Chapter 33: The Edge of Tomorrow (1685-93)
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Genoa and Scotland at Bay: Foreign Wars from 1685-89
By September 1685, Genoa’s forlorn defence of Cyprus against the might of the Ottoman Empire was over. Genoa was left in a bad way: they lost half of the Genoese Pontic Steppe (Crimea) for their troubles. And had their refuge in Corsica under siege by a noble rebel faction.
Cyprus itself fell a year later and was annexed into the Ottoman Empire.
Scotland had been quickly overrun by England in 1681 when the latter’s Reconquest of Cumbria had started. Due to Scotland’s remaining overseas colonies and Asian allies, by 1685 the war still dragged on, staving off the abject Scottish defeat that surely beckoned.
Finally, in January 1687, the long and painful ordeal was over. And the outcome was as disastrous for Scotland as it could possible have been. Their remaining land in Scotland itself were all annexed by England, who that same day declared the establishment of Great Britain.
In the British Isles, only the ‘Scottish Danelaw’ (now part of Scandinavia) and the last three counties of Clanricarde in Ireland remained out of British hands.
Later in 1687, Castile decided to take advantage of the vulnerable expatriate Scots colonial holdings by launching a colonial war, ostensible for the colony of Ifugao on the island of Luzon in the northern Philippines. But of the war spread elsewhere, including in the far north-west of North America.
By 1689, the island of Haida had become the backwater capital of ‘Scotland-over-the-Seas’. It and the rest of the north-western colonies were in Castilian hands by October 1689. Scotland had become a tributary state of the Wu Chinese, so their overlords were brought into the fight, as were the minor Ming state.
By that time, the main fighting was in and around the Philippines. Scotland’s strength was not even that of a minor European power, with Wu doing the bulk of the fighting. Ifugao had been lost, with one sea battle (a Wu victory) and a major land battle (a Castilian win) having been fought.
But at that time, the Wu had landed in northern Luzon and were trying to retake their province of Ilocos and Ifugao itself, while Scotland had occupied a number of Castilian islands to the south. But the war was leaning in Castile’s favour: they had the greater numbers but suffered from the ‘tyranny of distance’ in applying them in Asia.
Frisian Affairs: 1689-91
Potestaat Hendrik Martena still governed the Frisian Republic and remained the custodian of the Dream of Frisian Freedom. Development expansion had slowed somewhat over the last four years.
That dream was increasingly being interpreted as the spread of the somewhat strange brand of Frisian Catholic Republicanism that had developed in the nation over the last 250 years. It consisted of staunch adherence to Catholicism, colonial expansion, determined Frisian mono-cultural domination within its lands, a form of stable and fairly conservative Republicanism and a strong trade and economic focus.
A visible aspect of the ‘spread of the Dream’ was the slow expansion into the fractured north German areas bordering Friesland, a gradual and sporadic process conducted over many decades. Recently, the leaders of Leeuwarden had taken a more aggressive stance and now looked to increase this rate of expansion – while balancing the risks of local backlashes.
To achieve this aim, a larger and more effective army was needed. In 1689, a major recruiting drive was under way, while the armies and home and in the Frisian East Indies (FIE) drilled to improve their efficiency.
Left unstated (publicly) was the one part of the Frisian Dream that had lain out of reach for centuries now: the uniting of all the Low Countries under Frisian rule. The early occupation by a very powerful France of a thin wedge of those counties many decades before had proven too great an obstacle to achieving that part of the Dream. But it was not dead, just dormant. Maybe a mix of diplomacy, Frisian strength and opportunism may pave the way for that ambition to be fulfilled one day.
In 1689, Friesland had expanded its range of Allies significantly, in part due to new ideas in diplomatic practice. Scandinavia was once again an ally (though it hovered outside the list of great powers for now), so too Franconia (recent differences having been put aside). And Naples had been added to the list of formal allies. Great Britain was now acknowledged as the newest world power, though still place behind Friesland in the rankings.
Of interest, relations with Britain were cordial, with both countries seeking to further improve relations with each other. Some saw Britain as a logical future ally for Friesland. Their overseas empires did not clash or overlap in interests and something to help counter-balance the long-standing Franco-Portuguese alliance would be very useful. That was a possible avenue for the future, anyway. Rivalries and enmities remained relatively unchanged, with Portugal being the most prominent and worrisome relationship, given the huge reach of their colonial empire.
