s submission as junior partner in a personal union had seen it fall out of the ‘Great Power Club’, while Austria’s star was also on the wane.

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    At home, after decades of very little construction of major infrastructure projects and influx of wealth from trade, production, taxation and occasional Australian treasure fleets meant funds were available to embark on a major building program that would last from the 1640s and throughout the 1650s. Initially, there was a focus on growing the army (given the recent increase in major warfare in once-peaceful Europe), but also trade depots and factories – especially in the locally dominant textile trades.

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    There were good reasons to build these new manufactories apart from their practical value – including the objective of achieving the next advancement in institutions. The period leading up to 1647 also saw military technology once again catch up with the other two branches of Frisian research.

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    Frisian Affairs: 1651

    Potestaat Jongstra remained in power in early 1651 and was still supported by good advisors in his cabinet. On the diplomatic front however, there had been changes. The Austrian alliance had broken down sometime between 1644-47 and certainly by the time the Scandinavian War of Succession had begun in March 1647. This seemed to be principally due to Austria coveting multiple Frisian provinces.

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    While civil unrest would still smoulder away for a few months more, Friesland was now a word renowned trading power, which would have enormous benefits to trade income for many years to come (and the effect will be seen below in the economic summary for the period). But diplomatic technology research would be hindered for most of the decade due to a trend to naval disarmament.

    The Frisian building boom had continued, with six (mainly military training fields) finished in the late 1640s. And a new textile factory was almost finished in Amsterdam. Around this time, this pursuit of early ‘industrialisation’ was also being driven by a national goal as well as institutional ambitions. And despite the recent expenditure, the treasury had amassed a fortune of over 1,100 ducats: they would soon be spent on a range of items, both buildings and military units.

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    Around this time, as ranked by development, Friesland was closely followed by Amsterdam as the great cities of the Republic, followed by Groningen, Hamburg and Brügge. In the colonies, the New Friesland capital of Wicontiss was matched by Moratok in its level of development. But by this time, with research and other demands, there had only been modest attention paid to increasing development levels in the ‘metropolitan’ cities of the Republic.

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    Friesland retained its position in the Great Power rankings, all of which had been temporarily lowered while the sixth institution had become technically available but not achieved by any of the world powers. The Republic’s status (VPs) also continued to increase.

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    Frisian Affairs: 1660

    After governing for over 20 years, Johan Jongstra had died in March 1657, to be succeeded as Potestaat for life by Hendrik Casimir Van Schellinkhout – a kind-hearted man and a reasonably competent leader. The alliance network remained unchanged from 1651, with no major powers but four prominent regional powers in Germany and to the south of France.

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    The previous nine years had also seen some new developments, all in economic areas. Another Papal increased tax sanction, freer trade and a new cloves trade helped boost incomes further. And Amsterdam had been upgraded into ‘world port’ status. This was where the bulk of that large treasury surplus was spent. But its benefits were great and permanent.

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    And due to the current prosperity, there had been enough money left over for new building projects with military infrastructure completed from 1653-57 and three textile factories in production and due to be completed by the end of the year. The national objective would be over half finished when they were built – and it also contributed to institutionalising manufactories for Friesland.

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    As noted above, boosts to trade (in particular), taxation and production during the period were great. Costs, especially for advisors after the death of Potestaat Jongstra in 1657 and for the army, had increased by 1660. But the monthly balance was still a little higher than it been back in 1647. And much had been gained in military and economic power.

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    The last nine years had also seen all three research streams advance, keeping Friesland at the forefront of these developments. And importantly, the institution of manufactories had spread to enough provinces for it to be embraced by the Republic [whether building them helped with that or not – maybe not].

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    Catholicism remained very strong in Friesland at home and abroad, with new lands vigorously worked by the missionaries as soon as they could do so. But between 1647 and 1651, Friesland had again lost the title of Defender of the Faith. And by 1660 there were insufficient funds to retake this mantle (having been spent on Amsterdam’s port upgrade, other infrastructure and the military during the 1650s). But the Reformation had been well-contained in most of Europe.

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    From 1644-47 the Frisian Leger and Navy had each grown modestly, as had their maximum sustainable limits. To 1651, actual growth was small, but potential army and navy sizes had been boosted significantly by the above-mentioned building program.

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    Then for the rest of the 1650s, both the Leger (in particular) and the Navy’s numbers were boosted greatly, while capacity (especially naval capacity) were also expanded further, with more room for expansion left. A modernisation program had seen all Frisian heavy ships boosted to war galleon class, while almost two thirds of light ships were now frigates. At that time, two caravels were about a quarter of the way through conversion in their Javan base port.

    In March 1660 Friesland had improved its global rankings as a great power and more generally (VPs, where it was now 12th in the all-time rankings). France was temporarily down in third spot of the great powers due to it not yet having embraced the manufactory institution, temporarily eclipsed by its ally Portugal, due to its great colonial empire.

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    Scandinavia, free again of its short-lived personal union, was once again in the “big boy’s’ club”, but actually ranked below Friesland. Poland had fallen out of the top eight – perhaps due to an “institutional lag”. Of course, the Ottomans still dominated as the world’s greatest power.

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    AuthAAR’s Note: we are now only 33 years from ‘rejoining’ the current game save point, though there is still a bit to get through before then.
     
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    Chapter 30A: The Fall of the Inca and Frisian Cultural Imperialism (1644-60)
  • Chapter 30A: The Fall of the Inca and Frisian Cultural Imperialism (1644-60)

    Note: Here is some 'bonus material' I couldn't fit into one or both of the last two 'main' chapters but wanted to present for the information of my dear readAARs.

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    The Fall of the Inca

    The English had attacked the Inca and their allies - the Chachapoya and Muisca - in 1640 in the Conquest of Guayaquil. By July 1644 the war was still raging but the proud Inca were in dire trouble. The English and their Columbian colonial allies had by then deployed large armies and, despite taking heavy casualties in battle and attrition at siege, were now numerically and territorially dominant.

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    Map, from the Incan perspective, as at 10 July 1644.
    The end of the disastrous war came on 16 March 1645, with England establishing the new colony of English Peru and the rest of the conquered land going to English Colombia. Inca itself was reduced to small rump state centred around Cuzco in the south and its native allies survived in 1647. But covetous eye were turned upon them ...

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    Those eyes belonged to the Portuguese who eventually pounced seven years later, in 1656. Pacajes was the first to fall in November 1656, followed by their allies the Inca and Chachapoya in May 1658. This time, all but the resilient Muisca were finally annexed.

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    This left the Muisca as the last surviving native nation in the northern half of South America in early 1660. By that time, as we saw in Chapter 30, Scottish Columbia had been completely overrun by the English in their colonial war.

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    Frisian Cultural Imperialism

    Friesland had long sought to impose a mono-culture on all the lands it controlled. The European heartland had been fully acculturated by 1660 and the colonies directly run from Leeuwarden were well on their way along the same path. In New Friesland and Frisian Australia this cultural coverage was more patchy, as they had each run their own domestic policies since becoming self-administering colonies.

    In the Frisian East Indies, this process was well advanced, with some parts of Sumatra and Eastern Java not yet fully assimilated.

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    Australia remained a patchwork of tribal and coloniser cultures.

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    Of the older colonies, the mainly autonomous New Friesland had a wide spread spread of Frisian culture, but also some Dutch from early resettlements, of course interspersed with more recently acquired native American cultures.

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    And the three long-settled Frisian enclaves in Africa on the western, southern and eastern coasts had long been culturally and religiously assimilated into the Frisian Catholic way of life - in nominal terms, at least.

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    Chapter 31: A Bone to Pick (1660-70)
  • Chapter 31: A Bone to Pick (1660-70)

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    Developments in Frisia: 1660-65

    It took over 200 years to do but after a short war against a coalition of small countries supporting Ostfriesland and with the support of its own allies, especially Franconia (returning some previous favours) Ostfriesland was finally brought into the Republic on 16 May 1661.

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    By this time, with no new colonisation opportunities in sight, the colonists were back home helping to develop some of the leading Frisian cities. Ostfriesland itself would join the Republic as one of its leading cities. Its heretical Protestant religion would have to be addressed after it had been properly incorporated as a core province.

    By May 1661, Potestaat Van Schellinkhout had completed four years in power. The Estates were not causing any problems, national prestige and power projection were healthy enough and Republican traditions were at the maximum level. The Cabinet members were all top experts in their fields.

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    The nation was more than half-way to fulfilling its national mission to build manufactories, but the government (due to a bureaucratic lapse) had not taken advantage of its ability to adopt a new administrative policy for free.

    Diplomatically, there were many countries trying to improve relations with Friesland – the most noteworthy being England, while Friesland tried to mend its fractured relationship with France. There, it was France’s designed on both Belgian and New Frisian lands that were getting in the way of friendly relations. Portugal remained the principal rival, with Switzerland and Ayutthaya now added to that list.

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    With the institution of manufactories recently adopted, the next such level would be the Enlightenment – which could not be adopted before the beginning of the 18th century. Of interest, the newly acquired Ostfriesland was currently the most likely place within the Frisian Republic for it to start.

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    Four years later, Van Schellinkhout remained in charge of the Frisian Dream. Savoy had been dropped from the alliance network after Friesland broke the alliance – for reasons that will be explained further below. Cologne and England (clearly no longer trying to woo Friesland) had become enemies, with Cologne also be recognised as rivals by the government in Leeuwarden. And a spy network had been established in Bone (Sulawesi) where Frisian colonial ambitions were not yet satisfied.

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    As a Republic in an Age of Absolutism, Friesland was not necessarily setting the world on fire as a bastion of authoritarianism, but they were at least making progress in higher education. The Frisian Golden Age was now a little over a century in the past.

    A concerted effort had seen the required manufactories completed in the intervening years and a massive influx of ducats to the treasury had resulted, in addition to a general increase in productive efficiency. The next national mission in this thread required total Frisian development to be raised significantly: an objective that would gather pace for the rest of the decade.

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    The economy had grown significantly since 1661 in trade and production, with corruption eliminated and missionary costs reduced to zero. Military maintenance costs were steadily rising as Friesland went through a period of expansion of its Leger and Navy. Development had increased (by 20) and the influx of funds from the adoption of manufactories had quadrupled the treasury holdings.

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    In May 1661, the conversion of the newly won Javan provinces was under way and (as we saw above) Ostfriesland could not yet be converted. Friesland, though it had the funds, had chosen not to renew its position as Defender of the Faith (for specific reasons that are no longer recalled). By March 1665, all provinces had been converted, with 100% religious solidarity.

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    The Leger and Navy had not grown in size from 1660 to 1661, though their maximum capacity had. But there was growth across the board in the four years to 1665, especially in the size and capacity of the Navy.

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    It was around this time that the benefits of drilling were discovered for the Leger. From this time, during periods of peace, the armies in both Europe and the Frisian East Indies would be split into a couple of groups, with one drilling and the other in a state of readiness in case of any surprises (ie attack or revolts).

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    European Wars: 1661-65

    The long and vicious wars between England and Scotland and the Swiss and Milanese Coalitions were still in progress in May 1661, as was the latest Scandinavian attempt to conquer Gotland – which would succeed in August. And the attackers in the other two conflicts were well on track to victory.

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    And Friesland’s standing as a great power (and in VPs) had grown.

    In Italy, Milan and Mantua had large armies trying to undo the Swiss occupation of Milan’s heartland. The main French and Swiss armies were to the north in Germany, apparently seeking to knock Cologne out of the war. In total, total casualties on both sides now amounted to 600,000 troops and 100 ships from sieges, attrition and 51 battles.

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    And on 8 July 1661, the long English-Scottish Colombian Colonial War ended in humiliation for the Scots. The English not only fully liquidated and absorbed Scottish Columbia but took back more of their own historic lands lost to Scotland in earlier wars and also all of Scotland’s remaining territory in Ireland and Wales, plus the Scottish province of Dumfries.

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    In Italy, Milan surrendered in June 1661, ceding its capital and Bergamo to the Swiss. In March 1665, two other Italian wars were reaching their final stages. Bologna soon completed its conquest of Ferrara, while Savoy had occupied Genoa and would annex it that September.

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    After this, Europe would be largely peaceful and without major wars for the rest of the decade.

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    North America

    In March 1665, France, Portugal and Castile controlled the vast majority of North America, with a few Native American tribes surviving in the centre of the continent and New Friesland as the other – far smaller – colonial enclave on the East Coast.

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    Moroccan Wars: 1662-70

    A great power war had begun in 1662 pitting Morocco and its coalition on one side against the two leading powers Portugal and France, plus Frisian ally Aragon, on the other. By March 1665, the war had been going for three years – and Morocco was in serious trouble. Granada’s homeland had been occupied, as had large parts of Morocco’s principal home territory.

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    Many field and naval battles had been fought, apparently with roughly even results at sea but with far higher Moroccan Coalition casualties on land. Not surprisingly, the majority of Portuguese Coalition land casualties had come through attrition. Overall, this left the Moroccan coalition even further outnumbered (4 or 5 to 1 on land and at sea).

