A Statement from His Majesty the King of Lombardy and Venice
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A Statement from His Majesty the King of Lombardy and Venice
Similar Letters are sent out to the Grand Duke of Tuscany and the Duke of Modena, bearing the Imperial Seal. ((Private))
From the desk of His Imperial and Apostolic Majesty
Ferdinand I
A.E.I.O.U.
My Honored Friends,
I write to you on this auspicious day with a request, whilst it may be hard to swallow, is necessary for ensuring the continued reign of our glorious House. Recently, the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies and the Kingdom of Sardinia-Piedmont issued a Concord, which would ensure the fall of all Italian states under the rule of these begrudging allies. They ask for you to join their Concord, to become suzerains of powers that only seek your annexation and subjugation. It is with the utmost respect and admiration that I ask of you to refuse their request, if not to protect your own interests, but as the behest of a Habsburg, and at the behest of a friend. We are united by blood, and only through blood will we ensure the continued dominance that our noble House of Habsburg has enjoyed. I truly hope you give my request serious thought, and you remember the alliance that we share.
From the desk of His Imperial and Apostolic Majesty
Ferdinand I
A.E.I.O.U.
I write to you on this auspicious day with a request, whilst it may be hard to swallow, is necessary for ensuring the continued reign of our glorious House. Recently, the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies and the Kingdom of Sardinia-Piedmont issued a Concord, which would ensure the fall of all Italian states under the rule of these begrudging allies. They ask for you to join their Concord, to become suzerains of powers that only seek your annexation and subjugation. It is with the utmost respect and admiration that I ask of you to refuse their request, if not to protect your own interests, but as the behest of a Habsburg, and at the behest of a friend. We are united by blood, and only through blood will we ensure the continued dominance that our noble House of Habsburg has enjoyed. I truly hope you give my request serious thought, and you remember the alliance that we share.
With Respect and Admiration,
Ferdinand Charles Leopold Joseph Francis Marcelin von Habsburg-Lorraine, Emperor of Austria
Ferdinand Charles Leopold Joseph Francis Marcelin von Habsburg-Lorraine, Emperor of Austria
The rise of revolution once again threatens to engulf Europe in more anarchy, instability, chaos, anarchism and disorder. The revolutionaries as always want to overthrow the order of stability that we have worked so hard to achieve, an order of stability that has ensured peace in Europe since the Napoleonic Wars. It is our duty to preserve this status quo so that no nation in Europe may ever again be a bastion for anarchism and terror of which we saw fifty years ago.
As such we can only condemn the Italian States which supports the Concord of Florence and we urge the remaining states in the Italian peninsular to disregard and reject the Concord of Florence. The invitation of a revolutionary Republican group that is causing unrest within the Austrian Empire, to further give them recognition is a gross action of hostility. We utterly condemn this action, and any who may support such movements at a time when peace is already fragile across Europe, as such we once again urge that the Grand Duchy of Tuscany, and the Duchies of Modena and Reggio as well as Parma reject these foolish notions which are made to cause unrest by the Sardinian and Neapolitan governments.
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A Statement by His Imperial and Apostolic Majesty
Ferdinand I
On the 12 Demands of the Hungarian Diet and People
The Austrian submission to the Hungarians makes it clear that they are willing to grant concessions to their minorities, yet it is only to the Hungarians that they give such treatment. The other nationalities within the Austrian Empire remain downtrodden and oppressed, crying out for liberation and freedom. The Italian people cry out, and it remains within the power of the Emperor to bow to the reality in Italy as he did in Hungary. This remains our hope for peaceful resolution to the matter.
-Giustino Fortunato, Minister of Foreign Affairs for the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies
[] Papal States - Refuse to Sign
[] Grand Duchy of Tuscanny - Refuse to Sign
[] Duchy of Modena - Refuse to Sign
[X] Carlo II di Parma, Duque di Parma
[] Grand Duchy of Tuscanny - Refuse to Sign
[] Duchy of Modena - Refuse to Sign
[X] Carlo II di Parma, Duque di Parma
The Austrian Empire
Kaistertum Österreich
~ Baron Franz von Pillersdorf, Minister of Foreign Affairs for His Imperial and Apostolic Majesty
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Private letters to the sovereigns of Italy
Francis V, Duke of Modena, Reggio and Guastalla
Your Highness, I implore you to rethink your rejection of the Concord of Florence. Perhaps you have been led to believe that it is a document to place us in opposition to Austria and your fellow Habsburgs, but this is not so. The Concord of Florence was made not to oppose Austria, but to contain the radicals within our realms, as well as King Charles Albert in Sardinia-Piedmonte. It is no secret that he has harbored a desire to unite Italy under his own leadership. If we simply try to hold the status quo stubbornly, the rising tide of radicals in Italy may well unseat us, or weaken us enough that we fall before the ambitions of Charles Albert.
