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The First Geographical Discoveries - (Late 15th Century AD - Early 16th Century AD) New
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The First Geographical Discoveries – Late 15th Century AD

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By the late 15th century, Western Europe was grappling with increasing difficulties in accessing luxury goods from distant Asia, such as spices, silk, and porcelain. For centuries, these goods had reached the West through an extensive network of trade routes, but this situation began to change drastically.

One of the key reasons for this crisis was the collapse of the great Mongol khanates, which in the 14th and 15th centuries controlled vast territories of Eurasia and guaranteed the safety of trade routes. In the first half of the 15th century, the Yuan dynasty, the Blue Horde, and the Purple Horde disintegrated, leaving behind political chaos and civil wars. As a result, the Silk Road routes became dangerous, and trade between the East and the West was severely restricted.

An additional problem for the Western European kingdoms was their centuries-long dependence on intermediaries controlling trade in the Middle East and North Africa. For centuries, goods from China and India were transported through lands belonging to the Tauric Empire, the eastern Coptic kingdoms, and Mainkeist Persian states. Each of these states imposed high tariffs and set their own trade conditions, making these goods increasingly expensive and harder to access for European merchants.

This situation led to a chronic imbalance in trade, with the greatest profits going to the intermediary states. Western European kingdoms, such as Adberia, Memoriana, and Alamea, increasingly realized that their wealth in gold and silver was flowing eastward, leaving them economically dependent on Middle Eastern intermediaries. Tauric and Coptic ports, such as Alexandria and Smyrna, became key points controlling access to Asian goods, further frustrating European monarchs.

Faced with these challenges, Western European rulers began searching for alternative routes to access the riches of Asia. By the late 15th century, the first expeditions to explore oceanic trade routes were organized, marking the beginning of the great era of geographical discoveries. Expeditions launched by Adberia and Memoriana aimed to bypass Middle Eastern intermediaries and find new, direct connections to India and China. This drive to break the trade monopoly became one of the main forces behind Europe's maritime expansion at the end of the 15th century.

However, knowledge of the riches of these exotic lands was not new. For centuries, tales of the fabulous wealth of the East had circulated, but it was only with the dissemination of the memoirs of Satyros Satyrion on Western European courts that this knowledge gained new significance. Satyrion, an 11th-century Tauric traveler, undertook an extraordinary journey through India, China, and Africa. His stories of great cities, golden temples, and immense wealth captured the imagination of many.

Satyrion's memoirs, written in the Tauric language and translated and disseminated during the Renaissance in the mid-15th century, became one of the works that inspired sailors and explorers. In the early Renaissance, as the idea of discovering new worlds grew increasingly popular, his described travels became proof of the existence of distant lands full of riches.

In particular, his accounts of expeditions to India and China convinced many that these lands could be reached by sea. It was thanks to works like Satyrion's memoirs that Western European rulers began making decisions to organize the first great maritime expeditions. The desire to find new trade routes and reach the legendary lands of India and China was one of the main reasons why the Adberians were the first to challenge the unknown waters of the ocean and set out in search of new lands.


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Portrait of Satyros Satyrion, Renaissance, created by Aniochos Angelos beginning of the 16th century - (ChatGP)


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1 - Expedition of discovery of the kingdom of Adberia (1498–1500)

At the end of the 15th century, the Kingdom of Adberia, a powerful Punic state extending its rule over the Iberian Peninsula and North Africa, became one of the pioneers of Atlantic exploratory expeditions. For centuries, the Adberians, as descendants of the great Carthaginian sailors, had been a seafaring people.

The rulers of this kingdom invested in the development of their fleet and the exploration of new trade routes, which allowed them to take control of Madeira and the Canary Islands. When, by the end of the 15th century, the possibility of discovering new lands across the Atlantic was increasingly considered, a man appeared at the court of King Hadron II who intended to undertake this risky mission—an adventurer, explorer, and sailor named Hanno Columbi.

Hanno Columbi, an ambitious and determined explorer, managed to convince Hadron II that it was worth financing an expedition westward in search of new lands and riches. Adberia, whose economy struggled with limited access to Eastern goods, needed alternative trade routes.

Columbi, drawing inspiration from earlier expeditions and legends of distant lands, promised the king gold, spices, and new opportunities for expansion. Thanks to his experience at sea and knowledge of ocean currents, he became the ideal candidate to lead an expedition aimed at finding a route to India or discovering unknown lands.

Adberia had a rich maritime tradition, and its people had explored the coasts of Africa and the western Atlantic for generations. Among the Punic legends, one of the most inspiring examples was Hanno the Navigator, who centuries earlier had led a fleet through the Strait of Gibraltar and explored the African coastline.

Accounts of his journey suggest that he may have reached as far as Gabon or Cameroon, though other interpretations point to Guinea or Sierra Leone. Along the way, he took guides and interpreters, allowing him to communicate effectively with local populations. Hanno's expedition was proof that the Carthaginians were capable of long voyages and could serve as inspiration for later Adberian explorers.

The tales of ancient sailors, along with the growing competition among European maritime powers, prompted Hadron II to give Columbi a chance. The Kingdom of Adberia sought to find its own path to the riches of the East and free itself from the control of Persian and Tauric intermediaries. Thus began a new era of great Adberian oceanic expeditions, in which Hanno Columbi was to play a key role, setting sail into the unknown waters of the Atlantic in search of new worlds.

The expedition of Hanno Columbi was one of the most ambitious voyages in the history of the Kingdom of Adberia. It consisted of five ships—four nimble caravels and one powerful galleon, Carthago, which served as the flagship.

Onboard the fleet were around 300 people, including experienced sailors, armed soldiers, merchants seeking new trade opportunities, and scribes tasked with documenting all discoveries. The fleet's mission was not only to find new lands but also to explore trade possibilities and establish contact with unknown peoples.

On June 1, 1498 AD, the fleet was ceremoniously bid farewell at the port of Fara, from where it was to embark on its historic journey. For the last time, the crews gazed at the familiar shores of Adberia before raising the anchors and setting the sails.

The first destination of the voyage was the Canary Islands, long under Adberian control, where they planned to replenish supplies of water and food and repair any damage to the ships after the initial leg of the journey. The trip to the archipelago went relatively smoothly—favorable winds and the expertise of Adberian navigators allowed them to reach their destination quickly.

After a brief stop, the fleet set a course along the African coast, heading south. Columbi, inspired by the ancient Carthaginian sailors, planned to follow known coastlines, stopping at strategic points such as Tidra and Ngor, where they hoped to trade with local tribes.

Although sailing along the coast was relatively safe, the sailors began to feel uneasy—ahead of them stretched the unknown expanse of the ocean, and among the crew, tales of sea monsters and terrible storms began to circulate.

Upon reaching Ngor, an island off the African coast, Columbi decided to set sail westward toward the Cape Verde Islands, the last known stop before venturing into the open waters of the Atlantic. After several days of sailing, Hanno Columbi's fleet reached the archipelago.

These islands, located off the western coast of Africa, had been visited before by Adberian sailors but remained largely unexplored and sparsely inhabited. Columbi ordered a several-day stop to replenish supplies of fresh water, dried food, and wood. The crews went ashore, where they could rest after the journey so far.

Despite the temporary respite, tension began to grow among the sailors. They knew that ahead of them lay an unknown ocean, with no maps or established routes. Voices of doubt began to emerge, and some openly suggested turning back.

Columbi, however, remained resolute—after a few days of preparation, when the Carthago and the other ships were fully ready to continue the journey, he gave the order to set sail. On July 9, 1498 AD, the fleet left the Cape Verde Islands and headed west, into the mysterious waters of the Atlantic, toward unknown lands.

On July 12, 1498, the fleet of Hano Columbi sailed westward into uncharted waters when suddenly the sky darkened with storm clouds, and the ocean churned violently in an instant. A fierce storm, with the force of a hurricane, struck the flotilla.

The raging waves scattered the ships, and the wind tore at the sails, snapping masts and shredding rigging. The crews fought desperately to maintain control of their vessels, but one of the caravels, the Lion of Carthage, was not so fortunate.

The ship was damaged and began to sink. Sailors leaped into the water, trying to save their lives, while the rest of the fleet could only watch helplessly. Eventually, the survivors were rescued and taken aboard the remaining ships, but the disaster dealt a heavy blow to the expedition's morale.

Exhausted and battered, the fleet was forced to return to the Cape Verde Islands, where it arrived on August 1, 1498. For the following weeks, the crew focused on repairing the ships, replenishing supplies, and tending to the wounded.

Columbi feared that the growing discontent among the sailors might lead to mutiny—many saw the storm as a bad omen and wanted to abandon the voyage. To prevent this, the commander personally addressed the crews, convincing them that great discoveries required sacrifices and that future riches would reward their hardships.