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Hendrik Martena had served ten years as chief executive of the Republic by the time he died in August 1690, succeeded by the already ageing Sibraht Dykstra, another kind-hearted leader who was nonetheless a well-qualified general. Something (not quite clear from the historical record) had happened in the in last couple of years to decrease the stability of the Frisian government, though it remained strong overall.
There had been advances in Frisian thinking about its international influence and diplomacy – which had direct benefits for the number and quality of the diplomatic relationships they were able to maintain. Development had once more returned to only gradual increases as other priorities took the effort for now.
The Leger remained in training and still stationed on the German borders, with almost 100,000 men under arms in Friesland itself and another 33,000 in the 2nd Army in the FIE.
Malacca had recently been added to the alliance network. They were as advanced technologically as any leading European power (including Friesland) and seen as a buttress against Ayutthaya. There had been no recent expansion wars in the FIE but the broader intent was to pursue such in the future.
As observed previously, for some reason that escaped the burghers of Leeuwarden not only did Somalia consider Friesland a rival, but now Kilwa – closer to the outpost in south-east Africa – had joined them. Whether this would ever amount to anything was moot and did not overly concern the Frisians at this stage.
Otherwise, neither the world map nor the great power rankings had changed much recently.
Scotland Suffers, Wu Too: 1691-93
As April 1691 ended, the drawn-out suffering of Scotland continued. The Scots and their Wu patrons had been ejected from the Philippines as the war continued to turn in Castile's favour – though not without cost, especially at sea.
Six years from its start, the war was still not over by August 1693. After the Castilians had earlier secured Luzon by May 1691, they had since landed on the Chinese mainland, sweeping through Fuzou and Quanzhou from February-April 1693 and now besieging Wu’s southern provinces.
Between them, the Wu and their tributaries could now muster fewer than 6,000 troops, though the Castilians had paid a cost in shipping to stage their invasion.
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The Savoyard-Mantuan Imperialist War: 1691-93
Friesland’s alliance with Savoy saw it participate in Savoy’s latest gambit to expand its holdings in northern Italy in the second half of 1691. Savoy has assembled a formidable alliance to support this venture, most powerful of all being mighty France. After around two years of warfare, Savoy Alliance armies had overrun Mantua itself, who now just had Tunis as a partner.
The French siege of Mantua, August 1691.
Friesland’s army was back at home by then but they had played an active role in the earlier stages of the war. As had the navy, whose light ships had lost an engagement against a larger and galley-equipped Wolgastian fleet in the early stages. But the Leger had avenged this loss after quickly campaigning through western Wolgast in April-May 1692.
With a Savoyard army taking two of Wolgast’s eastern provinces in July-August, the victory by Friesland in the siege of Wolgast itself on 22 August 1692 had seen Wolgast admit defeat and withdraw from the war.
As a counterpoint to that campaign, just after Wolgast’s surrender Tunis had managed to deploy a large expeditionary to Bonny in Friesland’s colony on the Gulf of Guinea. From late August 1692 to January 1693, all four provinces were taken by Tunis and handed over to Mantua’s occupation.
This was an inconvenience but one Friesland did not react to. They would wait for the wider war to be resolved and the lands to be returned under a peace deal without risking an army that would be subject not likely heavy casualties from combat and attrition at sea and on the land.
Losses on both sides by February 1693 were comparatively moderate and the war was leaning heavily in Savoy’s favour. All of Friesland’s army casualties had come from siege attrition in the Wolgast campaign.
The comparison also showed the disproportionate weight of cavalry in the Leger compared to other armies. This was something that had been pointed out by military commentators and would be addressed by the Leger in the future.
The Allied cause had progressed further on the ground by August, as Savoy, France and Tuscany pressed home the advantage and the Frisian Leger drilled back home. And also embarked on the first build of chebecks for use in the Baltic Sea.
As could be seem from this last map, another major conflict had recently broken out involving Austria and the Ottoman Empire, which will be dealt with further below.
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The British-Clanricarde Imperialist War: 1691-92
But first, a short war that saw Ireland fully under British control by August 1692 will be briefly reported. The decisive battle had taken place in Limerick in late 1691, where the last serious native Irish resistance had been crushed by a large British army led personally by King Philip I Brock. A celebrated painting of the battle (below) commemorated this gallant but doomed last stand.