To avoid this, the Concord of Florence must be signed. The nationalists within our realms can be mollified and have their aggression directed outwards, securing our domestic situations against their agitations. That this puts us in open opposition to Austria is unfortunate, but such is only temporarily, and without a sign of our commitment to Italian nationalism, the radicals will not cease their internal agitation. Once some minor gains have been secured from Austria, we can declare it a victory, and then bring the radicals under control to prevent a recurrence of this situation.
To fail to sign the Concord of Florence is to allow the radicals to run unchecked and potentially bring chaos and instability to Italy. A little shake-up now, directing those feelings in a controllable manner, can allow us to avoid the worst outcomes. I pray that you see the wisdom in signing the Concord.
-King Ferdinand II of the Two Sicilies
Your Highness, I implore you to rethink your rejection of the Concord of Florence. Perhaps you have been led to believe that it is a document to place us in opposition to Austria and your fellow Habsburgs, but this is not so. The Concord of Florence was made not to oppose Austria, but to contain the radicals within our realms, as well as King Charles Albert in Sardinia-Piedmonte. It is no secret that he has harbored a desire to unite Italy under his own leadership. If we simply try to hold the status quo stubbornly, the rising tide of radicals in Italy may well unseat us, or weaken us enough that we fall before the ambitions of Charles Albert.
To avoid this, the Concord of Florence must be signed. The nationalists within our realms can be mollified and have their aggression directed outwards, securing our domestic situations against their agitations. That this puts us in open opposition to Austria is unfortunate, but such is only temporarily, and without a sign of our commitment to Italian nationalism, the radicals will not cease their internal agitation. Once some minor gains have been secured from Austria, we can declare it a victory, and then bring the radicals under control to prevent a recurrence of this situation.
To fail to sign the Concord of Florence is to allow the radicals to run unchecked and potentially bring chaos and instability to Italy. A little shake-up now, directing those feelings in a controllable manner, can allow us to avoid the worst outcomes. I pray that you see the wisdom in signing the Concord.
-King Ferdinand II of the Two Sicilies
Leopold II, Grand Duke of Tuscany
Your Highness, I implore you to rethink your rejection of the Concord of Florence. Perhaps you have been led to believe that it is a document to place us in opposition to Austria and your fellow Habsburgs, but this is not so. The Concord of Florence was made not to oppose Austria, but to contain the radicals within our realms, as well as King Charles Albert in Sardinia-Piedmonte. It is no secret that he has harbored a desire to unite Italy under his own leadership. If we simply try to hold the status quo stubbornly, the rising tide of radicals in Italy may well unseat us, or weaken us enough that we fall before the ambitions of Charles Albert.
To avoid this, the Concord of Florence must be signed. The nationalists within our realms can be mollified and have their aggression directed outwards, securing our domestic situations against their agitations. That this puts us in open opposition to Austria is unfortunate, but such is only temporarily, and without a sign of our commitment to Italian nationalism, the radicals will not cease their internal agitation. Once some minor gains have been secured from Austria, we can declare it a victory, and then bring the radicals under control to prevent a recurrence of this situation.
To fail to sign the Concord of Florence is to allow the radicals to run unchecked and potentially bring chaos and instability to Italy. A little shake-up now, directing those feelings in a controllable manner, can allow us to avoid the worst outcomes. I pray that you see the wisdom in signing the Concord.