On September 15, 1498, the fleet set sail westward once more, this time better prepared for the dangers of the ocean. Over the following weeks, the sailors endured unbearable heat, tropical storms, and the first signs of disease. The Atlantic waters seemed endless, and the horizon remained empty, fueling fear and doubt among the crew.

After many weeks of exhausting navigation through uncharted Atlantic waters, on October 13, 1498, the crew of Hano Columbi's fleet spotted land on the horizon for the first time. Joy and relief swept through the sailors, who cheered and thanked the gods for their salvation. After days of drifting in uncertainty, they had finally reached a new and unexplored land.

The fleet headed toward the coast, and after a few hours of sailing, the explorers landed near Rio Grande on the eastern coast of Brazil. Filled with triumph, Columbi named the newly discovered land New Carthage, in honor of his ancestors and the maritime power Carthage had once been.

As the explorers set foot on the new land, they were greeted by unfamiliar landscapes—dense forests, expansive coastlines, and extraordinary species of animals that filled them with wonder. Scribes diligently recorded their observations, describing colorful birds, towering trees, and vast rivers that cut through the land.

The waters teemed with fish, and the climate was warm and favorable for settlement. Columbi knew this was only the beginning of great discoveries and decided to continue the journey northward to explore more of this unknown territory. After a few days of rest, during which the ships were repaired and fresh water was replenished, the fleet set sail along the coast once more.

On December 10, 1498, the fleet reached a small island off the coast, which they named Ilha Machadinho. It was an extraordinary place—lush vegetation, towering trees, and exotic animals captivated the travelers.

The sailors were amazed by the richness of the natural world, and the scribes strove to document every new plant and creature they encountered. Many of them had never seen such diversity of flora and fauna, which evoked both excitement and unease. Columbi ordered the exploration of the island, sending small groups on reconnaissance missions to determine if the location was suitable for establishing a camp.

During the exploration of the island, the first contact with the indigenous people occurred. Initially, the natives were wary and kept their distance, observing the newcomers from the dense jungle. The sailors, not wanting to frighten them, remained cautious and avoided sudden movements.

Columbi, understanding the importance of first contact, decided to employ a proven tactic—he sent a group of envoys ashore with small gifts, such as colorful beads, small mirrors, and metal tools. This gesture was meant to demonstrate peaceful intentions and pique the curiosity of the natives.

After a few hours, the natives approached closer and began to observe the strangers. They were tall, well-built, and nearly naked, adorned with feathers and body paint. Their gazes were cautious but also curious.

Slowly, the first exchange began—the indigenous people brought exotic fruits, animal skins, and strange-looking roots that they claimed had medicinal properties. In return, they received metal knives and axes, which immediately captivated them as these were highly valuable items. Columbi saw this as a good sign—a first step toward establishing positive relations with the natives.

After a few days on Ilha Machadinho, Columbi decided it was time to continue the journey further north. Although the expedition had not yet found the dreamed-of riches, the discoveries made in the new land offered hope for further success. The fleet set sail again, leaving behind the island that had become the first site of Adberian contact.

The journey had already lasted a year, and fatigue and frustration were growing among the sailors. The lack of fresh food, the heat, and tropical diseases caused morale to decline with each passing day. Many began whispering about returning home, claiming that further travel was pointless.

The galleon Carthage and the three remaining caravels sailed slower, and some officers began openly expressing their discontent. At one point, several sailors, led by an experienced helmsman named Barcas, began inciting the rest of the crew to mutiny. They argued that Columbi was leading them to certain death and that it was time to return to Adberia.

Columbi, though aware of the critical situation, had no intention of giving up. He gathered the entire crew on the deck of the Carthage and addressed them. He reminded them of the greatness of the expedition and the honor that awaited them upon their return. He promised that only one task remained—to continue northward—after which they would begin their journey home.

To ease the tension, he ordered the remaining supplies to be distributed fairly, giving everyone extra rations. The mutiny was quelled, though many sailors remained doubtful. They had no choice but to trust Columbi and sail on.

On January 1, 1499, the fleet reached the islands of Trinidad and Tobago. At first, the land seemed paradisiacal—lush vegetation, wide beaches, and fresh water offered hope for rest and resupply.

Columbi sent a group ashore to explore the area and search for food. Unfortunately, this time the natives were not as friendly as those on Ilha Machadinho. When the sailors ventured inland, they were suddenly attacked by a group of warriors armed with wooden clubs, spears, and bows.

A short but brutal skirmish broke out. The Adberians, despite having firearms, were caught off guard and unprepared. Several sailors were killed by club blows and arrows before they managed to repel the attackers and retreat to the ships.

Columbi, seeing that further fighting would be too risky, ordered the fleet to sail on and search for another landing site. Although the clash ended in retreat, it left the crew deeply unsettled—was the New World a place of great riches or deadly dangers?

On April 25, 1499, Hano Columbi's fleet reached a small tropical island that would become their final stop before returning home. Barbados, as the locals called it, was a gift of fate for the exhausted travelers.

Columbi, seeing this place as an opportunity to regain strength, renamed it Phoenix Island, symbolizing rebirth after the hardships of the voyage. The crew's morale, which had been on the verge of collapse for months, began to improve. The sailors could finally rest, heal their wounds, and replenish their supplies of fresh water and food.

During their stay on the island, the crew prepared the ships for the long journey home. Scribes made final notes, mapping the newly discovered lands, while traders sorted the acquired goods. Among the spoils were exotic skins, rare types of wood, seeds of unknown plants, and small native ornaments.

Although no gold or silver was found, the knowledge of the new lands and their resources was equally valuable. After three weeks of rest, Columbi ordered preparations for the journey to the Canary Islands, from where they would return to Adberia.

At the end of May 1499, the fleet set sail from the shores of Phoenix Island, heading east. Initially, the conditions were favorable, but by June they encountered a powerful storm. For several days, gales and massive waves battered the ships, separating the vessels and destroying rigging.

The ship Hannibal suffered particularly severe damage to its hull and masts. Despite desperate attempts to save the vessel, it became clear that the ship was no longer seaworthy. The captain of the Hannibal, with no other choice, made the difficult decision to return to Phoenix Island with his crew, hoping for future rescue.

The three surviving ships—the Carthage and two caravels—continued their journey eastward. The sailors, though exhausted, had one goal: to return home and bring news of the New World. After long weeks of sailing, in mid-September 1499, they reached the Canary Islands, where they could finally rest after the grueling Atlantic crossing. There, the ships were repaired, and supplies were replenished for the final leg of the journey to Adberia.

At the end of November1499, after more than a year and a half at sea, the surviving portion of the fleet returned to Adberia. The port of Faro welcomed them as heroes—though battered and diminished, they were the first Adberians to cross the Atlantic and return with tales of new lands.

Columbi personally reported to King Hadron II about the discoveries, presenting the collected maps and treasures. Although the expedition had lost two ships and many lives, its significance for Adberia's future was immense. The New World awaited further exploration, and the story of Hano Columbi was destined to become a legend.



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Portrait of Hano Columbi created by an unknown Adberian painter, early 16th century – (ChatGP)

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The First Geographical Discoveries – Early 16th Century AD

The success of Hano Columbi's expedition in the late 15th century was a groundbreaking event that changed the course of history. For the first time, a fleet from Europe crossed the Atlantic and returned with information about new lands. In Europe, it was mistakenly believed that Columbi had reached the eastern shores of the fabled lands of Asia and the kingdom of Cathay. The knowledge that he had reached an unknown continent only spread much later. News of this great discovery quickly spread across European courts, sparking admiration but also envy.

Monarchs realized that beyond the ocean lay riches previously only heard of in legends. Among the nations most keenly following the reports from Adberia was the neighboring Kingdom of Memoriana, which also ruled part of the Iberian Peninsula.

The Kingdom of Memoriana, though long a rival of Adberia, was not lagging behind in maritime exploration. As early as the mid-15th century, its sailors had discovered and colonized the Azores archipelago. Memorian rulers had long dreamed of finding new routes to Asia, but Columbi's success convinced them that the westward path might indeed lead to wealthy lands.

At the royal court in Gijon, the capital of Memoriana, intense preparations for their own expeditions began. The Memoriana monarch, Audoin III, declared that the kingdom could not afford to fall behind and that Memoriana would also set out westward in search of a route to Asia and India. The construction of new ships commenced. Spies analyzed and reported on Columbi's findings, attempting to chart the best route across the Atlantic.

Preparations for Memoriana's first expedition began in 1501. King Audoin III, eager to rival neighboring Adberia, announced that Memoriana would also embark on exploratory expeditions to the west in search of a way to Asia. The Crown allocated vast financial resources to build and equip the fleet, securing support from influential merchants and nobles who hoped for future wealth.