    This being a colonial war as well, the fighting in Portuguese Guinea was far more in favour of Morocco, with Kaabu and Granadan Niger to assist.

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    The conflict has even spread to the far south of South America, where Portuguese Rio da Prata was doing battle with Granadan La Plata.

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    Predictably, the war ended badly for Morocco, with an unfavourable treaty concluded in December 1667. Many provinces were lost – some in surprising places and (to future historians) for unexplained reasons. Portugal achieved its principal war aim of bringing Baja (now Beja) and Algarve into mainland Portugal. Aragon gained land in the Mahgreb and Portugal released Tlemcen as an independent country.

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    But it was unclear how or why a large swath of land was transferred from Morocco from Aragon via Portugal to Songhai – which had (as far as could be determined) not been a participant in the war and was not an ally of either of the victorious powers. In any case, these losses would see Morocco, long at the margins of great power status, lose that prestigious position.

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    Some month later, in mid-1668 Morocco sought some redress by seeking to bully Jenné into submission – thus drawing its recent ally Granada into the war as an enemy. In August 1668 Moroccan troops were in the process of reducing Jenne’s fortress by siege.

    In February 1670, Morocco had fully occupied Jenné, mainland Granada and several provinces in the north of Granadan Niger to be well on top in the war.

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    The Frisian East Indies and Australasia

    In May 1661, the Frisian Leger in the FIE was largely concentrated in East Java, where the three newly acquired provinces remained restive and prone to revolts. In Papua, Melanesia and Australia, the Frisian colonies continued to develop slowly and peacefully.

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    But by 1668, Friesland was preparing for war with Bone, its only other opponent to the domination of Sulawesi. Bone was a sizeable and well-advanced princedom, technologically on par with the most modern contemporary states of the world and with four local allies. Of note, each had decent sized navies equipped principally with oared warships well-suited to combat in the archipelagic waters in and around the Java Sea.

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    The campaign began late in 1668 and would eventually be won by Friesland on 8 February 1670, bringing three more provinces in Sulawesi into the FIE. But not after some reverses along the way and a major loss of ships at the Battle of the Java Sea, where a composite Frisian fleet was heavily outnumbered by a Banjari-led coalition force boasting a large amount of tactically superior oared vessels in the close waters. In December 1668 Flores was occupied by Blambangan and Brunei soon took Sampit (January 1669) and Katapang (March 1669) in southern Borneo.

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    But as usual for Friesland, such peripheral occupations were ignored as they concentrated on the main objectives. Starting with the occupation of Makassar (the primary war objective) in December 1668, Friesland first defeated Bone’s army in the field then set about occupying almost all its provinces from March 1669 to February 1670 before forcing it to concede three of these on the western coast in the peace negotiations.

    Having learned its lesson (and lost at least 23 ships of all types in the Battle of the Java Sea), among the new Frisian naval constructions begun around this time were three chebecks in Sulawesi, the first of which would enter service within a week or two of the end of the war.

    Frisian influence was spreading through the Indonesian archipelago by February 1670 but it was as yet far from a monopoly power there. Other regional countries held considerable sway, while European colonial powers (Castile, Portugal, France and Scotland) held various nearby island outposts.

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    Developments in Frisia: 1668-70

    In August 1668, Potestaat Van Schellinkhout – now recognised as an inspirational leader – and his government remained firmly in charge, with good advice helping to keep things running smoothly. A special effort was being made to ensure that New Friesland remained firmly committed to the central government and the early stages of industrial development would ensure good productivity for many years to come.

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    Of note, the Deccan Empire had rapidly emerged as the new Asian great power, with Morocco forced out of the ‘top eight’ and Friesland pushed back into 7th place on the list.

    A new military advance (cartridges) had just been made, with the far more efficient coehorn mortar introduced into the Frisian Leger’s artillery arm. Conscription centres could now also be built should Friesland want to keep expanding the size of its army in the future.

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    Van Schellinkhout was still in charge in 1670. The alliance network remained restricted to Bavaria, Aragon and Franconia and Somalia had for some mysterious reason decided to proclaim its enmity to the Republic. Friso Tjerkstra’s talents had contributed to a great increase in Friesland domestic counter-intelligence efficiency and also to its overseas operations.

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    The economy had continued to perform well in 1668, with the recent innovations boosting production, though this was outweighed a little by the increase to military maintenance. The treasury surplus had grown to a whopping 7,650 ducats.

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    By 1670 there had been a massive drop in trade income [can’t now recall why and haven’t tried to drill down to determine the cause – not much point, really]. Diplomatic expenses were up, even if the fleet maintenance cost had been reduced after the disaster in the Java Sea during the war with Bone. But the economy was still in monthly surplus and the treasury surplus had grown, despite recent shipbuilding costs. Development had rocketed up (from 707 to 763) in the last two years as Friesland strove to achieve its next national mission, with the acquisition of the new territories in Sulawesi also helping.

    Another major milestone had been achieved in administrative technology, with the introduction of a new constitution heralding a new time of focus on ideas to improve the influence of the Republic. The first of these, a new tributary system, would lead to the increase of the modest amounts currently received annually from the vassals.

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    Friesland (hosting the capital Leeuwarden) remained the most developed province anywhere in the wider Frisian Republic or colonies, closely followed by Amsterdam and Ostfriesland. In New Friesland, Wiscontiss (in Delaware) remained the capital but Munsee and Moratok had overtaken it in terms of their development. Wurundjeri remained the capital and foremost province of Frisian Australia.

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    There had been only modest development in the Frisian armed forces from 1665 to 1668. In 1670, the capacity of both had been increased a little more but Navy had not yet recovered its losses from the Bone War, though many new ships were now under construction, including a new class of oared warships.

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    On the religious front, only the newly won provinces in Sulawesi required conversion from heathenism. Friesland still had no cardinal of its own, now had only one missionary available and had not yet retaken the mantle of Defender of the Faith, which remained vacant. Protestantism remained strong in certain pockets (Ireland, Scotland, Switzerland, Venice and Bohemia) but otherwise Catholicism reigned in Western and Central Europe.

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    Morocco and Scandinavia technically remained ‘legacy’ great powers and would do for a few more years, but Morocco was now highly unlikely to return to that list after its recent reverses. The Deccan Empire had increased its power further, to now be considered the fourth most powerful nation in the world. Friesland continued to maintain a firm foothold in the lower half of the ‘top eight list’, just ahead of Poland-Lithuania.

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    The Deccan Empire was not well mapped by Friesland at this time but it was guessed to occupy a large part of the southern half of the Indian subcontinent. Its great regional rivals appeared to be Delhi to the north and Bengal to the east. The Deccans had a large army and navy and were well advanced in all fields technologically, only just behind Friesland at the ‘cutting edge’ of world standards.

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    Chapter 32: Frisian Expansionism at Home and Away (1670-85)
  • Chapter 32: Frisian Expansionism at Home and Away (1670-85)

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    The Frisian capital of Leeuwarden in 1679: it had seen a boom in development and growth during the 1670s.

    Developments in Frisia: 1670-82

    The previous Potestaat, Hendrik Van Schellinkhout, had ruled for 15 years before he was laid to rest and dream the Endless Dream of Freedom. The new man – a renowned military leader – Luidgod Elsinga had by September 1679 been in charge for 7 years. Like those in recent decades, he was supported by a highly qualified Cabinet of advisors.

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    Friesland’s alliances remained as they had at the start of the decade, with Aragon in the south and a strong more local western German emphasis with Franconia and Bavaria, who Friesland was influencing diplomatically at the time. Portugal and England remained the most significant rivals.

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    The last nine years had seen just diplomatic technology advancing, though the impact of that was significant for Friesland’s trade and naval power. It seems much of the extra bureaucratic power had gone into developing the home provinces and advancing new ideas.

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    Following the losses – especially as sea – in the East Indies during the war with Bone, the last nine years had seen a large net increase in the Leger and an even bigger one in the Navy. There, not only had the previous losses been replaced, but a great program of new shipbuilding had grown the Navy’s capacity significantly. This included the introduction of a substantial arm of oared warships – the latest chebeck designs – in the East Indies.

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    Much of the previous treasury surplus had also been spent – some on buildings, but much of it to upgrade every existing Frisian vessel to the latest class.

    In September 1679, Friesland’s place as a great power remained secure and its place in the world (VPs) had seen it be recognised as the 10th most revered country in the world’s historical annals. Portugal’s great overseas empire now saw it ranked in second place over France, with the continent-spanning Russian Empire coming next after the powerful Deccan Empire in India.

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    Liudgod Elsinga’s term had been a shorter one by normal Frisian standards, being replaced upon his death after fewer than 8 years in power as Potestaat by the well-qualified Hendrik Martena, who boasted all-round talents and a Midas touch, in March 1680.

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    Frisia had progressed its influence ideas by adopting additional loyalist recruitment a year or two before. This would help keep the subject peoples in line in the longer term.

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    The great power list remained unchanged in April 1682. By then, Friesland had three sizeable armies stationed along its borders with Cologne and Munster: they would soon find themselves actively employed.

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    By June of 1682, Brügge had been added to the elite club of being a world port. Hamburg remained an entrepot – it seemed it could not be elevated further without becoming part of a State or included in a trade company [things I’ll have to consider when the game restarts in 1693].

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    European and African Wars: 1670-85

    Some of the more significant wars conducted during this period continued to reshape the world map and affect great power interests. One of these had begun in 1670 (a short while after out last chapter ended) and involved Castile finally exerting its strength to overwhelm and annex Granada’s homeland in the south of Spain.

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    This conflict had lasted a gruelling 7 years, pitting Castile and Portugal, France, Aragon and the Papal State against Granada, Tunis and Kanem Bornu. In February 1677 Castile won a decisive victory.

    Morocco had won its war against Jenné in March 1670, annexing the entire country. It followed this with another expansionary war in the south against Mali, ending in January 1674 with the annexation of Futa Fallon. But neither of these victories could revive Morocco’s great power status.

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    Another significant conflict closer to the Frisian neighbourhood saw an aggressive England annex much of Ireland from Clanricarde in April 1676, where the native Irish defenders had apparently been overwhelmed in Cork by a huge English force.

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    Savoy continued its impressive expansion in northern Italy with a war that saw the rest of Milan plus Genoa itself annexed in December 1677. The Genoese state would survive in Corsica and its Crimean enclave the loss of its ancestral capital must have been a bitter blow.

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    Late 1679 had seen a large conflict begin between Russia – which sought to recover Moscow and other Polish-occupied lands for the Tsardom – begin. By April 1682 the Poles were ahead in terms of territorial occupation, seizing large swathes of Russian territory in the east.

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    The armies of the two military coalitions were quite evenly poised in total numbers, though the Polish coalition (which notably included Frisian allies Franconia and Bavaria, among others) had suffered the higher casualties (mainly through attrition) and the Russians also occupied at least 7 Polish and Lithuanian provinces.

    In June 1682, the overall balance was similar, but a closer snapshot of positions (visible because of Friesland’s allies sending back field reports) showed large Franconian and Bavarian armies deployed in support of their Polish-Lithuanian allies.

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    But the Russians turned the situation around over the next few years, winning a major settlement in May 1685 that saw many of its European provinces returned, shrinking down the Polish governorate in Russia to roughly where it had been years before.

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    England returned to its favourite whipping boy in 1681 when it launched an invasion of Scotland aimed at reconquering Cumbria. Between April and December the whole of Scotland was overrun, but still no peace had been negotiated – the Scots must have been holding out obstinately in their remaining overseas colonies and relying on the power of their uselessly distant allies in the Far East. The war would still be going three years later.

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    Humiliated by Savoy and its allies in 1677, Genoa was now unfortunate enough to find itself at war with the biggest power of all: an alliance with Cyprus dragged them into war with the mighty Ottoman Empire in 1683.

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    By May 1685 the Ottomans were in a dominant position, with the whole of the Genoese Pontic Steppe occupied and a large Ottoman army besieging Corsica. The huge Ottoman fleet had been too large for Genoa and Cyprus to deal with. The Ottoman casualties were far larger in numbers but smaller in proportion to their enemies’ and mainly suffered through attrition.

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    The Americas

    The English annexed the last native state in South America – Muisca – into English Columbia on 11 October 1671. By September 1679 only a handful of tribes in the plains of North America remained independent as the great European colonial powers (and Granada with its small foothold in the far south) had already sewn up both continents.

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    The East Indies

    The significant Frisian colonial expansion of this period saw another war of conquest launched against Sunda and its four allies (including the regional power broker and Frisian rival Ayutthaya) between 1672 and 1678. The first year of the war saw Katapang and Sampi overrun by Lanfang in August and September. Meanwhile, the Frisian Leger took Karta in Java. The fortress of Cirebon would take until 1674 to overcome, quickly followed by Pekalongan. And this time, rather than letting them languish, a Frisian army landed in Borneo to retake Sampi and Katapang in a short campaign from June-August 1674.