-King Ferdinand II of the Two Sicilies
Your Highness, I implore you to rethink your rejection of the Concord of Florence. Perhaps you have been led to believe that it is a document to place us in opposition to Austria and your fellow Habsburgs, but this is not so. The Concord of Florence was made not to oppose Austria, but to contain the radicals within our realms, as well as King Charles Albert in Sardinia-Piedmonte. It is no secret that he has harbored a desire to unite Italy under his own leadership. If we simply try to hold the status quo stubbornly, the rising tide of radicals in Italy may well unseat us, or weaken us enough that we fall before the ambitions of Charles Albert.
To avoid this, the Concord of Florence must be signed. The nationalists within our realms can be mollified and have their aggression directed outwards, securing our domestic situations against their agitations. That this puts us in open opposition to Austria is unfortunate, but such is only temporarily, and without a sign of our commitment to Italian nationalism, the radicals will not cease their internal agitation. Once some minor gains have been secured from Austria, we can declare it a victory, and then bring the radicals under control to prevent a recurrence of this situation.
To fail to sign the Concord of Florence is to allow the radicals to run unchecked and potentially bring chaos and instability to Italy. A little shake-up now, directing those feelings in a controllable manner, can allow us to avoid the worst outcomes. I pray that you see the wisdom in signing the Concord.
-King Ferdinand II of the Two Sicilies
Pope Pius IX
Your Holiness, I implore you to rethink your rejection of the Concord of Florence. Perhaps you have been led to believe that it is a document to place us in opposition to Austria and fellow Catholics, but this is not so. The Concord of Florence was made not to oppose Austria, but to contain the radicals within our realms, as well as King Charles Albert in Sardinia-Piedmonte. It is no secret that he has harbored a desire to unite Italy under his own leadership. If we simply try to hold the status quo stubbornly, the rising tide of radicals in Italy may well unseat us, or weaken us enough that we fall before the ambitions of Charles Albert.
To avoid this, the Concord of Florence must be signed. The nationalists within our realms can be mollified and have their aggression directed outwards, securing our domestic situations against their agitations. That this puts us in open opposition to Austria is unfortunate, but such is only temporarily, and without a sign of our commitment to Italian nationalism, the radicals will not cease their internal agitation. Once some minor gains have been secured from Austria, we can declare it a victory, and then bring the radicals under control to prevent a recurrence of this situation.
To fail to sign the Concord of Florence is to allow the radicals to run unchecked and potentially bring chaos and instability to Italy. A little shake-up now, directing those feelings in a controllable manner, can allow us to avoid the worst outcomes. I pray that you see the wisdom in signing the Concord.
-King Ferdinand II of the Two Sicilies
Your Holiness, I implore you to rethink your rejection of the Concord of Florence. Perhaps you have been led to believe that it is a document to place us in opposition to Austria and fellow Catholics, but this is not so. The Concord of Florence was made not to oppose Austria, but to contain the radicals within our realms, as well as King Charles Albert in Sardinia-Piedmonte. It is no secret that he has harbored a desire to unite Italy under his own leadership. If we simply try to hold the status quo stubbornly, the rising tide of radicals in Italy may well unseat us, or weaken us enough that we fall before the ambitions of Charles Albert.
To avoid this, the Concord of Florence must be signed. The nationalists within our realms can be mollified and have their aggression directed outwards, securing our domestic situations against their agitations. That this puts us in open opposition to Austria is unfortunate, but such is only temporarily, and without a sign of our commitment to Italian nationalism, the radicals will not cease their internal agitation. Once some minor gains have been secured from Austria, we can declare it a victory, and then bring the radicals under control to prevent a recurrence of this situation.
To fail to sign the Concord of Florence is to allow the radicals to run unchecked and potentially bring chaos and instability to Italy. A little shake-up now, directing those feelings in a controllable manner, can allow us to avoid the worst outcomes. I pray that you see the wisdom in signing the Concord.