From the arsenals and shipyards of coastal cities like Porto and Vigo, four caravels and one galleon were selected, adapted for long ocean voyages. The ships were loaded with food, water, tools, and goods for trade with indigenous peoples, such as metal blades, mirrors, beads, and cloth.

One of the most critical aspects of the preparations was assembling a suitable crew. The fleet was to carry around 350 people, including experienced sailors, cartographers, scribes, and soldiers to guard the expedition against potential threats. Translators and traders were also recruited to establish contact with the natives. However, the greatest challenge was finding the right commander—a man of great courage, sailing experience, and charisma, capable of controlling the crew during a long, grueling expedition.

After lengthy deliberations, the choice fell on Sebastian Brennin, an experienced captain who had previously sailed to the Azores and along the western coasts of Africa. His knowledge of the oceans and ability to handle difficulties made him the ideal candidate.

After months of preparation, early on the morning of March 3, 1502, the fleet departed from the port of Porto, with crowds of residents bidding farewell to the adventurers setting out into the unknown. Excitement filled the air, but so did anxiety—no one knew what awaited them on the other side of the ocean.

The sailors hoped for riches and glory but also feared storms, hunger, and unknown dangers. The great Memoriana expedition, which would forever change the history of the kingdom, had begun.


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1 - The Exploratory Expedition of the Kingdom of Memoriana (1500 - 1504)

The first weeks of the voyage were calm—the fleet headed southwest toward the Azores archipelago, a crucial supply point for Memoria. The sailors were hopeful, and Captain Sebastian Brennin worked to maintain crew morale by distributing rations and organizing daily tasks. However, by the end of March 1502, when the ships were far from European shores, a powerful storm suddenly erupted. The tempest lasted two nights and a day, tossing the ships on the waves and forcing the sailors into a desperate struggle to stay on course.

The caravel Merope suffered the most, separated from the rest of the fleet and sinking overnight with most of its crew. Rescue attempts were impossible—darkness, high waves, and strong winds made any action futile. By morning, the storm had subsided, but the fleet was weakened, and many sailors on the remaining ships were injured. Brennin ordered the voyage to continue toward the Azores, knowing that only there could repairs be made and supplies replenished. The atmosphere on board grew grim—the sailors mourned their lost comrades, and fear of another storm loomed.

After over a month of difficult sailing, on May 10, 1502, the four surviving ships finally reached the Azores. The sight of land brought immense relief to the exhausted crew. The fleet anchored at Terceira Island, where repairs to damaged masts and hulls began. The crew replenished their supplies of water, fresh fruit, and meat, and recruited new sailors to replace those lost in the storm. Brennin convened a meeting of officers and announced that the expedition must continue—the New World still awaited.

On June 12, 1502, after leaving the Azores, Sebastian Brennin's fleet set sail westward into the unknown waters of the Atlantic. Initially, conditions were favorable—trade winds propelled the ships forward, and the weather was fair. The sailors, though anxious, had fresh supplies of water and food, and the thought of new lands gave them courage. However, with each passing week, tensions on board grew. Food began to spoil, the relentless heat weakened the crew, and skin diseases and dehydration took their toll.

In the second month of the voyage, the fleet encountered powerful storms that tossed the ships like toys on the raging ocean for several days. Many sailors were injured, and several fell overboard and drowned. The water in the barrels began to rot, and dry provisions dwindled daily. Disputes broke out among the crew, and the greatest skeptics began to question the purpose of the expedition.

Some began to say they were doomed, that they would never see land again. By mid-August, the situation became dire—hunger and thirst drove people to madness. An open mutiny broke out on the Aurora Magna. Several sailors, armed with knives and hooks, demanded a return home. They claimed Brennin was leading them to certain death and that the only sensible option was an immediate retreat.

The captain, though exhausted himself, knew that losing control of the crew would mean the expedition's failure. With the help of loyal officers, he suppressed the rebellion—the mutiny leaders were shackled, and the rest were promised that land was near. Brennin swore that if they did not see land within three weeks, he would agree to turn back.
Days passed, and the crew's morale teetered on the edge. The bodies of weakened sailors were covered in sores, and many lost consciousness from exhaustion. Rats became a new food source, and some desperate men drank seawater, hastening their deaths. The wind weakened, meaning longer delays on the open ocean, and the sea's silence drove people to madness. Everyone waited for a miracle.

Then, on September 14, 1502, a cry from the crow's nest pierced the air: "Land on the horizon!" The exhausted crew sprang to their feet, staring at the distant dark line against the blue sky. Brennin, hardly believing his eyes, ordered a course change toward the land. After three months of torment, the Memorians had finally reached an unknown land. As the ships approached the shore, the explorers saw forested islands surrounded by azure waters. It was something entirely different from the coast described by the Adberians. Brennin and his men set foot on the islands they named Barbuda and Antigua—a new treasure no one had discovered before.

After long weeks of grueling passage across the Atlantic, the crew of Sebastian Brennin's fleet could finally rest on the newly discovered islands. Barbuda and Antigua became their sanctuary, where they repaired damaged ships, replenished water and food supplies, and rebuilt the morale of the exhausted sailors.

Over the following weeks, after a brief rest, the fleet sailed further west, exploring new, unknown lands. The travelers discovered and described the islands of Puerto Rico, Haiti, and the Caymans, distinguished by lush vegetation, a warm climate, and the presence of indigenous inhabitants.

During the exploration of Haiti, the crew made contact with the natives, who initially regarded the newcomers with caution. However, the Memorians, learning from earlier expeditions, avoided confrontation and sought to trade peacefully. The natives offered exotic fruits, skins, and handmade tools in exchange for European items such as knives, beads, and fabrics. Though tense, these relations did not escalate into open conflict, allowing the sailors to continue their exploration of the region.

During one of the subsequent storms, the fleet lost another ship—the caravel Argento. Powerful waves and violent winds smashed the vessel against rocks, sinking it before the eyes of the rest of the crew. Some sailors managed to survive, swimming to the shores of Haiti. However, the ship was lost, and some survivors were too weakened to continue the journey. Brennin, unwilling to leave them alone in the wilderness, decided to establish a small fort on the island as a refuge for those who could not return. This became Memoria's first European outpost in the New World.

As the beginning of 1503 approached, Brennin decided it was time to return home. The crew was exhausted, and supplies were dwindling. On March 8, 1503 AD, after careful preparations, the last three surviving ships left Haiti and set sail eastward, attempting to find the fastest route back. Brennin, instead of retracing their path through the mid-Atlantic, chose to sail northeast, hoping that winds and ocean currents would help them arc back to the Azores.

Sailing northeast, Sebastian Brennin's fleet battled unfavorable weather conditions. Ocean currents slowed their progress. In these harsh conditions, the crew lost track of days, unsure if they would reach any land or perish on the endless ocean. After weeks of uncertainty, in June 1503 AD, land finally appeared on the horizon—the newly discovered island of Bermuda. The sight of land sparked euphoria, but no one could predict that this was only a brief stop on their journey through maritime hell.

On Bermuda, the crew spent several weeks repairing damaged ships and replenishing supplies, taking advantage of the island's abundance of fresh water and food. It was a blessing after months of deprivation, but Brennin knew that a longer stay could weaken morale and provoke another mutiny. By the end of June, they decided to set sail eastward again—toward the Azores, the gateway to Europe. The sailors were hopeful but unaware that the worst part of the journey still lay ahead.

The ocean was not about to make their return easy. A powerful storm struck the fleet in the open sea, proving fatal for one of the caravels—the Merope. Furious waves shattered the ship's hull, and its crew, unable to be rescued, vanished into the ocean's depths. The rest of the fleet, battered and scattered, endured weeks of grueling sailing. Finally, after two months of struggle, the last two surviving ships—the Aurora Magna and the Stella Maris—reached the Azores in August 1503 AD. Though exhausted and decimated, the surviving sailors knew they were finally close to home.

Sebastian Brennin, after months of hardship and danger, quickly left the Azores and headed to the capital of Memoriana—Gijón. He brought with him maps, logbooks, and samples of exotic plants and raw materials as proof of his discoveries.

His journey across the Atlantic had ended in success, but he knew the real battle was just beginning—he had to convince King Audoin III that his expedition was valuable and deserved further support. After weeks at sea, he finally stood before the monarch, ready to tell of the newly discovered lands, the natives, and their culture.