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    The decisive Battle of Kotagede was fought in 1675 as the Leger ran through Kendal in central Java and then Kotagede, Kediri and Surabaya that year. The great star fortress of Demak held out until 1677, with Malang and the island of Madura occupied later that year. A punishing peace treaty was imposed on 1 January 1678, with 5 provinces in central Java ceded to Friesland.

    Soon afterwards, Friesland could watch on as Castile, using its colonial base in the Philippines, sought to conquer the island of Palawan from Brunei. By April 1682 Brunei’s regional coalition was still causing Castile problems: Palawan had been occupied but so too had Castilian Timor and a number of their Philippine provinces.

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    Castile had the greater strength, however they would no doubt be having problems applying enough of it in these far-off lands. It took them until January 1684 to grind out their victory, adding the Bruneian province of Sangkulinang in eastern Borneo to the spoils of victory.

    In 1679, shortly after the victory over Sunda in Java, there were four administrative regions in the Frisian East Indies: Frisian Malaya (Sumatra), Frisian Kalimantan (Borneo), Frisian Indonesia (Java) and the Frisian Moluccas (Sulawesi).

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    Developments in Frisia: 1682-85

    Four years after their victory in Java, Frisian ambitions lay closer to home. It was again time to expand their territory in Europe itself. In mid-1682, those armies that had been poised on the borders of their southern neighbours were sent into action against Cologne. Aragon had joined when called in by Friesland as an ally, while Franconia (an ally of both Cologne and Friesland) had joined in on the side of the German defenders. Franconia considered Friesland had broken their alliance with them by invading their other allies. Bavaria, an ally of both Friesland and Franconia but not of Cologne, remained neutral.

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    With, Konstanz (southern Germany), Münster and Aachen also joining Cologne, the two sides fought it out in a few theatres. Friesland occupied Osnabrück (Munster) in September 1682 then Hoya (Cologne, the main target of the conquest) in June 1683. Meanwhile, Aragon sent a large army north to assist, meeting and defeating a coalition army led by Aachen at the Battle of Gent, winning a tactical victory and helping to keep the enemy off the Leger’s back.

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    Aragonese General Bartomeu Monteagudo leads his troops to victory at the Battle of Gent against an Aachen-led German coalition army, 1683.

    Other smaller battles were likely fought between Friesland and Franconia during this time, but no historical record remains of the details. Both Hoya and Osnabrück were gained by Friesland in February 1685 as the Republic flexed its power further into northern Germany. This had made an enemy of Franconia and no doubt worried other regional players but the Frisians were willing to earn that enmity as the price to be paid for expanding their continental strength and territory.

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    Soon after that war ended, Hendrik Martena remained in charge of Friesland. The alliance with Bavaria and Aragon remained intact, added to which (in replacement of Franconia) the powerful state of Bohemia was added and close relations with the growing Savoy reinstated.

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    And – for reasons that are not now entirely clear – Friesland was now supporting the independence of Lithuania, whose liberty desire as the junior member of the personal union with Poland was now 100%. [Presumably a Lithuanian declaration of independence would bring me into a war with Poland and whatever allies it might bring to their side. Does it work that way with the breaking of a personal union?]

    Despite its Republican leanings, Friesland had made some gains during this Age of Absolutism – especially in the areas of learning and improved administrative efficiency.

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    Recent years had seen the only departure from 100% coverage of Catholicism in Friesland and its directly ruled provinces and colonies caused by the absorption of recently conquered lands in the East Indies. Missionaries were sent out to convert them as available, with Demak being the only Hindu hold-out by May 1685.

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    Technology research had again been given priority in the last three years, with innovations in administrative and military fields being made. Both these areas were now up to 15 years ahead of the international benchmarks of the time.

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    One very significant military development was the modernisation of infantry and cavalry organisation and equipment; the details of decisions made will be highlighted later.

    The Frisian economy continued to thrive. From 1670-79, trade and tariff income increased noticeably, while costs for diplomatic expenses, fort maintenance and missionaries were decreased. But the big expansion in the Navy in particular led to an overall net increase in total expenses, but an improvement in the monthly budgetary bottom line. As noted previously, the decade had seen a large expenditure to also modernise the Navy, as well as a range of building projects.

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    Six years later, trade and taxation receipts were up, balanced by fort maintenance again increasing, the net effect being a modest decrease in the monthly budget surplus, while the treasury had increased again.

    As noted previously, one of Friesland’s national missions required total provincial development to be increased significantly. Great progress was made during the 1670s, with the capital itself seeing the most growth, followed by Oversticht (off a low base) and Utrecht.

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    A more modest rate of development saw Utrecht and Amsterdam on the up again, while the new acquisitions of Hoya and Osnabrück also now figured on the lists of more developed provinces. Moratok in New Friesland was now the most highly developed colonial city not controlled directly by Friesland. Makassar in the East Indies was the greatest direct colonial possession.

    This had pushed the pursuit of the Imperial Conquest mission to over 90% completion by May 1685. And the introduction of integrated elites in the colonies may help with the integration of newly annexed provinces.

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    As noted above, military advancements had allowed the Leger to improve its fighting formations. Line infantry and Latin dragoons had been introduced. The numbers of the Leger and Navy had been marginally increased over the last three years, as had their total capacity.

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    In the East Indies, the main fleet units were protecting trade (30 frigates) or in port in Java (23 two deckers and 17 chebecks).

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    Two fleets of frigates (44 in total) protected trade in Europe, with 7 more two deckers and 29 transports (which had brought troops back from the east for the recent war for Hoya) at port in Amsterdam.

    Friesland’s place among the great powers remained solid as their historical reputation continued to grow. Of note, Friesland now again had the third largest navy in the world, the second highest trade income and fourth highest total income in the world.

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    Chapter 33: The Edge of Tomorrow (1685-93)
  • Chapter 33: The Edge of Tomorrow (1685-93)

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    Genoa and Scotland at Bay: Foreign Wars from 1685-89

    By September 1685, Genoa’s forlorn defence of Cyprus against the might of the Ottoman Empire was over. Genoa was left in a bad way: they lost half of the Genoese Pontic Steppe (Crimea) for their troubles. And had their refuge in Corsica under siege by a noble rebel faction.

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    Cyprus itself fell a year later and was annexed into the Ottoman Empire.

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    Scotland had been quickly overrun by England in 1681 when the latter’s Reconquest of Cumbria had started. Due to Scotland’s remaining overseas colonies and Asian allies, by 1685 the war still dragged on, staving off the abject Scottish defeat that surely beckoned.

    Finally, in January 1687, the long and painful ordeal was over. And the outcome was as disastrous for Scotland as it could possible have been. Their remaining land in Scotland itself were all annexed by England, who that same day declared the establishment of Great Britain.

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    In the British Isles, only the ‘Scottish Danelaw’ (now part of Scandinavia) and the last three counties of Clanricarde in Ireland remained out of British hands.

    Later in 1687, Castile decided to take advantage of the vulnerable expatriate Scots colonial holdings by launching a colonial war, ostensible for the colony of Ifugao on the island of Luzon in the northern Philippines. But of the war spread elsewhere, including in the far north-west of North America.

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    By 1689, the island of Haida had become the backwater capital of ‘Scotland-over-the-Seas’. It and the rest of the north-western colonies were in Castilian hands by October 1689. Scotland had become a tributary state of the Wu Chinese, so their overlords were brought into the fight, as were the minor Ming state.

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    By that time, the main fighting was in and around the Philippines. Scotland’s strength was not even that of a minor European power, with Wu doing the bulk of the fighting. Ifugao had been lost, with one sea battle (a Wu victory) and a major land battle (a Castilian win) having been fought.

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    But at that time, the Wu had landed in northern Luzon and were trying to retake their province of Ilocos and Ifugao itself, while Scotland had occupied a number of Castilian islands to the south. But the war was leaning in Castile’s favour: they had the greater numbers but suffered from the ‘tyranny of distance’ in applying them in Asia.

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    Frisian Affairs: 1689-91

    Potestaat Hendrik Martena still governed the Frisian Republic and remained the custodian of the Dream of Frisian Freedom. Development expansion had slowed somewhat over the last four years.

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    That dream was increasingly being interpreted as the spread of the somewhat strange brand of Frisian Catholic Republicanism that had developed in the nation over the last 250 years. It consisted of staunch adherence to Catholicism, colonial expansion, determined Frisian mono-cultural domination within its lands, a form of stable and fairly conservative Republicanism and a strong trade and economic focus.

    A visible aspect of the ‘spread of the Dream’ was the slow expansion into the fractured north German areas bordering Friesland, a gradual and sporadic process conducted over many decades. Recently, the leaders of Leeuwarden had taken a more aggressive stance and now looked to increase this rate of expansion – while balancing the risks of local backlashes.

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    To achieve this aim, a larger and more effective army was needed. In 1689, a major recruiting drive was under way, while the armies and home and in the Frisian East Indies (FIE) drilled to improve their efficiency.

    Left unstated (publicly) was the one part of the Frisian Dream that had lain out of reach for centuries now: the uniting of all the Low Countries under Frisian rule. The early occupation by a very powerful France of a thin wedge of those counties many decades before had proven too great an obstacle to achieving that part of the Dream. But it was not dead, just dormant. Maybe a mix of diplomacy, Frisian strength and opportunism may pave the way for that ambition to be fulfilled one day.

    In 1689, Friesland had expanded its range of Allies significantly, in part due to new ideas in diplomatic practice. Scandinavia was once again an ally (though it hovered outside the list of great powers for now), so too Franconia (recent differences having been put aside). And Naples had been added to the list of formal allies. Great Britain was now acknowledged as the newest world power, though still place behind Friesland in the rankings.

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    Of interest, relations with Britain were cordial, with both countries seeking to further improve relations with each other. Some saw Britain as a logical future ally for Friesland. Their overseas empires did not clash or overlap in interests and something to help counter-balance the long-standing Franco-Portuguese alliance would be very useful. That was a possible avenue for the future, anyway. Rivalries and enmities remained relatively unchanged, with Portugal being the most prominent and worrisome relationship, given the huge reach of their colonial empire.

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    Hendrik Martena had served ten years as chief executive of the Republic by the time he died in August 1690, succeeded by the already ageing Sibraht Dykstra, another kind-hearted leader who was nonetheless a well-qualified general. Something (not quite clear from the historical record) had happened in the in last couple of years to decrease the stability of the Frisian government, though it remained strong overall.

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    There had been advances in Frisian thinking about its international influence and diplomacy – which had direct benefits for the number and quality of the diplomatic relationships they were able to maintain. Development had once more returned to only gradual increases as other priorities took the effort for now.

    The Leger remained in training and still stationed on the German borders, with almost 100,000 men under arms in Friesland itself and another 33,000 in the 2nd Army in the FIE.

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    Malacca had recently been added to the alliance network. They were as advanced technologically as any leading European power (including Friesland) and seen as a buttress against Ayutthaya. There had been no recent expansion wars in the FIE but the broader intent was to pursue such in the future.

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    As observed previously, for some reason that escaped the burghers of Leeuwarden not only did Somalia consider Friesland a rival, but now Kilwa – closer to the outpost in south-east Africa – had joined them. Whether this would ever amount to anything was moot and did not overly concern the Frisians at this stage.

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    Otherwise, neither the world map nor the great power rankings had changed much recently.

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    Scotland Suffers, Wu Too: 1691-93

    As April 1691 ended, the drawn-out suffering of Scotland continued. The Scots and their Wu patrons had been ejected from the Philippines as the war continued to turn in Castile's favour – though not without cost, especially at sea.

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    Six years from its start, the war was still not over by August 1693. After the Castilians had earlier secured Luzon by May 1691, they had since landed on the Chinese mainland, sweeping through Fuzou and Quanzhou from February-April 1693 and now besieging Wu’s southern provinces.

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    Between them, the Wu and their tributaries could now muster fewer than 6,000 troops, though the Castilians had paid a cost in shipping to stage their invasion.

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    The Savoyard-Mantuan Imperialist War: 1691-93

    Friesland’s alliance with Savoy saw it participate in Savoy’s latest gambit to expand its holdings in northern Italy in the second half of 1691. Savoy has assembled a formidable alliance to support this venture, most powerful of all being mighty France. After around two years of warfare, Savoy Alliance armies had overrun Mantua itself, who now just had Tunis as a partner.

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    The French siege of Mantua, August 1691.

    Friesland’s army was back at home by then but they had played an active role in the earlier stages of the war. As had the navy, whose light ships had lost an engagement against a larger and galley-equipped Wolgastian fleet in the early stages. But the Leger had avenged this loss after quickly campaigning through western Wolgast in April-May 1692.

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    With a Savoyard army taking two of Wolgast’s eastern provinces in July-August, the victory by Friesland in the siege of Wolgast itself on 22 August 1692 had seen Wolgast admit defeat and withdraw from the war.