-King Ferdinand II of the Two Sicilies
Sultan Abdü’l-Mecīd Han
Sovereign of The Sublime House of Osman, Sultan es Selatin, Khakhan, Commander of the faithful and Successor of the Prophet of the lord of the Universe, Custodian of the Holy Cities
Sovereign of The Sublime House of Osman, Sultan es Selatin, Khakhan, Commander of the faithful and Successor of the Prophet of the lord of the Universe, Custodian of the Holy Cities
_ _ _
Private letter to Ibrahim Pasha of Egypt
Taking into consideration the grave illness of your father Muhammad Ali Pasha the honorable Wali of Egypt and the Sudan, I have been instructed by His Majesty to formally invite you to Constantinople in order to discuss the matters of governance in Egypt and the Sudan. While normally the Porte wishes to respect the previous agreements of allowing your father and your family to handle the affairs of Egypt with little to no interference or recommendations from our part, the Sultan doesn’t want one of the Empire’s most prized possessions to fall to anarchy or disorder if something was to suddenly happen to the great Muhammad Ali Pasha. Fear not, as the Sultan told to your father when he visited Constantinople two years ago, hereditary governorship for your dynasty in Egypt will be guaranteed.
Last we wish a quick recovery to Muhammad Ali Pasha and hope that Egypt will prosper for many years to come under his and his descendants’ wise rule.
Mustafa Reşid Pasha
Grand Vizier
Grand Vizier
Revolution in Germany
A Look at the Factions of Frankfurt
With even the Prussian leadership seemingly in bed with the ideals of a German state, it was of no wonder why the revolutionary forces met with glee in what became known as the Frankfurt Parliament, an elected body from across all Germany. While devised as an example of universal suffrage by planning prior done by the Pre-Parliament, in reality, states set their own qualifications, some opting for no restrictions to others implementing effective wealth checks. In the end, 583 delegates gathered chiefly from the middle-classes, boasting a gross over-representation of lawyers and professors, while the few working class delegates were largely ignored as the minority.
But even with this unifying message of pan-Germanism and a generally homogeneous background, it became readily apparent that the ideal German state meant a great many things to a great many people. From among the factions arose three major and vague classifications.
The Democrat Left, likewise known as the Wholes, stood as the hotbed for republicanism within the Parliament, from the Deutscher Hof who advocated for universal and direct suffrage, to the Donnersberg who insisted that Germany should span across the old remnants of the Holy Roman Empire through use of revolution against the establishment. More moderate stood the Westendhall faction, which stood prepared to allow monarchy in cooperation with the center, earning them the nickname of the frock-coated leftwingers.
Staunchly in the center was the appropriately named Liberal Center, or Halves. A coalition of moderates, the Liberal Center stood generally for constitutional monarchy under an emperor (Kaiser) and a liberal nation-state. Most prominent among this group was undoutably the Casino faction, who were regarded as pragmatic in their desire for a constitution, working alongside whoever could best ensure some order within the Parliament. Where many of the constituent factions disagreed within the Halves was the matter of governance on the local level, with the Landsberg wishing a strong central Parliamentary power, the Württemberger Hof wishing a federalized Greater Germany, and the Ausburger Hof wanting a federal Little Germany, and the Pariser Hof acting as the furthest-right force by wanting to install strong federalism that required ratification for the Constitution by all constituent states.
And finally stood the Conservative Right, a group dedicated to maintaining the rights of the aristocracy, understandable as much came from the Kingdoms of Bavaria and Prussia. In more strong terms, this faction expanded on the views of the Pariser Hof and wanted the German state to be little more than a loose and voluntary federation of monarchies, with no unified constitution or armed force imposed on the constituent states. In the view of the Conservative Right, the national government stood only to resolve those issues that the constituent states were unable or unwilling to arbitrate amongst themselves.
As this body and its disparate factions bickered, the Prussian Kingdom looked on with equal parts fascination and concern, the King himself drawing up a parallel body in the form of the Prussian National Assembly, designed to formulate its own constitution in competition with any sort of liberal one. It remained to see how the bodies would interact, if at all, and the results of the Frankfurt Parliament's discussion would surely be of great interest to their Prussian counterparts.
A STATEMENT FROM THE DIET OF HUNGARY TO THE HUNGARIAN PEOPLE
~ Lajos Batthyány, Minister-President of Hungary.
Joint Declarations from the Kingdom of Two Sicilies and the Kingdom of Sardinia-Piedmonte
The Empire of Austria has shown it true face by denying the rights of freedom and equality to the Italian people and instead have choosen to remain steadfast in their oppression of italians living in Lombardia and Venezia. The Kingdom of Sardinia-Piedmonte and the Kingdom of Two Sicilies therefore declare war against the oppressive Austrian empire.