The king received Brennin coldly. While he listened attentively to the tales of the discovered islands, the natives of Haiti and the Caymans, the rich nature, and the possibilities of colonization, he was not overly impressed. Like the ruler of Adberia a few years earlier, Audoin III did not see in Brennin's discoveries a path to great wealth. His priority was finding a new route to Asia, to the lands of spices, silk, and gold—not discovering lands inhabited by "primitive" peoples who lacked these treasures.

Despite the cold reception, the expedition was not deemed a complete failure. The Memoriana monarch ordered further exploration of the newly discovered lands but was in no hurry to organize another expedition.


For him and his advisors, the New World was merely a marginal territory that could serve as a base for future voyages, not the primary goal of exploration. Brennin, though disappointed by the king's reaction, did not abandon his dreams of further expeditions. He knew that the discoveries he had made could be significant in the future—he just had to wait for the right moment

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Portrait of Sebastian Brennin created by an unknown Memorian painter, early 16th century – (ChatGP)
 
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Adberia and Memoriana should get to colonising before other kingdoms colonise the entire New World and cut them off...
 
I wonder if this version of Columbus will be a better person than the one in our own timeline.
 
Adberia and Memoriana should get to colonising before other kingdoms colonise the entire New World and cut them off...

There is no fear here, Adberia and Memoriana began to colonize, like other European nations, only it started slowly. Probably because none of these countries took the idea of colonization. Colonization started in earnest only at the end of the 16th century.

I wonder if this version of Columbus will be a better person than the one in our own timeline.
That's a low bar.

Hano is a tool in the description, so we will not go into his history in greater detail. I am also planning a general series on geographical discoveries after 1600 AD. The first circumnavigation of the globe, and more general discoveries.
 
The Evolution of Armies in the 14th-15th Centuries New
The Evolution of Armies in the 14th-15th Centuries

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The armies of the 14th and 15th centuries underwent dynamic transformations in weaponry, tactics, and organization. This was a transitional period between the medieval feudal system and the more centralized monarchical armies.


Western Europe

In Western Europe, knights remained the military elite in the 14th century, with their armor gradually evolving toward full plate protection. By the latter half of the century, traditional mail and lamellar armor were increasingly replaced by full plate harnesses, which offered superior defense while allowing greater mobility.

Classic bascinet helmets with visors and early armet designs became standard, providing excellent head protection. Shields, though still used, diminished in importance as massive pauldrons and breastplates increasingly replaced hand-held defenses while covering the entire body.

Western knights wielded a variety of weapons suited for both mounted and foot combat. The lance remained the primary weapon for charges, but in close quarters, they relied on swords, axes, war hammers, and maces. Longswords, in particular, grew in popularity as versatile weapons capable of cleaving through both armor and shields. As technology advanced, knights also experimented with early firearms—though their use remained limited—hinting at the revolutionary changes to come.



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Eastern Heavy Cavalry

Eastern heavy cavalry in the 14th century, though operating in different geographic and cultural contexts, shared many similarities with their Western counterparts while retaining unique traits.

In regions such as Taurica and the Eastern European steppes, warriors used both traditional mail and flexible lamellar armor, better suited for the dynamic maneuvers of cavalry. Helmets adorned with distinctive features—such as crests or decorative wings—reflected both practicality and local aesthetic traditions. Eastern warriors also favored lighter shields, allowing for quicker movement in open terrain, where mobility and rapid strikes dominated tactics.

The armies of the Grand Duchy of Taurica, in particular, remained loyal to more flexible armor solutions, such as lamellar and mail, which enhanced mobility in open battle. This reflected their distinct combat doctrine—imperial heavy cavalry emphasized dynamic formations and maneuverability.


Infantry in Western Europe


In the 14th century, Western European infantry gained increasing importance, particularly during conflicts like the Adberian-Alamean Wars (mid-14th to early 15th century). This shift resulted from evolving tactics and improved weaponry.

Pike formations and missile troops became crucial in countering heavy cavalry. The Ordovicians perfected the use of longbowmen, whose weapons had exceptional range and armor-piercing capabilities. Meanwhile, the Rhaetians developed disciplined pike squares capable of halting knightly charges—a tactic they demonstrated effectively against their Germanic neighbors. Western infantry grew more disciplined and became a key element in many nations' military strategies.

Western infantry fought in tight formations, relying on discipline and coordination—especially among Ordovician archers and Rhaetian pikemen. Archers were trained in mass volleys, while infantry armed with pikes and halberds held the line and provided cover.

Eastern and Middle Eastern Infantry

Unlike in Western Europe, where infantry rose in prominence, Eastern Europe and the Middle East still relied primarily on cavalry, with infantry playing a supporting role. Eastern armies often employed foot archers wielding composite reflex bows—shorter in range than longbows but more maneuverable and effective in rapid fire.

In some regions, such as the Tauric Empire, more disciplined infantry formations existed, drawing from both ancient legionary traditions and medieval Tauric military reforms. Tauric infantry was divided into light and heavy troops, with equipment evolving throughout the 14th and 15th centuries.

In the Iranian and Mongol worlds, infantry typically carried light shields and short spears, prioritizing mobility over the defensive strength of Western pike formations.

Eastern and Middle Eastern infantry favored flexible, dispersed formations, adapting to the fast-paced maneuvers of cavalry. Eastern armies preferred hit-and-run tactics, avoiding prolonged melees.

In terms of equipment, Western infantry was better armored and wielded heavier weapons, while Eastern infantry focused on mobility and adaptability to varied terrain. By the 14th century, Western infantry increasingly incorporated plate armor elements, whereas the East still relied on mail and light lamellar. Halberds and pikes gave Western infantry an edge against cavalry, while Eastern forces depended on lightly armored skirmishers capable of rapid movement and ranged attacks. These differences stemmed from geographic conditions and the strategic doctrines of regional commanders.

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The Rise of Firearms

The 14th and 15th centuries saw the rapid development of gunpowder weapons, gradually transforming warfare. The earliest uses of firearms appeared in the 14th century with primitive bombards, primarily employed in sieges to breach castle walls.

Handheld firearms also emerged, including early hand cannons (or "hook guns"), ignited by a heated iron rod or slow match. Though cumbersome and slow to reload, they could penetrate even the finest armor. By the 15th century, these evolved into more refined arquebuses, featuring better ergonomics and firing mechanisms. Arquebusiers could deliver volleys at greater distances and in tighter formations, making them an increasingly vital part of armies.

In the late 15th century, firearms played a growing role in European and Asian battlefields. The development of matchlock mechanisms made firing more efficient, enhancing the effectiveness of gunpowder infantry. As powder technology and metal casting improved, firearms slowly began replacing bows and crossbows—heralding the tactical revolution that would fully unfold in the 16th century.


Tauric Empire: Cavalry and Infantry


In the 14th and 15th centuries, cavalry remained the elite force of the Tauric Empire. Tauric cavalry blended Eastern and Western influences, allowing flexibility in combat.

Heavy cavalry, the empire's elite warriors, primarily wore lamellar and mail armor, supplemented in the late 14th century by plate elements (pauldrons, greaves, and breastplates). Their weapons included long lances for breaking enemy formations, maces, single-handed swords, and battle axes. Large shields provided additional protection during charges.

By the 15th century, armor evolved further—full plate harnesses became common among heavy cavalry, offering superior protection. Light cavalry, specializing in hit-and-run tactics, adopted lighter armor (lamellar cuirasses and leather guards) for greater mobility. Sabers and light lances dominated their arsenal.

Mounted archers were a key tactical element of the Tauric Empire, using powerful composite bows for effective ranged attacks while avoiding direct engagement. By the late 15th century, some light cavalry experimented with early matchlock pistols, foreshadowing future cavalry revolutions.

Tauric Infantry Reforms

The Tauric Empire's infantry played a crucial military role, drawing from both ancient legionary traditions and medieval reforms. The army was divided into heavy and light units, ensuring tactical flexibility.

Heavy infantry, known as "Tauric Legionaries," wore sturdy armor and wielded long spears, swords, and large shields, enabling them to hold formations against cavalry and enemy infantry. They incorporated Western pike tactics, making them effective against both knights and lighter cavalry.

Light infantry consisted of archers and skirmishers armed with short swords and light shields, ideal for rough terrain, forests, and sieges. By the late 15th century, some units began using early arquebuses, marking the gradual shift toward gunpowder warfare.

Over the 14th and 15th centuries, Tauric infantry underwent multiple reforms, transitioning from mail to partial plate armor and adapting to siege warfare advancements.

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Artillery Under Seleukos Gabras’ Reforms

The reforms of Seleukos Gabras, implemented under Emperor Spartokos IX in the mid-15th century, significantly advanced artillery in the Grand Duchy of Taurica. Initially, the army adopted crude iron bombards—imprecise but devastating siege weapons capable of smashing fortress walls and demoralizing defenders.