    As a counterpoint to that campaign, just after Wolgast’s surrender Tunis had managed to deploy a large expeditionary to Bonny in Friesland’s colony on the Gulf of Guinea. From late August 1692 to January 1693, all four provinces were taken by Tunis and handed over to Mantua’s occupation.

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    This was an inconvenience but one Friesland did not react to. They would wait for the wider war to be resolved and the lands to be returned under a peace deal without risking an army that would be subject not likely heavy casualties from combat and attrition at sea and on the land.

    Losses on both sides by February 1693 were comparatively moderate and the war was leaning heavily in Savoy’s favour. All of Friesland’s army casualties had come from siege attrition in the Wolgast campaign.

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    The comparison also showed the disproportionate weight of cavalry in the Leger compared to other armies. This was something that had been pointed out by military commentators and would be addressed by the Leger in the future.

    The Allied cause had progressed further on the ground by August, as Savoy, France and Tuscany pressed home the advantage and the Frisian Leger drilled back home. And also embarked on the first build of chebecks for use in the Baltic Sea.

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    As could be seem from this last map, another major conflict had recently broken out involving Austria and the Ottoman Empire, which will be dealt with further below.

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    The British-Clanricarde Imperialist War: 1691-92

    But first, a short war that saw Ireland fully under British control by August 1692 will be briefly reported. The decisive battle had taken place in Limerick in late 1691, where the last serious native Irish resistance had been crushed by a large British army led personally by King Philip I Brock. A celebrated painting of the battle (below) commemorated this gallant but doomed last stand.

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    The Ottoman-Neapolitan Imperialist War: 1692-93

    Imperialistic conquests seemed the be the flavour of the time in Europe, with the Ottomans attacking Naples in late 1692. Naples was supported by Austria, Genoa (clearly an arch-enemy of the Ottomans by now and a sucker for punishment at their hands) and Bologna.

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    To start with, it seemed the Ottomans had been ill-prepared and by February 1693 had seen all their holdings in southern Italy occupied by Naples. The Austrians had initially occupied three Ottoman border provinces, but large Ottoman armies were now in position and in the process of retaking them. But in time, the Ottomans’ huge army and navy were bound to prevail.

    By August, the Ottomans were in the process of ‘painting Austria red’ with multiple large and small armies ranging across it at will. Their big battle fleet was in the Adriatic (over 150 ships) but for now, Naples was hanging onto southern Italy.

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    Austria’s army had suffered heavily and Genoa significantly (for their relative size), while Naples itself had so far escaped almost unscathed. The Ottomans were picking up most of their casualties – which now numbered 120,000 – from attrition but had also lost around 50,000 men in field engagements.

    The unfortunate Genoese had seen the remainder of their Pontic Steppe enclave fully occupied – yet again.

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    Frisian Affairs: 1693

    Sibraht Dykstra remained Potestaat in February 1693, though was now aged 73. He was overseeing another major shipbuilding program following a stinging loss at sea (the Battle of the Southern Baltic against Wolgast), including as we saw earlier four new chebecks for use in the confines of the Baltic Sea.

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    But one absence from the previous alliance network – and the reason Friesland was not engaged against the Ottomans in defence of Naples – was that the alliance had been broken when that war began and the Frisians did not wish to take on a doomed cause especially when the Savoyard-Mantuan War was still in progress.

    New advances had recently seen heavy frigates supplant the old designs for the navy light ships, among some other colonial and diplomatic benefits.

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    And the large Frisian treasury had allowed most of their light ships to be upgraded in the interim.

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    Within a month, Dykstra had gone to dream the Long Dream, replaced by the far younger Klaes Stiensma – a calm administrator and accomplished military leader but no diplomat. The government was still quite stable with effective advisers.

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    Friesland remained firmly within the lower ranks of the great powers and sitting eighth overall in the historical list of great modern nations (VPs). They still had the third largest navy and second highest trade income in the world.

    Friesland at this time retained claims on four provinces, including two on the ‘path to Hamburg: Bremen and Stade, the latter owned by Magdeburg. Ravensberg in Cologne and Upper Guelders (an outpost owned for many years by Poland) also had Frisian claims lodged on them.

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    Meanwhile, Frisian spies were building networks in neighbouring Hanover (Brunswick) and Magdeburg.

    From 1685 to 1689, the economy was roughly unchanged in terms of income but net expenses had been lowered despite an increase in fleet maintenance. The treasury had grown healthily in size.

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    Four years later, tax and production income had decreased by trade had jumped to more than offset those losses. State, army and navy maintenance had all increased substantially, leading to a marginally lower monthly budget balance. As seen previously, military spending – especially navy upgrades – had seen the treasury shrink but remain at a very useful surplus of around 3,200 ducats.

    Throughout this time, Catholicism retained 100% coverage throughout the directly ruled Republic. Though by 1693, many were decrying the lack of a Frisian cardinal, while others wanted Friesland to once again become Protector of the Faith.

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    Potestaat Stiensma actively sought advice from the bureaucracy (ie you, gentle readers) as to whether either or both of these objectives might be worth pursuing. Some more cautious voices continued to think the risk of being Catholicism’s Protector might outweigh the benefits, given the strength of the Infidel threat from the Ottomans in central Europe.

    The military had only grown marginally between 1685-89, though 14 regiments were in production at that time. This growth had been added to in the Navy in net terms by August 1693, though the loss of frigates from the Battle of the Southern Baltic had not yet been fully rectified.

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    Military facility building had largely been responsible for a massive growth in the full capacity of the Leger and the navy from 1685-93: by 20 regiments and 21 ships in total.

    As the last decade of the 17th century began, Leeuwarden was a major city of northern Europe; a well-fortified capital of a great trading and colonial power.

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    A new age of glory beckoned: would this lead to triumph or disaster for the Republic of the Dreamers? Only time would tell whether the Edge of Tomorrow revealed a sweeping road leading onward and upward, or over a precipice built on their own hubris.
     
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    Chapter 35: Clearing the Decks (1694-95)
  • Chapter 35: Clearing the Decks (1694-95)

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    ‘Burghers Meet in Leeuwarden’, Andries Isbert Bing, c 1694.

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    The Savoyard-Mantuan War

    The Savoyard War ground on, with Savoyard troops continuing to advance into Tunis from the west and the large French expeditionary force now approaching from the east and besieging Tunisian towns.

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    Three months later, both Savoy and France had made significant progress and the large Tunisian main army (of almost 50,000 men) seemed unwilling to contest the invaders on either front as the war slowly went in the allies’ favour. Allied fleets blockaded the coastline.

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    At the end of November a Tunisian sortie – composed mainly of transports with a small escort or warships – tried to break out. One galley was sunk by the French, who scored the victory.

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    With the war dragging on and Frisian frustration about the time it was taking to get the Guinean lands back, it was finally decided to mount an expedition, despite the anticipated losses of attrition at sea. A heavily escorted fleet set sail on 23 February 1695.

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    By the time they arrived in early May, only 11,300 of the 17,000 men embarked had survived. And then their commanding general drowned during the landing operation in Gabon!

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    They were ashore by 24 May but a new general could not be appointed on occupied soil as a short siege began to reoccupy the undefended and unfortified province. Gabon was retaken on 25 June, with a new commander appointed immediately and the march north to Cameroon.

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    By 6 September the army was back to full strength and General Saakma was marching on Calabar: no Tunisian troops had been sighted the entire time and it was assumed they had all headed back to Tunisia some time ago.

    During this time, the war had progressed further, with Friesland playing only a minor part overall – mainly from their early attack on Wolgast.

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    And three months later, Tunis gave up and with it Mantua was fully annexed, with mot of its provinces going to Savoy and Venice cored to the Pope. Friesland got a small share of the prestige and war spoils. Its losses had been just 60 men in the one land battle in Hoya and around 11,000 in attrition in Wolgast and Guinea, plus the 13 ships lost to Wolgast early on.

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    The Ottoman-Naples War

    The Ottomans were having surprising difficulty wrapping up their war against Naples and their main ally, Austria. The Austrians asked for and were granted military access to Frisian territory in August 1694: perhaps it might help the Catholic cause a little while hopefully not attracting too much ire from the Sultan.

    By October 1695 the Ottomans actually seemed to have lost ground in the bargaining stakes – mainly because they had been unable to either attack Naples directly or regain their lost lands in southern Italy. This despite much of Austria having been occupied.

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    While Allied (especially Austrian) losses had been terrible, the Turkish loss of life had been truly horrendous. It was thought over 550,000 Ottoman troops had perished so far. Despite their huge manpower resources, such losses must surely be doing them significant damage. How long would they keep it up? However, no tears were shed for them in Leeuwarden.

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    North Germany

    Friesland retained territorial ambitions in North Germany – though they were not alone in doing so. One ambition was against Bremen, which had been coveted for decades, if not centuries. It would bring Friesland one step closer to opening land access to Hamburg.

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    In November 1694 Bremen’s main ally Austria had been badly weakened by its war with the Ottomans, while Friesland could probably count on its own allies – especially Franconia and Bavaria – to balance Bremen’s other German allies.

    An opportunity perhaps, but it felt a little dastardly to undermine them as they were fighting of the heathen so desperately. However, even though Friesland did not act at this time, the option remained tempting.

    Another ambition was to take Hanover, Brunswick’s one remaining province, where nationalism could be used to justify war. And Brunswick’s puny alliances were not remotely enough to repel Friesland, let along the powerful allies it could bring to bear if needed in October 1695.

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    But in this case, Magdeburg had just acted first, bringing in Bohemia (which had earlier broken its alliance with Friesland unilaterally) to support it.

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    A large Bohemian army was already besieging Hanover, so it seemed that horse may have bolted for now. But with the Mantuan War now over, Friesland would seriously consider its options in North Germany.

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    The Far East

    Of course, Friesland held serious ambitions in the East Indies as well, which the Burghers of Leeuwarden were generally happy to pursue simultaneously with any smaller war in Europe. In August 1694 they were not quite ready to act against their preferred next target – Sunda. But Malacca was ready to act – requesting military access to facilitate their support of Aceh’s war against the Scottish remnant island colonies. With the powerful Bengal also part of the alliance, Scotland was surely doomed (again) and Friesland agreed to keep relations with their Malaccan allies sweet.

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    At the end of December 1694, Yuntong I Fei of the Shu won his war for the Mandate of Heaven. And whether coincidental or not, almost the whole previously mysterious maps of central Eurasia were made available to Frisian cartographers.

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    Mid-1695 brought the war against Sunda closer with the lodging of a claim and new casus belli on Kotagede. Sunda was itself no match for Friesland’s colonial army and navy but its allies might cause some distraction – for which Malacca assistance would be wanted, if available.

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    By October, Bengal was well on the way to occupying Buru for Aceh. Which already had the Andamans in their pocket. Only Lae, in the east of Papua, seemed out of their range – for now.

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    Domestic Affairs

    Looking to make some savings, the Frisian government mothballed half its forts in July 1694, meaning a continuing monthly budget surplus of almost 100 ducats.

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    There was plenty of money available to buy and maintain the many new units Friesland now had the capacity to support: thirteen new infantry regiments and 22 ships (frigates and chebecks) began construction both in Europe and the FIE.

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    This came on top of the five new regiments and five ships that had recently been built.

    And more building was commenced in Den Haag and Oversticht.

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    While rains in the Gulf of Guinea would have provided good conditions for further development – had it not been occupied by the Tunisians at the time.

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    Potestaat Stiensma’s cabinet suffered a loss in September with the death of their Spymaster Menfrid Van Schellinkhout. An equally expert replacement was found and, even if he was Jewish, he had the requisite sinister eyepatch and was willing to serve at half the going rate.

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    But in July 1695 a difficult choice was faced: in the end, impeccable Frisian Republican virtues were held above the base temptation of filthy lucre and self-aggrandisement, with reforms to the coinage rejected. The price being a large rise in inflation.

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    By September 1695, as we have seen Gabon had been liberated from Tunisian occupation – prompting a new building project to be commenced to increase military support capacity for the Leger. The same was done in Inhambane for the Navy.

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    The second-last influence idea of a postal service was implemented in October 1695, with just one more needed now to complete the group. And thus open up a another administrative policy slot.

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    At this time, Klaes Stiensma remained firmly in charge. The diplomatic focus remained in the east, including ensuring Malacca was well obligated to Friesland.

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    The economy continued to boom, despite all-time high inflation, while increased costs had been balanced by income gains. Some thought was given to acting to bring inflation down more rapidly, though many baulked at the effort required.

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    The recent military expansion had almost been completed, with 13 more regiments (all infantry) commissioned since the year before and a massive 26 ships completed, including galley fleets in Europe and the East Indies.

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    There had been no changes on the religious front, with 100% adherence to Catholicism across all directly rule provinces. And following the previous establishment of the trading companies, Friesland now counted five subjects, though only two of them self-governing.

