It is different. One has actual gameplay (as limited as it is) the other has nothing. An Anatolian count can marry, scheme, participate in appointment elections, host activities, go on pilgrimages, participate in wars ect. The Anatolian count has ways for him to expand, to become more than an Anatolian count.
Meanwhile the state of Connecticut has nothing, it can only ever be the state of Connecticut. It can’t invade Rhode Island. It can’t marry into the Vermont Governorship. It can’t really rebel, it can’t conduct diplomacy. So what is this point?
And before you say it, no OPM’s in Victoria 3 are also not like being a sub-state. OPMs can get allies and expand, OPMs can conduct diplomacy, OPM’s can reform their laws. An OPM like the Zulu, as difficult as it is can become more than a OPM.
If we are to entertain this idea of 50 states I want you guys to list how you think the following would work:
1. How would research from universities work? Does it all go to the nation so that states don’t research? does it go to the states, so that the feds have no say in tech? Or is it weirdly shared so neither gets the full benefit?
2. Investment pool: who gets the pool? Are we splitting the American pool by 50 states? Really I’m sure that won’t cause any issues. Even if the Feds gets a share of each states pool that is still a massive nerf to the US, which is just silly.
3. Who controls government buildings? If I build a construction sector in New York, who owns it? Does the feds or does that the state of New York? Who gets to use it for their construction queue. Same goes for admin buildings, and barracks?
As far as I can see Victoria 3 is just not set up for this sub-state play that you guys are suggesting. At best I can see Hungary being a special form of subject, but that’s it. IMO
I can definitely share
my opinion on how these could work. I'm fairly sure that whatever the scope of 1.10, playable states are about as far from it as playable generals.
However, it's not a crime to think aloud.
Starting even earlier than you started to ask questions:
> It can’t invade Rhode Island
Like, "expand by conquering RI"? While being Connecticut, it sure can't, 100% true.
> It can’t marry into the Vermont Governorship.
It can't.
> It can’t really rebel
Idk. Why not? I think that it shouldn't have internal rebellions, that's true, and should just flip if the rebels are strong enough. But it definitely can rebel against the federation if circumstances allow.
> it can’t conduct diplomacy
While I don't think it should be able to really have proper diplomacy in its initial status, I think it could form or join an insurrectionary faction (in CK3 terms), if its public supports this.
> OPM’s can reform their laws
Some limited lawmaking must be differentiated between states, playable or not.
> How would research from universities work?
Completely different. If you say that "unchanged tech system wouldn't work combined with a substate system", then it's true, but that's an argument against current tech, not for current autonomy levels.
> Investment pool: who gets the pool?
Depends on how far you're willing to go. My dream system is where IP is just a metric, alike to debt limit, a sum of actual values of subentities (so, "federal IP" is a number that's equal to sum of all FD/MH cash reserves dedicated for investment; "state IP" for a single state is a number that's equal to sum of local MH and local FD cash reserves). But it can work either way, even with a joint federal IP with weighs of "where to invest" proportional to states' recent reinvestments.
> Who controls government buildings?
Mostly the federation does. Or something is devolved, something else isn't, decided by top-level country's laws.
tl;dr
Basically, you're putting effort into a rhetorical argument along the lines of "how can this substate idea work if everything else stays the same?"
Well, it can't, but this isn't really an argument, as everything else doesn't have to stay the same.