Though heavy and slow to reload, bombards gradually replaced traditional siege engines like trebuchets and onagers. By the late 15th century, improved bronze-casting techniques led to lighter, more durable cannons with superior ballistic performance. These could be used not only in sieges but also in field battles.

Gabras’ reforms also established permanent artillery units, integrating gunpowder weapons into Tauric military strategy. The introduction of bronze artillery marked a pivotal step toward modern warfare, securing Taurica’s dominance over less advanced foes.


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Portrait of Seleukos Gabras, Renaissance, created by Aniochos Angelos beginning of the 16th century - (ChatGP)
 
Unlike in Western Europe, where infantry rose in prominence, Eastern Europe and the Middle East still relied primarily on cavalry, with infantry playing a supporting role.
They're probably going to have to change to primarily infantry armies at some point, otherwise Western Europe will leave them behind militarily.
 
I am very much liking these little retrospectives
 
They're probably going to have to change to primarily infantry armies at some point, otherwise Western Europe will leave them behind militarily.

Fortunately, the empire has that slightly more independent eastern European section full of smaller states, that are going to follow the western miktiary reforms more closely.

When that gets fully incorporated, they'll have their early modern infantry with pike and shot formations.

The eastern part of the empire fully under Taurica is wise to stick with a big cavalry focus, especially the cavalry they have (mobile, archer/increasingly gun units) due to the territory they have now and are expanding into.

The first European power that tries fighting them are going to have a nasty suprise, given the quality infantry and cavalry the empire has that is also well suited to the new gunpowder warfare that will develope over the next two centuries.
 
I am very much liking these little retrospectives

This was the last special chapter for now.

Fortunately, the empire has that slightly more independent eastern European section full of smaller states, that are going to follow the western miktiary reforms more closely.

When that gets fully incorporated, they'll have their early modern infantry with pike and shot formations.

The eastern part of the empire fully under Taurica is wise to stick with a big cavalry focus, especially the cavalry they have (mobile, archer/increasingly gun units) due to the territory they have now and are expanding into.

The first European power that tries fighting them are going to have a nasty suprise, given the quality infantry and cavalry the empire has that is also well suited to the new gunpowder warfare that will develope over the next two centuries.

The Grand Duchy of Taurica is in a specific place and cavalry is more important than infantry. In this respect we follow in the footsteps of PLC.


Now for the information:
- We are going back to the description of the successive rulers, of the Grand Duchy of Taurica up to 1600 AD.
- After 1600 2-3 chapters on discoveries and colonization one general and one on the first circumnavigation of the globe.
- Then a description of the subsequent rulers until 1700.
- After 1700 AD, a similar series of special chapters, that was now presented.
 
Spartokos XI (1504 AD – 1510 AD) - Euporia Petraliphas (1510 AD – 1512 AD) New
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Spartokos XI (1504 AD – 1510 AD) - Euporia Petraliphas (1510 AD – 1512 AD)

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Spartokos XI ascended to the imperial throne at the age of 47 and assumed rule over the Grand Duchy of Taurica following the death of his father, Eumelos II, on October 20, 1504 AD. His election as emperor was secured by three electoral votes: his own and the support of the Grand Dukes of Bassetia and Gelts. Despite some rivalry among factions within the empire, his coronation proceeded without major disruptions, a testament to the stable position of the Zoticid dynasty. Spartokos XI inherited a well-governed state from his father, with a developed administration and a strong military.

In many ways, the new emperor resembled his father—he was a capable administrator and a talented military leader, skilled in commanding armies during conflicts. His military education encompassed both strategic theory and practical battlefield experience, which he had gained during Eumelos II’s reign. However, unlike his father, he lacked a natural talent for diplomacy, which initially raised concerns among his advisors and the grand dukes.

Nevertheless, his youthful years spent studying trade and administration helped him develop diplomatic skills, though he initially regarded them as secondary. Under the guidance of experienced advisors and through his own experiences, he gradually came to appreciate the importance of skillful negotiations and alliance-building, which eventually brought tangible benefits to the empire.

Though he never matched his father’s diplomatic prowess, he grew into a more balanced ruler, capable of balancing military force with political compromise, which allowed him to effectively strengthen the Grand Duchy of Taurica’s position in the region.

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Spartokos XI was deeply rooted in respect for his subjects and a sense of justice, instilled in him from an early age by his father, Eumelos II, and his grandmother, Sibel. Raised in the spirit of responsible and just governance, the young prince was introduced to the intricacies of administration, law, and warfare from an early age, learning that true power rested not only on strength but also on the loyalty and trust of the people.

As a ruler, he made himself accessible to his subjects, often personally overseeing judicial proceedings and administrative reforms aimed at improving living conditions in his realm.

In 1480, Spartokos XI married Euporia Petraliphas, the daughter of the influential nobleman Nikos Petraliphas from Tanais. The marriage had both political and personal significance—it strengthened ties between the imperial dynasty and local elites.

Despite the strong and harmonious bond between the emperor and empress, the imperial couple did not produce an heir for a long time, which caused some concern among courtiers and aristocrats. The lack of a male successor could lead to future succession disputes, a recurring problem in imperial history.

It was not until 1496, sixteen years into their marriage, that their son, Gorgippos, was born. His arrival was a major event at the imperial court and was met with great joy.

When Spartokos XI ascended the throne in 1504, his son was only eight years old, meaning the emperor had to devote considerable effort to preparing the young heir for his future duties. In addition to their son, the imperial couple also had a daughter, Helene, who would play an important role in dynastic marriage alliances, potentially becoming a valuable tool for imperial diplomacy.

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The discovery of the New World by Adberia in the late 15th century marked a turning point, ushering in an era of intense exploration, colonization, and exploitation of the newly discovered lands. Recognizing the immense economic potential of these territories, the rulers of Adberia launched further expeditions aimed at expanding geographical knowledge and securing the richest regions before rival European powers could.

Hano Columbi, one of the most important explorers of the time, played a key role in establishing the first ports and cities, which became the foundation of Adberia’s colonial empire. These new settlements not only facilitated effective administration of the territories but also provided strategic footholds for further expansion and trade.

Adberia’s colonial policy was based on the exploitation of indigenous peoples from the outset. The native population was forced to work in mines and plantations, producing valuable resources such as gold, silver, and exotic agricultural goods.

In many regions, brutal repression was used against native tribes who resisted colonial rule. The encomienda system, introduced by Adberia, allowed colonizers to take control of local populations, forcing them to work in exchange for nominal "protection" and Christianization. As a result, within a few decades, the indigenous population drastically declined due to diseases brought by Europeans, harsh labor conditions, and armed conflicts.

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To ensure the efficient transport of wealth to the Old World, Adberia organized a system of regular naval convoys known as treasure fleets. These fleets carried gold, silver, and other valuable goods from the New World to the metropole, becoming a crucial element of Adberia’s economy and royal finances.

The convoys were heavily escorted by warships, as they were prime targets for pirates and hostile nations that frequently attacked these richly laden vessels. Over the following decades, the treasure fleet system allowed Adberia to amass vast financial resources, making it one of the most powerful maritime and economic powers of the 16th century.

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One of Spartokos XI’s first and most significant acts upon ascending the throne was the implementation of centralizing reforms aimed at strengthening imperial authority over the entire Taurican Empire.

The new regulations ensured that the emperor would have the final say in legislative matters, both for the empire as a whole and for the imperial parliament in Sporia. In practice, this meant limiting the autonomy of the grand dukes and local institutions, which had previously held significant influence over the legislative process. This reform was another step in the long process of centralization, gradually weakening the political independence of the dukes and reinforcing the emperor’s position.

Spartokos XI was able to enact these reforms as early as 1505, largely due to the groundwork laid by his father, Eumelos II. Over the years, the Zoticid dynasty had systematically built its influence and secured support among the dukes and electors, weakening the decentralizing factions.

Spartokos XI skillfully leveraged this situation, presenting his reforms as a natural continuation of his father’s policies. The stability of imperial authority at the time also worked in his favor, as the western dukes lacked the strength to effectively oppose the new laws.

Additionally, to minimize resistance, the emperor assured the western grand duchies that he would not interfere in their internal affairs, which weakened opposition to the reforms.

Spartokos XI’s reforms became the foundation for further changes in the coming decades, further consolidating the emperor’s power and transforming the empire’s political structure into a more centralized and unified entity.

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In mid-1505 AD, Spartokos XI sent envoys to the duchies of Tara and Ala Tau, two Ugro-Finnic principalities on the eastern fringes of the Zoticid-ruled lands. These were border territories long under the influence of the Grand Duchy of Taurica but never fully subjugated to imperial authority.