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs Lord Palmerston
London, United Kingdom
To His Majesty Charles Albert of Sardinia-Piedmont,
Her Majesty's Government is perturbed by the events that have rapidly unfolded in northern Italy. Her Majesty's Government is particularly surprised that the government of Sardinia-Piedmont, alongside the government of the Two Sicilies, has declared war upon His Imperial and Royal Apostolic Majesty without ever previously laying claim to the lands they purport to be coming to the defense of. Her Majesty's Government will refuse to recognize these false claims, and instead regard them as what they are: a mad dash for land and wealth the government of Sardinia-Piedmont would not otherwise be able to make.
It is the hope of Her Majesty's Government that this war is ended before any great and unnecessary bloodshed -- that is, any bloodshed at all -- occurs.
Your humble servant,
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs Henry John Temple, 3rd Viscount Palmerston KCB
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs Henry John Temple, 3rd Viscount Palmerston KCB
____________________________________
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs Lord Palmerston
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs Lord Palmerston
London, United Kingdom
To His Imperial and Royal Apostolic Majesty Ferdinand I & V of Austria, Hungary, Croatia, Bohemia, etc. etc.:
As a part of Her Majesty's Government's commitment to ensuring a general European peace and a continuation of the balance of the European powers as set out by the Congress of Vienna thirty-three years ago, I wish to assure to Your Imperial and Royal Apostolic Majesty the United Kingdom's continued support of Your Majesty's sovereignty and, in light of the newly-born war in Italy, our hopes that the war is brought to a swift and decisive conclusion in your favor.
Be that as it may, however, Her Majesty's Government has also instructed me to humbly urge Your Majesty in victory, not to destroy your enemies ruthlessly once the conflict is concluded, but rather to ensure that a broader peace and balance is maintained, for the betterment of Europe and all her unborn generations. A disturbance such as this must rather be dealt with the calm and even open palm of the diplomat, than with the vengeful clenched fist of the conqueror.
Most respectfully and humbly Yours,
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs Henry John Temple, 3rd Viscount Palmerston KCB
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs Henry John Temple, 3rd Viscount Palmerston KCB
The Austrian Empire
Kaisertum Österreich
~ Baron Franz von Pillersdorf, Minister of Foreign Affairs for His Imperial and Royal Apostolic Majesty
CONVENTION between the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, the Republic of France, and the Argentine Confederation,
for the Settlement of existing Differences and the re-establishment of Friendship. — Signed at Buenos Ayres, September 24, 1848.
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[Ratifications exchanged at Buenos Ayres, November 3, 1848.]
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for the Settlement of existing Differences and the re-establishment of Friendship. — Signed at Buenos Ayres, September 24, 1848.
___________________________________________________________________________________
[Ratifications exchanged at Buenos Ayres, November 3, 1848.]
___________________________________________________________________________________
Convention for re-establishing the perfect Relations of Friendship between Her Britannic Majesty, the Republic of France, and the Argentine Confederation.
I. The Government of Her Britannic Majesty, as well as the Government of the Republic of France, animated by the desire of putting an end to the differences which have interrupted the political and commercial relations between the countries shall immediately evacuate those islands of the River Plate which they had previously occupied.
II. By all Contracting Parties shall be delivered to their respective owners, all the merchant vessels, with their cargoes, taken by them during the blockade.
III. The forces of both Her Britannic Majesty’s Government and the Government of the Republic of France shall be removed from the Oriental State, with the present government, under Manuel Oribe being recognized as the legitimate administration in the Oriental State.
IV. Her Britannic Majesty's Government and the Government of the Republic of France recognize the navigation of the River Parana to be an inland navigation of the Argentine Confederation, and subject solely to its laws and regulations, in the same manner as that of the River Uruguay in common with the Oriental State.
V. Her Britannic Majesty's Government and the Government of the Republic of France having declared, "that it is freely acknowledged and admitted that the Argentine Republic is in the unquestioned enjoyment and exercise of every right, whether of peace or war, possessed by any independent nation; and that if the course of events in the Oriental Republic has made it necessary for the Allied Powers to interrupt for a time the exercise of the belligerent rights of the Argentine Confederation, it is fully admitted that the principles on which they have acted, would, under similar circumstances, have been applicable either to Great Britain or France," it is hereby agreed that the Argentine Government, with regard to this declaration, reserves its right to discuss it opportunely with the Governments of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland and the Republic of France, in that part which relates to the application of the principle.