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    And both the estates were now professing loyalty to the government, as they enjoyed their recently granted privileges, which brought wider benefits to the Republic.

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    Friesland remained firmly established within the ranks of the world’s Great Powers and one of the most powerful economies, with only the Ottomans having a larger navy as Frisian standing (VPs) continued to accrue steadily. And a range of opportunities now lay open if disposed to further expansion at home and abroad.

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    Chapter 36: Looking for Trouble (1695-96)
  • Chapter 36: Looking for Trouble (1695-96)

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    Postbellum

    The ink was not even dry on the treaty that had ended Savoyard-Mantuan War on 11 October 1695 before the rapacious Frisian Republic was looking for somewhere to forcibly impose the Dream of Frisian Freedom and some ‘lucky’ neighbours. One option that had been suggested was a colonial war against the Granada-owned Ivory Coast.

    This was seriously considered, given a 17,000-strong Frisian army was then in Carabar, having been reoccupying Guinean territory occupied by Tunis in the recent war. But the Granadan state here was quite powerful and maintained an even larger army, while they would call in some allies who could make life difficult in an isolated spot.

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    Even if Aragon was brought in to distract Tunis and Morocco, the number of troops that would need to be sent and the terrible attrition they would suffer even before any fighting began was enough to persuade the Potestaat that this was not a cost-effective option at this time.

    Bremen was a long-standing and attractive target, but the problem here remained Austria and the possibility they might call in one or more powerful allies. It was not clear the risk of war with Britain was realistic but it gave pause.

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    And Bavaria was a Frisian ally they did not want to see brought in against them. While the unfortunate Austrians were still in a losing war against the infidel Ottomans and it might be poor form to put another dagger in their back.

    But something would be done and soon. The Frisian armies in Europe were ordered to end their drilling and prepare for active operations while the government considered other options.

    Meanwhile, there was a Republic and colonial empire to run. The great trade centre of Makassar on Sulawesi had a fortune of 800 ducats spent to develop the harbour into a world class port.

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    And in a bid to increase income for the Frisian Company of the Moluccas (FCM) the excellent ports in Kalapa and Banten were both upgraded to entrepot level. Then the entire state reverted to territorial status so all four provinces could be assigned to the FCM. [Questions: Does this mean I need to start shifting trade emphasis to that area instead to gain the most from this? Or does the TC just produce income that is sent back home?]

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    At home, Hamburg had a total of 140 military power spent to increase its development by two to 36, in the hope of promoting the growth required to satisfy the Diet’s demand for a stock exchange to be built there.

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    Interbellum

    As the Frisian leadership hatched its plans, the cheeky Kilwans, who had taken an active dislike of Friesland for reasons of religion and territorial ambition, had their spy ring discovered and expelled by the vigilant Frisian Republican Secret Police (the Republikeinske Geheime Plysje, or RGP).

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    In the East Indies, in late 1695 Friesland’s former conquest target Bone found itself in a war supporting Blambangan (in Java) against Portuguese imperialism (ie the wrong kind of imperialism ;)). The Frisian Governor-General agreed, for what little aid it might provide against their main regional colonial adversary.

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    In Buru, a large Bengal-led army was still trying to reduce the walls of the expatriate Scottish capital.

    Back in Europe, Friesland had in late November 1695 secretly decided on their preferred strategy – and it would be an ambitious and likely bloody one. They would seek to open up the land corridor to Hamburg in a single war, with Stade and Verden to be wrested from Magdeburg as a minimum.

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    The complication here was Magdeburg’s allies and guarantors: an attack on them would trigger Poland-Lithuania and Bohemia, plus two far smaller allies, to intervene. Fortunately, Friesland could call on four useful local allies, led by Scandinavia, to support it. Each owed Friesland more than enough favours. At that point, the army in Guinea was recalled and began embarking for the long (and hazardous) voyage home.

    As Friesland continued to prepare for war, a spy mission would be sent to Magdeburg in mid-December to see what they could do (a claim on Stade already existed).

    But in the meantime, word was received from King Philip I of England that a Golden Era had begun in Britain. The letter was very polite, professing the friendship and good will of his Kingdom for the ‘Good Burghers of Friesland’. This was just as well, given their growing power and Frisian planning for imminent continental expansion.

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    As the year was ending, after three years of bitter fighting Austria was forced to the bargaining table by the Ottomans and made to concede yet more territory in the Croatian region to the seemingly unstoppable Turks.

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    This left Naples and Genoa (a shadow of its former self these days) alone to fight on against their Ottoman enemy.

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    The new year of 1696 saw the Frisian army force limit having been reduced – presumably as a result of the State of Banten having been incorporated into the FCM. To rectify this, at great expense an Officers’ Mess was built in Banten in February which immediately provided the capacity to properly maintain five regiments.

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    And in Gorontalo in northern Sulawesi a regimental camp began construction, though that would take another ten months to complete.

    In mid-March, the army returned from Guinea, having lost around 3,000 men from attrition during the voyage. They were sent to Cleve to recuperate and be prepared to advance on the Polish-owned enclave of Upper Guelders (subject to a Frisian claim) in the event of war with Magdeburg.

    The Ottoman-Neapolitan War was now approaching its end stage, with the Turks having landed troops in the south and gained access from the north as well. Despite enormous losses (now over 630,000 men since the war began) the Ottomans had around 200,000 men and over 200 ships in the vicinity.

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    On 2 April the Frisian Australia treasure fleet arrived – but of the 125 ducats of gold and silver it had set out with, 25 had been taken by privateers along the way.

    By 1 May, the Guinean army (now named the Leger van Geldern) had fully recovered to its strength of 17,000 men. The other three armies (two main, one smaller as a reserve) were poised and ready in the eastern provinces. That day, Gerulf Galama was recalled to the capital from his mission to Magdeburg (just a two-day trip): he would soon be getting a new letter to deliver!

    On 3 May, Galama delivered the declaration of war: the Frisian-Magdeburgian Nationalist War had begun! All the available allies on both sides were called in – giving the Frisian Coalition almost double the total troops and reserve manpower of the Magdeburgian Alliance.

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    Of interest, Bohemia was by that stage well-progressed in their support of Magdeburg in their own nationalistic war against Brunswick. This new conflict would provide welcome relief for Brunswick and its allies Cologne and Liege. And incidentally keep them ‘on ice’ as later targets for the expansionary Frisian Republic.

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    Initial Operations in the West, May-June 1696

    As Friesland made its first moves on Upper Guelders, Stade and Verden, Franconia found itself in some trouble due to a passing Bohemian army attacking a leaderless group of troops at Würzburg. A larger Franconian army was nearby, but it was uncertain whether they could or would intervene in time to save their comrades.

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    They would not as it happened, with Franconia suffering a sharp defeat some time before 17 May.

    At the outset of the war, of the infantry (used here as a general comparative guide) Scandinavia brought the strongest army to the war. Friesland followed – on paper – but around a quarter of the Leger was permanently deployed in the FIE. The recently enlarged Savoy, then Franconia and Bavaria provided the rest of the strength for the Coalition campaign.

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    For the enemy Bohemia, then Poland and Lithuania, were the main players. Magdeburg could provide only a small force, with the contribution of Mainz and Goslar being negligible. The Coalition’s combined fleet, led by Friesland and Scandinavia, was of course vastly superior.

    The start of the war saw a small Polish fleet sailing off the east coast of England – with the Frisian English Channel trade protection fleet bearing down on them from the north. A heavy battle fleet was formed in Amsterdam the same day, setting out to hunt the Poles down from the east, to ensure there was no escape.

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    And the first engagement of the war was fought at sea, where the Poles were intercepted at the Dogger Bank by the English Channel trade fleet on 9 May. The outcome was a foregone conclusion, with all ten Polish ships sunk and only light damage for the Frisian navy. They had been without an admiral, so one was appointed after the battle in case they found themselves in combat again.

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    The battle was over just before the 2nd Fleet could arrive. They were re-tasked to blockade Stade instead, where a single Magdeburgian warship remained at port.

    By mid-May, Stade and Verden (neither of which had forts) were under siege by the two main Frisian armies. The reserve Leger van Prignitz had moved up to Hoya and now headed to Hanover: they would try to do Brunswick a favour (and Magdeburg and Bohemia harm) by liberating the city of Hanover.

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    Five days later, word came of a great battle being fought between Bohemia and Bavaria at Westfalen, in Cologne.

    The Bohemians had been attacked (though they showed as attackers, as they had been besieging Westfalen at the time) by a slightly larger Bavarian force. The Bavarians were soon in trouble as the Bohemians got the better of the opening exchanges, with Bavarian morale plummeting.

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    After a few days though the Bavarian commander Ferdinand von Passau had turned things around and slowly clawed back the advantage. By the 31st things were roughly even as von Passau ordered a devastating charge. A few days later, large armies from Franconia and co-belligerent Cologne had arrived to put the enemy to flight and deliver a decisive victory for the Coalition by 6 June.

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    Bavarian General Ferdinand von Passau leading the decisive cavalry charge at the Battle of Wesfalen, 31 May 1696.

    In early June, the first major Scandinavian army arrived in the western Theatre, with 41,000 men passing south through Stade on 6 June. They saw the Frisian siege works as they passed and by the time the Scandinavians were in Verden, both Stade and Verden had fallen.

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    The siege works of Verden, 13 June 1696, as Frisian troops pour inside the last bastion in the province held by Magdeburg; by A.I. Bing.

    As these provinces were surrendering, Gerulf Galama was sent back to Magdeburg – this time undercover again, to resume building the spy network.

    The Frisian heavy battle fleet had arrived in the Heligoland Bight on 26 May to blockade Stade. The sole Magdeburgian frigate had tried to escape the fall of its home port but was found and destroyed on 14 June.

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    Poland and the Baltic, May-October 1696

    Franconia had suffered the most as a result of the outbreak of the war, which found an army of 27,000 men isolated in Poland, at Leczyca west of Warsaw, with two larger Polish armies nearby.

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    But again, in the eastern theatre the first battle of the war was at sea, where 44 Scandinavian and Frisian ships (the 13 heavy frigates still conducting trade protection in the Lübeck node) ambushed four Bohemian and two Polish ships in the Southern Baltic on 9 May. Five were sunk and one captured.

    Some days later, the Franconians were hit in Leczyca. By the 17th both Polish armies were attacking and the Germans were swiftly and comprehensively defeated. It was estimated that around 18,000 Franconians were killed or captured.

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    A little over month later, it seemed the Franconian remnants had retreated to and taken Sieradz, with the Magdeburgian army closing in on them from the south-west. That battle would also be lost.

    Much of the Polish effort was directed north, with 45,000 men besieging Marienburg in Scandinavian West Prussia by mid-June. The Poles would never intervene in the west during the war, though they did later contest Scandinavian incursions into their remaining Russian holdings (Polish Novgorod).

    Marienburg had fallen by late July, with the Poles moving to occupy East Prussia and a small Magdeburgian contingent in the process of liberating Sieradz following the Franconian defeat there.

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    The West, Late June-December 1696

    The intended Frisian ‘favour’ to Brunswick backfired badly on 25 June, when the city fell to Frisian troops. Once the occupying Bohemian garrison had surrendered, Hanover was badly sacked by the victorious soldiers. The ‘usual looting’ turned into an ill-disciplined and ruinous atrocity. Faced with a range of choices, the Frisian Republican government decided that it must show itself to be better than that.

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    The devastation was limited and army discipline improved in the aftermath but at great cost to the Frisian treasury: almost two-thirds of its 1,600 ducats went out for repairs, payments and reimbursements. This paid off a few days later, when despite this disaster the Brunswickian leadership showed appreciation for the original intent of the operation and for the open-handed generosity the Republic’s reparations.

    On 6 July, the tough siege of Polish Upper Guelders was reinforced by 39,000 Franconian troops, including 19 more regiments of artillery. At that stage, the dial on the war had barely been shifted in either side’s favour.

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    A 40,000-man Savoyard expeditionary army was spotted in northern Franconia by mid-July, heading into Cologne. A few days later, Friesland completed its occupations of Celle and Braunschweig and looked to redeploy its two main armies to Weimar (Bohemia) and the great city of Leipzig (Mainz).

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    Bohemia continued their siege of Würzburg, which they had begun after winning the battle there in May. Bavaria was investing Goslar and the Scandinavians were in Altmark.

    By mid-August (no report available) a second Savoyard army had engaged the Bohemians at Würzburg, where the battle raged on 23 August, going slightly in favour of Savoy. The Bavarian army had marched south and were in Niederhessen by then, marching to the sound of the guns in Würzburg. They would join the battle before it ended, resulting in a major Coalition success.

    The Bavarian army subsequently attacked the Bohemians (who appear to have lost at least 20,000 men in Würzburg) where they had retreated to Aschaffenburg, probably in late July or early September.