Though relatively small, these duchies held strategic importance due to their location and control over trade routes leading through Siberia. The emperor’s envoys, composed of seasoned diplomats and representatives of powerful Taurican noble houses, were tasked with persuading the local rulers to acknowledge imperial suzerainty and swear fealty.

The negotiations proceeded smoothly, with Taurican diplomats employing both political and economic arguments. Promises of military protection against nomadic incursions and the benefits of integration into the vast Taurican Empire convinced the dukes of Tara and Ala Tau to submit.

Additionally, Spartokos XI ensured that the ruling Sapmi dynasty of Tara would retain its local privileges and broad internal autonomy, as they were distant relatives of the emperor through his grandmother, Sibel. This made the act of fealty more palatable, minimizing resistance.

The submission of Tara and Ala Tau was a significant diplomatic success for Spartokos XI and his administration. Incorporating these lands into the Taurican sphere of influence strengthened the emperor’s position in the east and opened the path for further expansion into Siberia.

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The first years of Spartokos XI’s reign were not without challenges, as the period from 1505 to 1507 AD saw a series of local uprisings and crises. One of the most serious was the rebellion of the Ugro-Finnic population in the remote region of Odborsk.

The revolt began with rebels seizing a local fort, a key defensive and administrative stronghold. Due to the great distances and communication difficulties, news of the rebellion reached the capital late, delaying the imperial response. Spartokos XI, unwilling to let the rebellion spread, dispatched troops who, after several months of bloody fighting, recaptured the fort and restored control over the region.

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Simultaneously, another threat emerged in the Komi region, where a rebellion of discontented nobles broke out. The uprising was fueled by growing dissatisfaction among local noble houses.

The rebellion was led by a local adventurer, a minor nobleman known for his dissolute lifestyle, who exploited anti-imperial sentiments to incite open revolt. The uprising erupted in late 1506 and initially gained support among some of the local populace, weary of increasing taxes and administrative burdens.

Recognizing the danger, Spartokos XI sent an experienced commander, Theodoros Paranokis, to suppress the rebellion. Paranokis acted swiftly, employing both military force and tactical negotiations to divide the rebels.

A key moment in the campaign was the siege and destruction of a local fort serving as the rebels’ main base. After its fall, the rebellion gradually dissipated, and the remaining rebel forces were defeated in a series of smaller skirmishes. By early 1507, the uprising was fully crushed, and its leaders were executed or exiled to the empire’s remote frontiers.

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In 1506, an outbreak of chickenpox struck Vetluga, quickly spreading to neighboring regions. The towns and villages affected were ill-prepared for the sudden epidemic, leading to high mortality rates, particularly among children and the elderly.

Though preoccupied with suppressing the rebellions in Odborsk and Komi, the emperor did not ignore the epidemic. On his orders, quarantine zones were established, and medical supplies were delivered to the hardest-hit areas.

Despite these efforts, the epidemic took a tragic toll, severely weakening Vetluga and surrounding regions. This would later have negative consequences for the local economy and the imperial army’s recruitment capabilities.

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An incident on the border between the Grand Duchy of Taurica and the Golden Horde in April 1507 AD provoked an immediate response from Emperor Spartokos XI. A group of Mongol nomads crossed the established boundary, violating previous agreements between the two states.

A clash with imperial light cavalry patrolling the area ensued, resulting in casualties on both sides. For the Taurican court, this was not only a breach of sovereignty but also a symbolic insult, as the dead were imperial soldiers.

Seeing an opportunity to take action against the Golden Horde, Spartokos XI used the incident as a pretext to escalate the conflict and launch a new war that could expand his empire’s territory eastward.

In May 1507 AD, the emperor convened a assembly of estates, where he presented his interpretation of events and argued for military retaliation. He claimed that the Golden Horde had shown blatant disrespect for Taurican sovereignty and that previous agreements with the Mongols had lost their value.

Addressing the assembled nobility, Spartokos XI emphasized that only force could answer such insults and that further tolerance of nomadic raids would threaten the empire’s stability. The assembly, composed mainly of nobles, proved receptive to his arguments, with many agreeing that war with the Golden Horde could bring benefits, especially if it led to territorial gains.

In exchange for their support, Spartokos XI promised new privileges to the nobility after the war, securing their full backing. This allowed him to mobilize a substantial army to march east and punish the Golden Horde for their transgression.

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In June 1507 AD, war broke out between the Taurican Empire and the Golden Horde as the imperial army, led by the talented strategos Hegemachos Mnomakos and numbering 30,000 soldiers, crossed the border and launched an offensive into the khanate’s lands.

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The military campaign against the Golden Horde began when the imperial army, led by Strategos Hegemachos Mnomakos, crossed the border and launched an offensive into the nomads' lands. The first clash occurred near Kerey, where imperial forces clashed with the Mongol army.

Mnomakos employed a tactic of controlled retreat, luring the enemy into an ambush where heavily armored cavalry crushed the Golden Horde’s vanguard. The use of artillery proved decisive, bombarding the enemy’s tight formations and forcing them to flee, abandoning their camp to imperial soldiers.

Following the victory at Kerey, the imperial army advanced southeast, encountering another Mongol force near Aksary. This battle was pivotal to the campaign’s outcome, as the Golden Horde had gathered most of its forces there, ready to resist.

Recognizing the enemy’s numerical superiority, Mnomakos adopted a flexible strategy, allowing the Mongol warriors to seemingly flank his army—only to strike their exposed flanks with a decisive heavy cavalry charge at the critical moment.

The imperial guard led the final assault, breaking through the Mongol center and scattering their formation. After this defeat, the remnants of the Horde’s army retreated northward.

The last major battle took place at Turgay, where the Golden Horde made a desperate attempt to regain the initiative. Mnomakos anticipated the enemy’s move and occupied strategically positioned hills, from which his archers and artillery could effectively harass the advancing Mongol troops.

Once the enemy was slowed by the barrage, the imperial cavalry executed a lightning-fast flanking maneuver, crushing the khanate’s forces completely. This battle sealed the Golden Horde’s defeat, with its surviving troops fleeing eastward, abandoning most of their supplies and equipment.

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The peace treaty signed on May 20, 1508 AD, in Aksary formally ended the war between the Taurican Empire and the Golden Horde, securing an imperial victory and significant territorial gains.

Under its terms, the Grand Duchy of Taurica took control of key regions, including Kerey, Shegendyk, Aksary, Upper Ishim, Ekibastuz, and Turgay. These areas were not only strategically vital but also rich in resources, strengthening the empire’s economic and political position in Central Asia. Additionally, Spartokos XI forced the defeated khanate to pay war reparations for a decade, further weakening the Golden Horde financially and militarily.

During the war, the imperial army conducted extensive pillaging campaigns, ravaging the Kazakh regions and destroying local infrastructure, which further undermined the Mongol khans’ authority. The defeat and territorial losses stripped the Golden Horde of its status as the dominant power in Central Asia, causing its influence to rapidly decline.

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The war’s conclusion in May 1508 AD and the incorporation of the Ishim region into the Grand Duchy of Taurica marked a triumph for Emperor Spartokos XI. The newly acquired territories bolstered his standing both domestically and internationally.

The expansion fulfilled the demands of the nobility, who had long advocated for eastward conquest during the assembly of estates. Spartokos XI demonstrated political acumen, not only securing victory but also skillfully using the spoils of war to stabilize his reign.

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To further strengthen ties with the nobility, the emperor issued a special decree on June 12, 1508 AD, guaranteeing prominent noble families officer positions within the Grand Duchy’s military structure. This decision fulfilled earlier promises while deepening the bond between the monarchy and military elites. The reform significantly impacted the empire’s military framework, increasing the nobility’s role in shaping army organization and strategy.

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Spartokos XI’s reign continued the flourishing of culture and art in the Taurican Empire, a legacy upheld by his predecessors, including his father, Eumelos II. The Renaissance, long nurtured under imperial patronage, thrived as the emperor actively supported artists, architects, and philosophers.

The city of Alatyr became a symbol of this era, emerging as a center of Renaissance architecture and art. Monumental structures inspired by classical designs were erected, and innovative architectural techniques gave the city a unique character. Artistic patronage came not only from the imperial family but also from wealthy noble houses, who commissioned works to adorn their estates.

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Parallel to artistic growth, the empire experienced an intellectual revival. Renaissance philosophy, emphasizing humanist values and rational inquiry, gained popularity among the Taurican elite.

In cities like Tanais and Hermanosa, discussion clubs formed where scholars and aristocrats debated new ideas on politics, society, and religion. Patronage of philosophers became fashionable among the nobility, and their treatises on statecraft and law were highly regarded in courtly circles.

Thanks to Spartokos XI’s stable rule, the Taurican Renaissance progressed unimpeded. The emperor understood the importance of culture and learning, supporting the establishment of new academies where young scholars could study both the sciences and philosophy.