The Ottoman-Neapolitan Imperialist War: 1692-93
Imperialistic conquests seemed the be the flavour of the time in Europe, with the Ottomans attacking Naples in late 1692. Naples was supported by Austria, Genoa (clearly an arch-enemy of the Ottomans by now and a sucker for punishment at their hands) and Bologna.
To start with, it seemed the Ottomans had been ill-prepared and by February 1693 had seen all their holdings in southern Italy occupied by Naples. The Austrians had initially occupied three Ottoman border provinces, but large Ottoman armies were now in position and in the process of retaking them. But in time, the Ottomans’ huge army and navy were bound to prevail.
By August, the Ottomans were in the process of ‘painting Austria red’ with multiple large and small armies ranging across it at will. Their big battle fleet was in the Adriatic (over 150 ships) but for now, Naples was hanging onto southern Italy.
Austria’s army had suffered heavily and Genoa significantly (for their relative size), while Naples itself had so far escaped almost unscathed. The Ottomans were picking up most of their casualties – which now numbered 120,000 – from attrition but had also lost around 50,000 men in field engagements.
The unfortunate Genoese had seen the remainder of their Pontic Steppe enclave fully occupied – yet again.
Frisian Affairs: 1693
Sibraht Dykstra remained Potestaat in February 1693, though was now aged 73. He was overseeing another major shipbuilding program following a stinging loss at sea (the Battle of the Southern Baltic against Wolgast), including as we saw earlier four new chebecks for use in the confines of the Baltic Sea.
But one absence from the previous alliance network – and the reason Friesland was not engaged against the Ottomans in defence of Naples – was that the alliance had been broken when that war began and the Frisians did not wish to take on a doomed cause especially when the Savoyard-Mantuan War was still in progress.
New advances had recently seen heavy frigates supplant the old designs for the navy light ships, among some other colonial and diplomatic benefits.
And the large Frisian treasury had allowed most of their light ships to be upgraded in the interim.
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Within a month, Dykstra had gone to dream the Long Dream, replaced by the far younger Klaes Stiensma – a calm administrator and accomplished military leader but no diplomat. The government was still quite stable with effective advisers.
Friesland remained firmly within the lower ranks of the great powers and sitting eighth overall in the historical list of great modern nations (VPs). They still had the third largest navy and second highest trade income in the world.
Friesland at this time retained claims on four provinces, including two on the ‘path to Hamburg: Bremen and Stade, the latter owned by Magdeburg. Ravensberg in Cologne and Upper Guelders (an outpost owned for many years by Poland) also had Frisian claims lodged on them.
Meanwhile, Frisian spies were building networks in neighbouring Hanover (Brunswick) and Magdeburg.
From 1685 to 1689, the economy was roughly unchanged in terms of income but net expenses had been lowered despite an increase in fleet maintenance. The treasury had grown healthily in size.
Four years later, tax and production income had decreased by trade had jumped to more than offset those losses. State, army and navy maintenance had all increased substantially, leading to a marginally lower monthly budget balance. As seen previously, military spending – especially navy upgrades – had seen the treasury shrink but remain at a very useful surplus of around 3,200 ducats.
Throughout this time, Catholicism retained 100% coverage throughout the directly ruled Republic. Though by 1693, many were decrying the lack of a Frisian cardinal, while others wanted Friesland to once again become Protector of the Faith.
Potestaat Stiensma actively sought advice from the bureaucracy (ie you, gentle readers) as to whether either or both of these objectives might be worth pursuing. Some more cautious voices continued to think the risk of being Catholicism’s Protector might outweigh the benefits, given the strength of the Infidel threat from the Ottomans in central Europe.
The military had only grown marginally between 1685-89, though 14 regiments were in production at that time. This growth had been added to in the Navy in net terms by August 1693, though the loss of frigates from the Battle of the Southern Baltic had not yet been fully rectified.
Military facility building had largely been responsible for a massive growth in the full capacity of the Leger and the navy from 1685-93: by 20 regiments and 21 ships in total.
As the last decade of the 17th century began, Leeuwarden was a major city of northern Europe; a well-fortified capital of a great trading and colonial power.
A new age of glory beckoned: would this lead to triumph or disaster for the Republic of the Dreamers? Only time would tell whether the Edge of Tomorrow revealed a sweeping road leading onward and upward, or over a precipice built on their own hubris.