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    By 7 September, von Passau had the upper hand, with this time the Savoyards approaching from the west. Some time before 21 September, this battle would also be conclusively won by the Coalition and the power of the Bohemian field army was largely broken.

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    Savoyard heavy cavalry charges into the flank of the beleaguered Bohemian army of Vladimir Mansfeld at Aschaffenburg, September 1696.

    The Bavarians had then advanced unhindered in central Bohemia, investing the heavily fortified Praha itself by 19 October. To the east, Friesland was doing the same to Leipzig and Fojtsko, having quickly overrun Weimar. The Frisian reserve army had also taken over the siege of Goslar.

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    The siege of Prague, October 1696.

    Liege, allies of Brunswick in their own war against Magdeburg and Bohemia asked for and was granted military access in November, as Coalition forces pushed west into Bohemia and northern Poland. Cologne had a large army in north-western Bohemia.

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    In the east, the Poles were concentrating on Scandinavian Prussia and Livonia. Even further north, the Magdeburgians had seemingly abandoned all intention of defending their homeland and were headed toward Finland.

    Little more would change before the end of the year, as winter set in on a Europe once again enduring a bloody war.

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    Other News

    Just as the war against Magdeburg was starting, news came of a settlement between Scotland and its latest adversaries on 9 May 1696. Aceh was given The Andamans and Scotland was forced to pay reparations of 45 ducats. But Scotland retained its capital of Buru and the colony of Lae, in eastern Papua. A long way from and with very different weather to Edinburgh!

    In June, the Frisian economy remained in good enough shape though the persistent high inflation finally prompted the Government to intervene to reduce it.

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    In late October, traders in Frisian Australia started to step out of bounds and were brought back into line with a heavy hand, at the cost of some internal dissent that the Government believed could be dealt with before it boiled over.

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    Chapter 37: The Hamburg Corridor (1697-98)
  • Chapter 37: The Hamburg Corridor (1697-98)

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    The War in Poland and the East

    The momentum in the Frisian-Magdeburgian Nationalist War was now firmly with Friesland and its Coalition partners. But as had been the case in 1695-96, the there was some risk when Coalition forces pushed to far into Poland without adequate support.

    This occurred at the Battle of Lubnai in October 1697, when a Scandinavian army battled a combined Polish-Lithuanian force of approaching twice its size in southern Poland, with another 41,000 Bohemian troops approaching from the north. At such odds, defeat was inevitable.

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    By May 1698, Friesland’s two main field armies had been working their way across Prussia and northern Poland, providing mutual support if attacked. They had been liberating Scandinavian provinces in Prussia and occupying Polish ones as they worked east, with Inowroclaw taken on 6 May 1698.

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    And in July, Scandinavia had finally concentrated a large army to start retaking enemy occupied territory in western Finland, while a smaller Bohemian army was besieging the fort of Viborg to the south-east.

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    Germany and Bohemia

    But the main (and in the end decisive) front remained in Germany and Bohemia.

    Another small naval battle in the Southern Baltic saw a small flotilla of Bohemian galleys wiped out in early January 1197 by a Frisian-Scandinavian fleet, with five sunk and two captured.

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    Another major milestone was reached on 26 February with the surrender of the Polish fortress of Upper Guelders to Friesland. It was the single most valuable province taken so far in the war. The Frisian ‘half army’ of the Leger van Geldern now began to redeploy to eastern Bohemia, where the Bavarians remained hard at work besieging Praha.

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    The other Frisian half-army was besieging Goslar, while the two main Frisian armies did the same in Leipzig and Fojtsko (they would switch to Prussia later).

    Fojtsko fell in June and that army pushed further into Bohemia to support the Bavarians north of Praha, while a Savoyard army did the same in Plzen to its south. Scandinavia occupied Altmark in Magdeburg for Friesland on 28 June [worth 4.5 warscore].

    By 4 September 1697, the Coalition was advancing its cause though at a high cost in casualties, a little fewer than half of which resulted from attrition. Savoy, Scandinavia and Franconia (through some earlier defeats in field battles) had suffered the most losses for the Coalition. For Magdeburg’s allies, Bohemia had borne the overwhelming brunt of the fighting, followed by Poland.

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    On 24 October 1697 Leipzig fell to Friesland after well over a year of siege. It was at that point that the second main Frisian army began to switch around towards northern Bohemia and Prussia, where Scandinavia, Savoy, Franconia and the other Frisian leger (after finishing earlier in Rudohori) were already working.

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    The new year of 1698 brought the massive gain of Praha for the Coalition, occupied by Bavaria on 31 January.

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    In mid-February, the balance of the war continued to gradually but steadily shift in the Coalition’s favour. Scandinavia had now suffered the lion’s share of the Coalition casualties, while Poland’s toll had begun to climb for the Alliance. Magdeburg itself, plus Bohemia and Mainz were losing the will to continue.

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    It was in mid-March that Friesland decided to start peeling away the minor powers from the Alliance cause, when Mainz approached with a peace offer after the earlier fall of Leipzig. Frisian casualties were mounting even as the Coalition swarmed over Bohemia and northern-west Poland.

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    Next came an offer from Goslar when it fell to siege in June, which Friesland (as the Coalition leader) also accepted. As with Mainz, the ducats and prestige were banked.

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    A month later, a small Polish battle fleet (having been forced out of port by siege) was intercepted in the Southern Baltic, with one Polish galley captured and the rest sunk.

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    A Time for Peace

    In early September 1698, the Coalition was ascendant but had paid a high price in blood for its victory. Further gains had been made by 1 October, when Gerulf Galama was recalled from his undercover work in Magdeburg for another new mission: that of peace negotiator.

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    The Frisian demands were harsh. In addition to Stade, Magdeburg must cede Verden (to complete the Hamburg Corridor) and Celle to Friesland and Poland would be forced to relinquish Upper Guelders (subject to an existing Frisian claim). As a bonus for Bavaria, which had contributed so much to the cause in Bohemia, they were allocated Plzen.

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    All the Coalition partners would share in reparations and the prestige of victory. And Friesland would have to be on the lookout for any hostile coalition that might form against them as a result of this aggressive expansion. Still, most of those potential opponents were quite small countries, while Friesland retained its strong alliance network.

    The Treaty of Magdeburg was signed on 3 October 1698. The Coalition had ended up suffering over 330,000 casualties, more than half in attrition. Of these, Friesland had lost 52,000 men – all of them in sieges, having never participated in any land battle during the war.

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    The long-sought land corridor to Hamburg had finally been won after many decades of striving towards that end, with Stade and Verden being the first two provinces Friesland would begin to integrate into the Republic.

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    And the Duchy of Bavaria had also expanded into the re-named Pilsen at the expense of the heretic (Protestant) Bohemians, any Bavarian worries about Frisian expansionism far outweighed by their ongoing alliance and religious ties.

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    Foreign and Colonial Affairs

    In Africa, Sofala joined Kilwa in mischief-making when they made a claim to Inhambane in January 1697. They had better watch out that did not backfire on them …

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    On 8 March, the misery finally ended for Naples when they surrendered to the Ottomans, who expanded their foothold in Southern Italy – and took all but one province remaining to Genoa in the Crimea.

    In July 1698, as the Frisian-Magdeburgian War continued but was nearing it end, Bremen was bold (or foolish) enough to formally insult Friesland! Perhaps they saw how likely it was that the Frisians would one day come for them, so decided a diplomatic insult wouldn’t really do any harm, but would make them feel better!

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    In September, a Portuguese Australian spy network was uncovered, the diplomat running it expelled and the members arrested. It showed that Portugal remained no friend of Friesland, who looked forward to the day they might be separated diplomatically from France and ‘taught a lesson’.

    Meanwhile, following the Treaty of Magdeburg, Frisian diplomats again reviewed the relationship with Great Britain. It seemed the warm relationship could be converted into an alliance with relative ease, so long as one of Friesland’s two allies that were also rivals to King Philip (Scandinavia and Savoy) was cut loose. It at least gave the Potestaat food for thought, though no immediate action was taken.

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    The Home Front

    Even as the war raged in central Europe, economic and domestic events at home required the attention of the Potestaat and his cabinet. In August 1697 the economy continued to perform strongly. Army maintenance (including the need to provide constant replacements) had ensured the monthly balance was reduced from previous highs, but it remained healthy enough.

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    When the issue of tobacco tariffs came up, the views of the mercantilists prevailed over the concept of free trade, with new taxes being imposed.

    And in September the war saw the Navy getting additional support to protect international commerce with a boost to the frigate force and their ability to steer trade.

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    A month later, the long-running decline in the merchant classes was reversed, with the influence of the Burghers exceeding even their very high loyalty to the State. The Clergy remained very loyal too, with influence remaining far higher than it had during the darkest days of the Reformation.

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    This influence rocketed higher soon after, when the Burghers effectively won the debate over economic policy, earning their continued loyalty but seeing mercantilism significantly reduced in scope, after its recent advances.

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    In March 1698, the concept of bonds and tontines was introduced to help boost the Frisian economy. This expanded the governing capacity of the state and enabled counting houses to be built – an improvement on the workhouse that would boost local production efficiency in provinces where they were built.

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    At the same time, it was realised that it was the settler working to increase development in Hamburg that had been preventing the expansion of the existing trade depot into a stock exchange: the goal of the current Diet mission. Johan Kooistra’s talents would be employed elsewhere and work started immediately on the conversion of the trade depot.

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    With diplomatic power needed for a range of other important purposes, when a choice had to be made in April 1698 about the protection of trade in Champagne, the merchants had to take a hit.

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    With plenty of ducats in the treasury and the Government alerted to opportunities to introduce more stock exchanges (as discounted conversions or new structures) in the colonies, four such buildings began construction in the FIE in late May 1698. In Africa, a traditional military recruiting ground, two new conscription centres were started in Frisian Guinea.

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    In July a couple of events both increased inflation while boosting much-needed diplomatic power and then produced an enormous influx of ducats even while compromising Republican tradition (which should recover in time).

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    This enormous boost to the treasury resulted in a significant acceleration in the building boom, with seven new conscription centres (all in the FIE) and training fields in Oversticht presaging another dramatic expansion in army strength and manpower.

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    With the end of the war in October 1698, the Government of the Republic took stock of its affairs. First, the large influx of developed cities following the annexations boosted Friesland beyond the level of total development needed to trigger completion of the ‘Imperial Conquest’ mission. Frisian prestige was greatly boosted and separatism would be decreased for a few decades at least.

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    Army maintenance needs had come down significantly, resulting in an all-time high monthly surplus of 118 ducats.

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    And there was still some room to grow in the Leger and the Navy, even before the recently commissioned military facilities came on line to increase the army force limit further. The number of line regiments had only increased by three since the last survey point three years before, while a twodecker and two transports had been built.

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    The war had of course taken a toll on manpower reserves, reduced to 42,000 against a maximum of almost 98,000. It would take some years to fully replenish the manpower reserve, especially if army expansion in coming years soaked up excess recruits as well. Two more infantry regiments were in training, plus five heavy frigates and three more transports under construction.

    The subject nations remained loyal. There was some question as to whether it may be worth enabling investment promotion in any of the trading companies at the expense of increased inflation (then something of a problem). The Potestaat would seek advice from experts.

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    The capital province of Friesland had grown enormously in recent years to make Leeuwarden one of the great cities of the world. Amsterdam, Hamburg and Utrecht followed on, with Groningen and Ostfriesland both very well developed as well.

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    Friesland had comfortably maintained its place in the lower ranks of the world’s great powers. The Navy remained second only to the massive Ottoman fleet, its income boomed and the Leger should maintain its upper-middle ranking with the recent infrastructure projects in train.

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    Chapter 38: An African Safari (1698-1702)
  • Chapter 38: An African Safari (1698-1702)

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    European Affairs

    Following victory in the Frisian-Magdeburgian Nationalist War of 1696-98, Friesland looked to consolidate in Europe and try to ride out the wave of local regional antagonism its actions would inevitably generate.

    However, with some policy advocates having discussed the possibility of a future conflict with Portugal, in October 1698 the prospects there were analysed. Of interest, Portugal had at some point recently ended its alliance with France, though it did maintain one with Frisian ally Aragon – and rival Kilwa. They remained in a colonial war in the East Indies but were not performing very well.

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    However, Portugal’s directly ruled empire generated a force of 276,000 soldiers and 125 ships, with a healthy manpower reserve. Then its six colonial subjects could contribute another 417,000 troops and 204 ships. This would dwarf the military support of Friesland and its own two colonies by an enormous margin.

    Unless their empire started to fragment or they became involved in a very major war, there seemed little prospect of taking on Portugal in the near future.

    Austria demanded Verden be returned to the HRE as ‘unlawfully occupied territory’ on 30 December 1698. This was of course ignored but the opprobrium of this ‘illegal occupation’ would further inflame local German opinion, though Frisian allies Franconia and Bavaria remained supportive.