The rise of humanism enhanced the empire’s role in cultural exchange with the Western world, enriching its heritage with new influences.

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The victory over the Golden Horde and the acquisition of new lands solidified the Grand Duchy of Taurica’s dominance in the region. The decline of Mongol influence created a power vacuum, which Spartokos XI exploited to expand further east.

The emperor did not need to resort to direct military action—local khanates and principalities, formerly dependent on the Golden Horde, sought a new protector, realizing that resistance against the rising power would be disastrous.

In November 1509, the Biryus Khanate, located east of the Grand Duchy’s vassal territories, formally acknowledged Taurican suzerainty. The alliance was sealed by a marriage between one of the khan’s daughters and a noble family related to Emperor Spartokos XI—the Vamvaloudes, descendants of Akrotatos III’s second marriage to Philaenis Kanavos, played a key role in this arrangement.

The Biryus Khanate agreed to pay regular tribute and provide warriors for the Taurican army, marking another step in the empire’s eastward expansion.

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March 21, 1510 AD, became a turning point in Western European and Christian history when reformist theses were posted on the doors of the main church in Hoya, Saxony.

Their author, Mark Luter, a scholar and theologian from the local clergy, openly criticized Church corruption, calling for moral renewal and a return to purer faith. His theses challenged indulgences, clerical authority over laypeople, and demanded greater emphasis on Scripture in religious life.

The reaction was immediate and fierce. Church authorities condemned the theses as rebellion and heresy, swiftly denounced by local bishops. Yet, among the populace and some nobility, reformist ideas gained traction, especially among those discontent with the clergy’s growing wealth and power. The Reformation spread across Germania, sparking social tensions that would later erupt into conflict.

Initially, Spartokos XI and his court in Satyria paid little attention to these events, dismissing them as another episode of Western European turmoil with no bearing on their empire.

Onomarchism, the empire’s dominant and official religion, was seen as the one true faith, immune to foreign influences. The emperor and his advisors viewed the Reformation as a revolt against Western Church corruption.

Thus, no measures were taken to suppress it, nor was it considered a threat to imperial unity. However, in the coming decades, reformist ideas would seep into the Tauric Empire, particularly in its western duchies, where contact with Europe was more frequent. Though initially limited to philosophical debates and minor religious movements, they would eventually take on a more political dimension.

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The death of Spartokos XI on June 11, 1510 AD, was unexpected. The emperor passed away at 53, having shown no prior health issues.

He left behind a stable and well-governed empire, but his son, Gorgippos V, was only 14 and too young to formally assume the throne. As a result, his mother, the dowager empress Euporia Petraliphas, assumed the regency, facing the challenge of maintaining unity among the princes and electors.

Though the Zoticid dynasty enjoyed strong support, the risk of intrigue and power struggles by ambitious nobles remained. Ultimately, when the time for election came, Gorgippos V secured sufficient backing to ascend the imperial throne. In the electoral vote, four electors—Gelts, Budinia, Bassetia, and Tahent—supported him, along with his own vote, ensuring his victory.

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For two years, Euporia Petraliphas focused on strengthening her son Gorgippos V’s position and ensuring stability in the realm. Her key strategy was to solidify dynastic alliances through carefully arranged marriages.

Her daughter, Helene, was betrothed to a relative of the Grand Duke of Tahent. Simultaneously, cadet branches of the Zoticid dynasty—the Vamvaloudes—were leveraged to reinforce the Grand Duchy of Taurica’s influence by marrying into the ruling house of the Grand Duchy of Bassetia and the aristocracy of the vassal Duchy of Ala Tau.

One of Euporia’s most significant moves was the betrothal of Gorgippos V to Dzabula Bagrationi, daughter of the King of Colchis. This union aimed not only to strengthen ties with their southern neighbor but also to lay the groundwork for potential expansion of Taurican influence into the Caucasus.

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The dowager empress demonstrated prudence in domestic affairs by refusing to sell minor noble titles—a decision that won the approval of the Grand Duchy’s aristocracy. By avoiding unpopular reforms and bribery, she maintained the loyalty of key magnates and prevented tensions that could threaten her young heir.

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On March 11, 1512, Gorgippos V came of age and formally assumed power over the Grand Duchy of Taurica and the empire. His coronation was held with great pomp in the capital, with ceremonies designed to emphasize the legitimacy of his succession and the strength of his dynasty.

Despite the regent’s efforts, the young emperor’s ascension was not universally supported. Among the aristocracy and military, voices questioned his readiness to rule, arguing that Gorgippos was unprepared for governance.

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The greatest threat to the new ruler emerged in the form of Hyrcanos Monomakos, a distant relative of the dynasty who sought to exploit discontent among certain noble houses. Declaring himself the rightful ruler of both the Grand Duchy of Taurica and the empire, Monomakos rallied ambitious aristocrats and factions within the military to his cause.

His rebellion gained momentum as he secured the backing of several influential Taurican noble families. Monomakos’ propaganda framed Gorgippos V as a puppet elevated by his mother’s political machinations rather than legitimate succession.

Moreover, Monomakos capitalized on the military’s skepticism toward the young emperor, emphasizing his lack of experience in statecraft and command. For Gorgippos V, the rebellion became the first major test of his reign—one that would force him to prove his worth as Spartokos XI’s rightful heir.
 
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Though the Zoticid dynasty enjoyed strong support, the risk of intrigue and power struggles by ambitious nobles remained. Ultimately, when the time for election came, Gorgippos V secured sufficient backing to ascend the imperial throne. In the electoral vote, four electors—Gelts, Budinia, Bassetia, and Tahent—supported him, along with his own vote, ensuring his victory.
I think a child managed to receive more electoral votes than any other emperor so far... (iirc the most votes any other emperor got was 4 - themself and 3 electors)
 
Well he's being thrown right into the deep end at the start.

The power of the Hordes seems well and truly broken.
 
Gorgippos V (1512 AD – 1527 AD) New
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Gorgippos V (1512 AD – 1527 AD)

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Gorgippos V ascended to power in the Grand Duchy and Taurican Empire as a young but well-prepared ruler who had already gained recognition as a talented diplomat during his mother's regency. His accession to the throne was seen by many as the beginning of a new, ambitious era, in which the young emperor would not only continue the legacy of his father Spartokos XI but also set a new pace for the empire's development and expansion.

Known for his exceptional military talent, Gorgippos V had demonstrated an understanding of strategy and tactics from an early age. During his training, he frequently participated in military exercises and studied historical campaigns, making him a ruler who not only trusted his generals but also actively participated in military planning and oversight.

Despite his youth, his presence among the troops was inspiring—soldiers saw in him a leader who understood the challenges of the battlefield. This earned him the loyalty of both the nobility and the army, which proved crucial in times of internal and external threats.

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In diplomacy, Gorgippos also displayed remarkable skill. As a negotiator, he could persuade even the most stubborn opponents while gaining the support of foreign courts. His natural charisma and self-confidence quickly made him recognizable and popular among the nobility and court, especially as he treated various political factions with equal respect and finesse.


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His diplomatic skills played a key role in forming an important alliance through his marriage to Dzabula Bagrationi, daughter of the King of Colchis. This political marriage not only secured the southern border but also strengthened the young emperor's position, as Dzabula quickly gained favor at court.

Although Gorgippos V lacked particular administrative talents, he was wise enough to surround himself with competent advisors in this field. He largely delegated state management to efficient officials while focusing on military, foreign, and ceremonial matters.

This ability to delegate, despite his personal limitations, demonstrated his political maturity. The new emperor quickly gained a reputation as a young reformer and defender of the Grand Duchy's interests, heralding the beginning of a dynamic chapter in Taurica's history.

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The rebellion of Hyrcanos Monomakos began with great momentum and quickly escalated into a serious threat to the young Gorgippos V and the integrity of the Grand Duchy and Taurican Empire. Hyrcanos, a distant relative of the Zoticid dynasty, managed to convince part of the nobility and military factions to join his cause.

He proclaimed himself the rightful emperor under the name Hyrcanos V and soon amassed an army of 15,000 soldiers. His main stronghold became Ust-Vym, a strategically located fortress in the northeastern reaches of the duchy, from which he launched destabilizing operations in the region.

Despite his youth, Gorgippos V responded decisively and energetically. Aware that the rebellion could threaten his newly consolidated power, he decided to personally lead the campaign against the rebels. The emperor quickly organized a military operation, reinforcing loyal garrisons, securing supplies, and conducting an intensive propaganda campaign that portrayed Hyrcanos's uprising as treason against both the crown and divine order. His loyal forces, supported by allied troops, systematically recaptured villages and towns held by the rebels.