VI. Under this Convention perfect friendship between Her Britannic Majesty's Government, the Government of the Republic of France, and the Government of the Confederation, is restored to its former state of good understanding and cordiality.
VII. The Confederation shall be obligated to hold separate meetings with both Her Britannic Majesty’s Government and the Government of the Republic of France in order to consider the ratification of future treaties relating to the relaxation of restrictions to trade between the parties involved.
VIII. This Convention shall be ratified by the Argentine Government within 15 days after the ratification of both Her Britannic Majesty's Government and the Government of the Republic of France are presented, and the ratifications shall be exchanged.
IX. In witness whereof the Plenipotentiaries sign this Convention, and affix the seals of their arms thereto.
Done at Buenos Ayres on the 24th of September, in the year of our Lord, 1848.
(L.S.) Felipe Arana
() British Representative
() French Representative
From the desk of His Imperial and Royal Apostolic Majesty
Ferdinand I
A.E.I.O.U.
I wish to thank you and Her Majesty for assuring me of British support in this troubled times. The actions of the Kingdom of Sardinia-Piedmont and the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies have been weighing heavily upon my mind as of late, and chief upon my mind has been the well-being of my Italian subjects. It is truly a sad day when I see that a land as beautiful and bountiful as Venice and Lombardy are engulfed in flames and blood, a war undeserving of that beautiful land.
On the matter of an Austrian victory, which I deem perfectly within the abilities of my capable generals, I will take your advice to heart sir. The restoration of peace, unity, and prosperity to Italy is paramount in my mind, and in the mind of my government. I am certain that once the Imperial and Royal Army is able to defeat the Italian Kingdoms, a peace will be signed that will please Her Majesty's Government.
With the utmost respect,
Ferdinand von Habsburg-Lorraine, Emperor of Austria, King of Hungary, Croatia, Bohemia, etc. etc.
Ferdinand von Habsburg-Lorraine, Emperor of Austria, King of Hungary, Croatia, Bohemia, etc. etc.
((Private to the Papal States))
From the desk of Count Joseph Radetzky von Radetz
FIELD MARSHAL
in the Imperial and Royal Army of the Austrian Empire
From the desk of Count Joseph Radetzky von Radetz
FIELD MARSHAL
in the Imperial and Royal Army of the Austrian Empire
Manuta, The Kingdom of Lombardy and Venice
Your Holiness,
I write to you at the behest of His Imperial and Royal Apostolic Majesty, Ferdinand I, Emperor of Austria. The situation our godly Empire finds itself in is dire, and the future of our benevolent Empire and all of it's subjects lies in the resolution of this situation. As I am sure you, in all of your enlightened intelligence, have heard, the Kingdom of Sardinia-Piedmont and the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies have declared a war of aggression against His Imperial and Royal Apostolic Majesty. These Kings say that this is a war of "liberation", or a war to end "oppression", and yet these two Kingdoms have not deigned to inform anyone of what "oppression" is occurring in the Kingdom of Lombardy and Venice.
Thus, I write to you on this day to make a request at the behest of His Imperial and Royal Apostolic Majesty, one that is vital to the continued reign of true Catholics everywhere. His Imperial and Royal Apostolic Majesty wishes for Your Holiness to deny the advancement of Sicilian troops, in order to better ensure a Catholic Italy firmly under the pious gaze of His Imperial and Royal Apostolic Majesty. I understand that this is not a request that should be taken lightly, and I fully encourage Your Holiness, in all your wisdom, to consider it carefully, for a Piedmontese victory would see Italy fall to overly liberal sentiment that would tear apart the Catholic fiber that has held this peninsula together. His Imperial and Royal Apostolic Majesty will understand if such a request is refused, but if it is, he swears upon the Saint Joseph and Maurice to ensure the continued dominance of the Catholic Faith throughout Austrian lands.
Ever your servant
Count Joseph Radetzky von Radetz, Field Marshal of the Imperial and Royal Army
Count Joseph Radetzky von Radetz, Field Marshal of the Imperial and Royal Army
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs Henry John Temple, 3rd Viscount Palmerston KCB