    In April 1699, One of Friesland’s diplomats was sent to Liege to establish a spy network. Its two provinces of Liege and Loon were part of the Low Countries region, so a network and possible later claim may one day prove of use.

    In November, news came that Magdeburg had finally lost its attempt to overrun Brunswick. Not only did they lose but they were forced to hand over Braunschweig and then Altmark broke free under a re-established state of Brandenburg. With these recent losses, Magdeburg was reduced to a single province.

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    However, the new regime in Altmark was soon challenged by a noble rebellion. In January 1700 young Count Johann Georg I of Brandenburg’s forces were destroyed in a battle with the Rebels and Altmark placed under siege.

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    The Rebels would win their siege in late October and force Count Johann Georg to submit to their demands (for more influence in the Estates, provincial autonomy and a large grab of crown land) on 1 November. The horror!

    On 3 November, long-standing Frisian ally Scandinavia was acclaimed as having entered a Golden Era that would last for another 50 years. Then on 1 January 1701, the Frisian claim on Bremen lapsed: the threat of Austrian entry, dragging in Great Britain and other allies to oppose any Frisian attempt to annex it, had prevented the Burghers of Leeuwarden from ever acting on it.

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    Home and Colonial Affairs

    In early October the colonist working on settlement growth in Hamburg had been swapped to Oldenburg instead, then the other two from Friesland and Amsterdam (both at 5% improvement chance) were transferred to Meppen (24.2%) and Cleve (12.3%), along with Oldenburg (25.5%).

    With the national mission to unite the Lowlands still prevented largely by French obstruction in Flanders and Brabant, the possibility of chartering the WIC was revisited. This would involve taking at least two more provinces in the Guinea region – with Granada being the obvious target.

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    That would then lead to the easy fulfilment of subsequent ambitions in the Caribbean and North America.

    Manpower recovery after the recent war remained a pressing factor limiting Frisian preparedness for more ventures (colonial or otherwise), when army growth was also on the agenda. In late October, the reserve was just above 42,000 men out of over 98,000 maximum with a gain of around 860/month. New training fields in Osnabrück and Indrapura began construction and would take a year to complete.

    The monthly balance was under 100 ducats and with the war finished almost half the forts in areas believed to be at lesser immediate threat were mothballed in January 1699, delivering a large saving to fort maintenance and improving the budget bottom line.

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    The Estates were well in hand by this time and Burgher loyalty was increased even further when the completion of the stock exchange in Hamburg fulfilled the Diet agenda.

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    A major milestone was reached in the progress of Frisian ideas of state with the institution of marcher lords in February 1699. Given Frisia had no vassal states at this time, the major benefit was the completion of the influence ideas branch and the opening up of a new policy option, where a ‘free slot’ was available under administrative ideas.

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    Of the two such now available, overseas dominions was chosen, which would at least increase tariffs across the board.

    With 2,276 ducats in the treasury, another major round of building works was commissioned on 20 June. Universities were started in Oversticht and Geldern, a counting house in Makassar, conscription centres in Swellendam and Zeeland and a military administration in the Banten area.

    With all the recent and anticipated demands on administrative power, when Friesland was able to change its national focus again, it was switched to administration in August 1699.

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    One of those demands was in the conversion of recently annexed territories into core provinces. That work started on Upper Guelders (68 admin power) in August 1699 – which would eventually be completed in December 1700. Stade (February 1700) and Verden (April 1700) became core provinces and work started on Celle (118 admin, as there had not been a legitimate claim) began when Upper Guelders finished in December 1700.

    Republican tradition and the loyalty of the Estates was boosted in August 1699 when the Diet was summoned again. Once more, the Burghers’ agenda was adopted. It would take four and a half years to build the required plantation in distant Frisian Papua.

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    Starting in late August 1699 and stretching through to July 1700, 12 new regiments would be trained up, with two infantry in Friesland, five infantry and one artillery in Frisian Guinea and four infantry in South-West Africa, gathering in Inhambane. The policy here was to begin creating armies in both those locations that would suffer no attrition through transport, as had worked well in the FIE for many years. Of course, this slowed down reserve manpower accrual but was deemed necessary for future contingencies.

    A series of economic events – none of them favourable and not always offering choices of response – were dealt with from September 1699 to April 1700. The most significant of these was a corruption scandal – which Potestaat Stiensma decided to sweep under the carpet to avoid destabilising the government, though at an ongoing cost to the economy.

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    By November 1699, the maximum manpower reserve limit had increased to 105,000 accruing at 927/month, but the expansion of the army had caused the reserve to fall to just 33,163. It would take some time to get it back up again – especially as a few more army builds (noted above) were made after this point.

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    The Enlightenment Dawns

    As the new century began, the first stirrings of the Enlightenment were detected, starting in Naples. The days of Absolutism were (literally) numbered, with about ten years left to run. Though only embraced in Naples so far, the Enlightenment had begun to spread more widely – and in a few places in Frisian territory.

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    Meanwhile, the monthly balance was back down to around 100 ducats, with trade showing the largest decrease in income (for reasons not explored in detail by Frisian economists at the time). Nonetheless, there was enough money available for another university – this one in the capital Leeuwarden itself – in February 1700, given this would help boost the embracing of the Enlightenment there, for example in Utrecht (also in seven other Frisian provinces in Europe), with the universities in Brügge and Gent also nearing completion.

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    By May, the spread of the new school of thought was spreading more quickly around the country, including in Geldern, celebrated at the birthplace of the printing press. In the FIE, Indrapura’s university was also (more slowly) spreading the Enlightenment there.

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    The increased focus on administration in the Republic allowed the Potestaat to increase stability [to +3 for 173 admin] in November 1700.

    More government decisions were made in the following months, the most significant being to reject the the minting of new higher purity coins, at the cost as heft increase to inflation. Republican tradition was only just now recovering from a previous hit. Instead, it was decided to immediately counteract the inflation increase through a state administrative intervention.

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    Finally, engineers advised in August 1701 that the Dutch Polders in Amsterdam could be upgraded again [from ‘Noteworthy’ (Level I) to Level II], but to do so would cost almost all the current treasury reserve of 2,300 ducats. The idea was shelved for now, as those cash reserves may be needed for other contingencies …

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    The FIE and Asia

    Friesland was still eyeing off extending its Javanese holdings at the expense of Sunda in October 1698. But Malacca’s continued involvement in a local war in Borneo meant it would most likely not be available to assist a Frisian war of aggression there and thus not be available to offset the power of Ayutthaya and Sunda’s other smaller allies of Palembang, Kutai and Lanfang. Given Friesland only had its FIE naval and army detachments available in this theatre, war now (with manpower reserves still quite low) was not considered prudent.

    But this did not stop the Potestaat from using his considerable spy network in Sunda to create two new claims, to add to that on Kotagede, in September 1699. For when a suitable opportunity may arise.

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    With military manpower a key concern during this period, some ‘benign neglect’ allowed a long period of increased recruiting in Demak to begin in July 1700.

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    In regional news, Portugal concluded a white peace with Sunda in August 1700, leaving them at war with Blambangan, now alone against the colonial superpower – but still ahead in this small corner of the East Indies.

    In a divided China, Shun and its ally Korea were forced to accept a punishing peace imposed by Russia in November 1700, allowing the Tsar to annex 14 Shun and 9 Korean provinces!

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    But in better geopolitical news for Friesland, not long after Portugal agreed to a humiliating peace with Blambangan, having to pay reparations for ten years and actually ceding the island of Sumba to the small Javanese country. At this stage, the whole world was almost at peace, with the Malaccan-Berau war and a small border war in Africa being the only two known international conflicts in the world. This would not last, of course!

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    Indeed, in March 1701 the spy network in Sunda reported (due to the ‘loose lips’ of Sunda’s indiscreet ruler) that they were planning to attack the much-persecuted Scottish expatriate state. This rumour was proven true in early June 1701.

    The once-great (and Imperial) but now much reduced Kingdom of Wu was reported in July 1701 to be beset by internal strife that would plague it for the next ten years.

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    And the opportunistic Ayutthaya proved that a jackal was always ready to attack a wounded animal when they declared an imperialist war on Wu just a month later.

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    Developments in Africa

    With further expansion in Europe on the back-burner and the time not ripe for war in Java in October 1698, consideration of the WIC Charter Mission led to a new appraisal of the situation in the Granadan expatriate realm on the Ivory Coast.

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    For now, its reasonably sized army (23 regiments) and powerful African allies Tunis and Morocco both still mitigated against a war of expansion in Guinea. But as noted above, this did not stop Frisian planning for a future conflict, with a local colonial army soon under training in Frisian Guinea.

    In order to provide some time to react in case of a Kilwan thrust into Inhambane, the small colonial army being built there would be supported by the construction of a castle there, with three manpower development increases [42, 43 and 45 military power] and an expansion of infrastructure [46 admin power] allowing construction to commence on 22 December 1700. The same was planned for Bonny on the Granadan border in Guinea, but there was insufficient power available to start this yet.

    Then in March 1701, the situation in Africa began to change radically. First, Morocco declared war on the small coastal realm of Jolof. The very same day Aragon launched a ‘Holy War’ against Tunis, creating a much wider conflict that brought Castile and Portugal in against Tunis and its major allies Morocco and Granada.

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    This changed the equation considerably and, hoping to exploit this major distraction, Friesland began to assemble an expeditionary force to send to Guinea as soon as word reached them of the broader wars. A combined battle and transport fleet would rendezvous with 22 regiments in Den Haag.

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    And having learned from past lessons, a willing Castile was asked for and granted basing rights for passing Frisian fleets, to break up the long journey and lower seaborne attrition.

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    In addition, it was ensured that only coastal routes were used, to again minimise the toll on the troops being transported, who left port in mid-March aboard the combined 2nd Fleet.

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    In the period from late March to early June 1701, Kaabu, Granada, Kanem Bornu and Morocco all asked for military access to Frisian territory (presumably to get at the Castilians in South Africa). All these requests were rejected, or course. But a Castilian request for the same on 6 June was happily approved.

    When 2nd Fleet docked in Coruña, only 1% of the 22,000 troops embarked had succumbed to attrition. But a longer voyage was now at hand all the way to Guinea on 1 May, as the inimical Portuguese would not countenance a similar basing arrangement. [Game note: They started on the 1st of the month to get as much time on the monthly ‘attrition clock’ as possible.]

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    By 6 June they were half way past Morocco and had suffered another 1% attrition. Leger van Geldern pulled into Bonny on 9 August, having lost only 1,100 men since leaving Coruña (5%). They would combine with the colonial force already in place and use the rest of the month to recuperate from their voyage.

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    The fleet returned to Friesland straight away, in anticipation of another contingent being sent.

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    War with Granada

    Not wishing to waste any time, war was declared on Granada soon after the army in Guinea had fully recovered its strength. They were soon marching across the border to Warri. As expected, Granada’s allies came to their aid – though Frisian planners were betting on the existing distractions in the north to prevent major interventions in Granada by Morocco or Tunis.

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    But in an unexpected bonus, Savoy offered to join the war although pre-war consultations had not been so promising. The invitation was gladly issued and promptly accepted. Their favourable views of Friesland just outweighed the distance of the war and the foibles of Savoy’s ruler.

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    This would considerably rebalance the total forces on either side and gave the Potestaat a far greater sense of confidence that the opportunistic gamble would pay off.

    My mid-September, the 2nd Fleet was able to identify the main Granadan army moving north-west through Portuguese Guinea, just as Leger van Geldern was about to enter Warri unopposed.

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    By 2 October, the Granadans were in Sierra Leoa and the bulk of the Moroccan army was there and to the north.

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    Savoy had started with a range of useful blockades of enemy ports, though not all of these would be maintained in coming weeks. They would however later engage in a couple of large sea battles.

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    And the other African war had already seen Moroccan and Tunisian territory taken in the north as large Portuguese and Castilian armies advanced.

    Two weeks later, a Castilian colonial army of 13,000 men entered southern Frisian Guinea, taking advantage of their military access agreement and were in Cameroon by the 18th. That day, Warri fell to a short siege. Eight days later Leger van Geldern started its siege of Benin.

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    Benin was duly occupied a month later as the army pushed on to the capital, Ijebu, which was reached on 6 December. An large artillery barrage was ordered soon after arrival, considerably advancing the siege on the rudimentary capital fort.

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    The 2nd Fleet reached Den Haag on 5 January 1702 and immediately embarked another 20,000 troops for the long voyage to Guinea. Things there may have started well, but the Potestaat wanted some additional insurance for his invading army so far from home.

    The war’s progress was considerably advanced just three days later with the fall of Ijebu and assistance from a New Frisian fleet of 14 frigates blockading Granadan ports also helped the cause, as did some renewed blockades by Savoy and some battles at sea won by the Savoyards. The Castilian army had moved further east to do some besieging of its own of Granadan territory.

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    The first phase of the war had gone off like clockwork. But a long way lay ahead before Frisian objectives – the annexing of at least two Granadan provinces in Guinea – could be realised.

    Endnote: I played somewhat past this point in the session, but will not spoil re what comes next when replying to comments.
     
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    Chapter 39: A Disturbance in the Force of Freedom (1702)
  • Chapter 39: A Disturbance in the Force of Freedom (1702)

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    The Granadan War – January to June 1702

    Near the end of January 1702 the fleet ferrying the reinforcement army to Guinea made port early in Cantabria on the Spanish north coast to minimise attrition. They would set sail again for another short hop to the south-west of Spain on 1 February.

    Down in Guinea, Leger van Geldern was marching out of recently occupied Ijeba across to Ondo, the next target of the invasion, by 30 January. Just a couple of days later, a large New Frisian fleet doing blockade work off the Grain Coast spotted the main Granadan army and a large Moroccan one along that coast, plus a slightly smaller Granadan fleet heading their way from the east.

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    Battle was joined on 9 February where, despite New Friesland having the advantage in combat vessels (even after a Granadan La Plata flotilla arrived a few days later) the enemy won a small victory, capturing one New Frisian light frigate and breaking their blockade. Perhaps the presence of three larger ships and a qualified admiral had made the difference.

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    The Frisian siege of Ondo by the 28,000 men of Leger van Geldern started on 15 February and would take the province by 18 March, as the transport fleet was docking in Huelva in preparation for the long voyage south, which would not commence until they had fully resupplied on 1 April [ie the monthly attrition tick-over point].

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    By mid-May, a large Moroccan field army was moving through Oyo but heading north-east, while the main Granadan army approached Ijebu from the west to support a small force from Kanem Bornu which was already working to retake it.

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    Leger van Geldern was positioned in Benin, weighing up the odds for an attack while keeping a wary eye on the Moroccan army to the north and awaiting the 20,000 reinforcements en route from Europe.

    They were still waiting in early June as the enemy regained Ijebu and the Moroccans heading further east, to engage the Castilians who had occupied Yola by then.

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    Just five days later, any Frisian plans to push back into Ijebu to retake it were put on long-term hold. The transport fleet – with its heavy two-decker and chebeck escort – had reached the Ivory Coast on 11 June, where the small La Platan flotilla unwisely attacked them (probably blundering into them before they could turn around). But that was not the chilling news they reported by fast messenger boat …

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    Virtually the whole of the remaining Moroccan field army of over 100,000 men in four separate divisions had been spotted on the Gold Coast, heading east! So while the complete destruction of the enemy flotilla was nice to report, the entire strategy for the Granadan War had been turned on its head.

    The enemy now had around 170,000 troops in the Guinean theatre. The 20,000 Frisian reinforcements who would soon be arriving did not even come close to matching that level of opposition. Back home, the 40 regiments of Leger van Latgalia began relocating from Verden to Brügge in case they might be called on to send another contingent (currently limited to 22 regiments at a time) to Guinea.

    This raised the question of why, when faced (along with Tunis) with a massive invasion from the north by the Aragonese Holy War, Morocco would basically be sending its whole army way south to help defend Granada, with seemingly only a small Tunisian army to resist them.

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    Leger van Prignitz began disembarking in Bonny on 27 June (having lost only 800 men to attrition since leaving Spain) to a completely altered operational landscape. As the large enemy force closed in, Leger van Geldern was already falling back on Bonny to ensure it was not ambushed by a far larger enemy army.

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    War in Asia

    In early January 1702, a major war erupted between the Deccan Empire and Persia on the one side, making an imperialist claim on the powerful Bengal. Bengal was supported by a significant alliance, which included Frisian ally Malacca (which was still at war against Berau, in Borneo).

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    This meant that Malacca would be in no position to assist any Frisian attack on Sunda even when they finally won their war against Berau and annexed the whole country on 12 July.

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    Despite this, Friesland made another strategic gamble by assessing Ayutthaya, Sunda’s main regional benefactor, would be too distant and preoccupied to provide much assistance to Sunda – which would need to be rapidly overrun, just in case. A declaration of war, ostensibly to claim Kotagede but with far wider aims, was duly declared.

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    This decision was taken even knowing of the approaching Moroccan army in Guinea: it was decided the forces to be used were quite separate and the Sundanese adventure could be made relatively limited and rapid, quite separate from what now looked to be a long and drawn-out African campaign.

    The large army in Java had been split in two in preparation for the surprise attack. New generals were selected for both, one coming from Europe, the other being Potestaat Stiensma himself, who was a highly competent military commander in his own right.

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    As they began heading to the Sundanese border in the north and south, the main FIE battle fleet set out from its base in Kalapa to patrol the Sunda Strait. Four days later, a small Sundanese force of five regiments was spotted making the crossing to Flores, which had no garrison or fort. It would be left to fend for itself as Stiensma concentrated on the ‘main game’ in Java.

    The same was done when eight regiments from Lanfang invested Katapang in southern Borneo on 26 July. That province now had a large star fortress to guard it, so should be able to hold out for many months yet (if not indefinitely) against such a small and lightly equipped besieging force.

    But at sea, the large Frisian trade protection fleet ambushed an Ayutthayan flotilla of light frigates off Cape Cà Mau. Two ships were captured and the rest sunk by 30 July.

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    The two captured ships and eight other (slightly) damaged Frisian light frigates were sent back to the fleet base at Kalapa for repairs, while the rest of the trade protection fleet continued its business.

    The first gains in Java came without challenge on 30 August and 2 September, with the two armies moving onto their next targets.

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    If the main Sundanese army, by then located in Madura, decided to come across the strait to Surabaya, they could be pounced on and destroyed, so that province was left open. Sunda would not however fall into the trap. Sunda’s response was the occupation of Flores by 13 September, which Friesland continued to ignore.

    The trade protection fleet had another small skirmish off the Coast of Sumatra later that month, sinking one light frigate from Lanfang and capturing the other, largely intact, from 14-17 September.

    Kediri and Malang were occupied without incident from 12-14 October, with the two armies now moving to converge back in Surabaya to prepare for a cross-strait assault on the Sundanese capital of Madura.

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    To enable that, the FIE battle fleet was despatched to the Straits of Lombok to secure the way across when the army arrived in Surabaya on 20 October.

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    The Sundanese fleet did not oppose the move, staying in port as the army began to cross on 12 November. The battle began the 21st, with General Stellingwerf’s army arriving a little earlier than Stiensma’s. But all the Frisian troops were engaged by 28 November, as a comparison of the characteristics of the standard infantry regiments on both sides was made of the Frisian musketeers against the Asian Musketeers of Sunda. The Frisian regiments had a slight advantage on a man-to-man basis.

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    A solid victory was won by 8 December and the losing enemy army had no avenue of retreat, forced to surrender or melt into the countryside. In an interesting side note, both armies had been commanded by their respective heads of state.

    Stiensma stayed on to conduct the siege of the capital’s fort, ordering an artillery barrage to speed up the process while the other army crossed back to Surabaya.

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    The war was swinging firmly in Friesland’s direction and would continue to do so as Kotagede was retained and the capital was eventually taken. Casualties so far had been relatively light, a mix of battle and attrition losses.

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    The Coalition

    On 7 February 1702, the Austrian Holy Roman Emperor demanded that Celle be returned as unlawfully occupied territory, which (as it had before) Friesland rejected. This further soured regional opinion and by mid-July the very small independent realm of Berg announced it was initiating a coalition against Frisian aggression.

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    In the days and weeks ahead, a series of North German countries would join this Coalition: Dortmund and Münster in July, the larger Cologne plus Strasbourg and Bremen in August, followed by Aachen and then Brunswick in September. The latter’s views of Friesland illustrated some of the trends Friesland had to confront, plus the complication of Hannover’s sacking but then liberation.

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    The unlawful holding of Imperial territory and recent aggressive expansion more than outweighed religious commonalities for Brunswick and many other local powers. However, neither of Friesland’s German allies Franconia or Bavaria showed any sign yet of defecting.

    The Palatinate joined the coalition on 14 October but no more did by mid-December. The red-shaded countries below formed the nine-power coalition by 8 December 1702.

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    It was partly this threat that stopped Friesland from sending any more troops to Guinea when the fleet returned a week or so later. The other factor related to the situation that had developed by that time down in Africa.

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    The Granadan War – July to December 1702

    The Leger van Prignitz arrived in Bonny on 18 July, joining Leger van Geldern there – and causing local supply shortages. At that time, the first Moroccan army had reappeared to Frisian view to attack the badly outnumbered Castilian army in Yola.

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    As the main Moroccan army approached along the coast from the west, Leger van Prignitz began a staged Frisian withdrawal south through Calabar, with the larger Leger van Geldern forming a rear guard in Bonny to minimise attrition.

    The separation was achieved on 31 July, with the small army from Kanem Bornu retaking Ondo on 8 August and the main enemy armies progressed through Ijebu.

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    The Granadan army had joined the Moroccans in Yola, where it appeared the Castilian army had been destroyed.

    Rather than staying to liberate Yola, both those armies headed south-west to join the major push to retake Granadan holdings and pursue the withdrawing Frisian armies through Guinea. On 1 September, Leger van Geldern had come into the firing line of far larger enemy forces and was following their comrades to Calabar and then Cameroon.

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    Benin was lost on 9 September as the Moroccans began advancing on Bonny – but the Frisians had moved in time and would avoid a one-sided battle. The enemy arrived in Bonny on 25 September and Warri was retaken by the enemy two days later as Friesland’s position continued to unravel.

    However, the Frisians stayed ahead of the enemy advance, hoping attrition would whittle them down and perhaps the distraction of the massive Aragon-led invasion of Tunis and the northern Moroccan heartland might eventually draw them away, as the two armies’ presence temporarily overlapped in Cameroon on 9 October.

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    Leger van Prignitz was in Gabon eight days later and continued south in Castilian South Africa, exercising the reciprocal rights of their military access arrangement.

    As they headed back home from their second army drop-off, the 2nd Fleet encountered a large Moroccan fleet in the Lusitanian Sea on 28 October. A large majority of the Moroccan fleet was made up of transports, while the 2nd Fleet had 19 two-deckers and 14 chebecks, which had a significant tactical advantage over the outnumbered Moroccans.

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    The Frisians were further aided by having the superior admiral and the arrival the following day of six Portuguese light frigates that joined in the attack on their mutual enemy. The Moroccans broke contact on 8 November, having lost four of their large escorts and a couple of transports.

    Moroccan, Granadan and a recently arrived Tunisian army occupied Calabar and Bonny and then retook Idah (respectively) from 8-17 November.

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    In the north, forces of the Aragonese alliance ran rampant through Tunis, with Savoyard armies (numbering over 100,000 men) now rampaging through Tunis as well, very usefully taking provinces in Friesland’s name. Aragon also had at least one army deep in Moroccan territory as others began to take some provinces on the Mediterranean coast. But would the Moroccans currently off in Guinea react as the Potestaat hoped?

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    By 8 December, Morocco was showing no sign of calling off the pursuit as the Frisian armies sought refuge deep in Castilian territory as Cameroon was besieged next.

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    Losses had as yet been light, all troops from attrition, with no Frisian ships lost, though Savoy had lost some vessels in their victory at the Battle of Cape Bon. In Tunisia, by that time the Savoyards had made a little more progress. And Aragonese and Portuguese armies continued to swarm against no resistance from Morocco, though Tunis tried to hold them back while greatly outnumbered.

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    Domestic Affairs

    In April and September 1702, the Frisian economy was negatively impacted by a merchant failure – which required a government bail-out to avoid long-term consequences for trade in the FIE – and a corruption scandal in the colonies whose remedy added significantly to inflationary pressures.

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    But there was better news in October, when economic growth led to a boost in trade power that advisers expected to last for the next 15 years.

    Given the diplomatic problems Friesland was suffering in digesting the recent gains in North Germany, in early September increased administrative effort was put into bringing Celle – which had not been one of the existing claims during the recent nationalist war against Magdeburg and its allies – fully into the Frisian Republic.

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    The financial burden of the war had significantly increased military maintenance costs, including [automated] actions to bring all fortifications back to full readiness. For the Navy, the ships captured in various battles during the year had raised its strength to a little over its maintenance force limit. The budget remained in surplus, but the bottom line had been heavily reduced.

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    Action would be taken to review fort maintenance to see if savings could again be prudently made. But first up, the Potestaat moved to rein in inflation again after September’s ‘Viceroy Scandal’, though it remained at 1.45%.

    Finally, the Enlightenment was slowly spreading across almost all of Friesland’s European provinces, though it had not yet been fully adopted in any of them. This also affected Friesland’s standing as a world power: its ranking slipped by one to eighth when Scandinavia became the first of the great powers to embrace the Enlightenment. Friesland’s naval and trade power continued to be its strongest suits.

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    On the pop-up included above, it talks about ‘extra costs incurred’ as a result of not yet achieving the institution. But I can’t work out what this actually relates to. Anyone know?
     
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