The fighting lasted for two years, and the rebellion gradually lost momentum due to exhaustion and the effective actions of the imperial army. The climax of the conflict came in 1514 at the Battle of Ust-Vym. Gorgippos's troops, personally commanded by the emperor, executed a flanking maneuver that completely crushed the rebel army. Some of Hyrcanos's forces attempted to retreat but were surrounded and forced to surrender.

Hyrcanos was captured and brought before the imperial court in Satyria. Found guilty of treason and usurpation, he was publicly executed—a symbolic act that reinforced the young emperor's authority. The rebellion's collapse strengthened Gorgippos V's position as the sole legitimate ruler and sent a clear message about the empire's unity.

After suppressing the revolt, Gorgippos took steps to consolidate his power while offering clemency to those who voluntarily laid down their arms—demonstrating that he could be both firm and reasonable.

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The years 1512–1514 were not only a time of military challenges for the young Emperor Gorgippos V but also a period of intense diplomatic efforts that strengthened the Taurican Empire's position. One of the most significant achievements was the deepening of ties with the Kingdom of Colchis through Gorgippos's marriage to Dzabula Bagrationi, daughter of King Mokena III.

This union not only bolstered the emperor's standing among domestic elites but also became the foundation for further political negotiations with their southern neighbor.

Through skillful diplomacy and the emperor's personal connections with the Colchian court, a formal alliance was established, culminating in Mokena III swearing fealty. This move had tremendous strategic importance—Colchis occupied a crucial southern border region adjacent to the unstable Caucasus and was frequently targeted by raids and political intrigues. Bringing this kingdom into Taurica's sphere of influence was one of the greatest successes of Gorgippos V's early reign.

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During the same period, equally effective diplomatic efforts were directed toward the Kingdom of Kurus. By cleverly utilizing cadet branches of the Zoticid dynasty—specifically the Vamvaloudes line—a strategic marriage was arranged to bind the Kurus court to the empire.

The wedding of a Vamvaloudes representative to a member of the Kurus royal family led to the signing of an alliance treaty and, soon after, the ruler of this mountainous country swore fealty. Kurus, a state controlling vital Caucasian passes, gained the protection of a more powerful neighbor, while the empire acquired another strategically subordinate province.

Gorgippos V's successful diplomacy earned him a reputation not only as a warrior but also as a capable and visionary politician. Both kingdoms—Colchis and Kurus—became pillars of the empire's southern policy, with their elites participating in court life and imperial structures, deepening regional integration.

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The years 1514–1516 AD, proved to be a period of intense internal challenges for Gorgippos V, despite his earlier success in suppressing the Hyrcanos Monomakos rebellion. In November 1514, another uprising erupted in Komi, where local nobility, dissatisfied with administrative and centralizing reforms initiated by Spartokos XI, took up arms against imperial authority.

The rebellion was well-organized and supported by some influential magnates but was crushed within weeks by troops loyal to the emperor under the command of Strategos Kleon Dysantos. After the revolt's collapse, the imperial government imposed heavy fines on the rebellious families and revoked some of their privileges.

Unrest continued to spread. In January 1515, a Nestorianist uprising broke out in the province of Shegendyk. This movement had strong religious roots—local clergy condemned imperial attempts to impose greater control over their community and viewed Onomarchism as an imposed faith.

The rebellion quickly turned violent, with attacks on imperial administrative outposts and the destruction of archives and temples. It was not until March-April 1515 that forces led by Strategos Thamyras Hekaton regained control of the province, ruthlessly dealing with the rebellion's leaders.

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Another flashpoint occurred in March of the same year when a separatist-inspired uprising erupted in Sugunduk. The local population, benefiting from trade contacts with eastern khanates, feared excessive integration with the rest of the Grand Duchy, which could mean losing their autonomy and influence.

The rebels demanded either the creation of an independent principality or joining a loose tribal federation. Imperial troops, supported by reinforcements from Tara and Ala Tau, brutally suppressed the insurgents. The city of Sugunduk was punished with the confiscation of property belonging to the most active rebels.

The last major uprising of this turbulent period occurred in Zethury in the summer of 1515. This time, the cause was religious tension—local Manichaeans, long tolerated by the imperial administration, grew apprehensive about increasing pressure to convert to Onomarchism and restrictions on temple construction.

The rebellion took on a fanatical character and spread rapidly, gaining support from some nomadic communities. Gorgippos V responded firmly, sending cavalry units that quashed the revolt within weeks. These events demonstrated that despite his diplomatic and military capabilities, imperial authority still had to contend with the empire's complex ethnic and religious mosaic.

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Between 1514 and 1516, news from Western Europe increasingly indicated that the Reformation, begun a few years earlier, was not just a temporary crisis for the Catholic Church but a lasting religious transformation. As Protestantism gained wider support—among both townspeople and segments of the nobility—the imperial court in Satyria began observing these changes with greater interest.

Although Onomarchism remained a strong ideological pillar of the Taurican Empire, and any attempts at religious reform were considered heresy, awareness of external changes grew among the empire's intellectual and political circles. Protestant movements also attracted some interest among younger, more cosmopolitan Taurican nobles who had contact with Western merchants and diplomats. Private discussions began about clergy reform, the interpretation of sacred texts, and the need for greater religious community autonomy.

However, Emperor Gorgippos V—like his father Spartokos XI before him—maintained the official position that Onomarchism was the only true faith within the empire's borders, and the Reformation was foreign chaos that should not take root in Taurica's stable structures.

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In November 1515, an important internal event occurred—the formal annexation of the Duchy of Tara. This long-time vassal of the Grand Duchy of Taurica, which had retained relative autonomy through political and dynastic arrangements, was officially incorporated into the Grand Duchy's structures.

This process occurred without open conflict, primarily due to long-term dynastic marriage policies and skillful negotiations conducted during Euporia Petraliphas's regency. The last Duke of Tara, who had no male heir, agreed to transfer his lands to the emperor in exchange for retaining honorary titles and protection for his family.

The incorporation of Tara was well received by imperial officials and the central aristocracy. This strategically located region on the northeastern border not only expanded the Grand Duchy territorially but also provided new sources of income and manpower for the army. Gorgippos V ordered reforms to local administration, the conversion of border castles into imperial fortresses, and the granting of lands to loyal noble families to secure the newly acquired territories against potential threats from khanates or internal rebels.


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The year 1516 AD marked a turning point when Gorgippos V, taking advantage of internal stability and the weakening of nomadic states in the east, decided to expand the borders of the Grand Duchy of Taurica.

The target of this new campaign was the Khanate of Shoria—a small but strategically located state bordering recently annexed territories. The decision to invade had both military and political motivations: conquering Shoria would grant greater control over steppe trade routes and serve as another step in the long-term strategy of imperial dominance over Central Asia.

The expedition was entrusted to the experienced Strategos Hegemachos Kalisid, a trusted advisor to the emperor since the campaign against the Golden Horde. Leading an army of around 20,000 soldiers—composed of infantry, cavalry, and auxiliary troops—he marched eastward, overcoming the steppe borderlands with little resistance.

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The military expedition against the Khanate of Shoria, lasting from 1516 to 1518 AD, was placed under the full command of Strategos Hegemachos Kalisid, a seasoned commander known for his earlier victories in the Ishim steppes.

From the outset, the Taurican army faced challenges due to unpredictable terrain—endless steppes, muddy plains, and mountainous passes made the march arduous. Nevertheless, thanks to excellent logistical organization and the commanders' determination, the Taurican forces quickly gained the upper hand.

The first major battle took place near Pegeya, where Kalisid’s army clashed with the main force of nomadic warriors. The enemy, relying on light cavalry and rapid movement, proved unable to break the disciplined Taurican infantry formations supported by heavy cavalry. Kalisid employed a feigned retreat tactic, luring the Shorian forces into an ambush—a maneuver that ended in total success.

The following months saw the capture of key strongholds in the Orda and Imakia regions, where local fortresses offered slightly stiffer resistance. By 1517, the campaign advanced into the more forested and mountainous terrain of Baraba and Barnaul, where logistical difficulties and winter conditions tested the Taurican army’s endurance. Despite these hardships, Kalisid’s forces secured further victories, thanks to superior technology and morale.

A decisive triumph came at the Battle of the Imak River Valley, where a several-thousand-strong Shorian warrior group was encircled and forced to surrender. Kalisid ensured the campaign did not turn into a brutal occupation—instead, he negotiated agreements with local clans, many of whom willingly submitted upon witnessing the Grand Duchy’s might.

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The campaign culminated in the Treaty of Baranaul in the spring of 1518 AD. Under its terms, the local khan acknowledged the suzerainty of the Grand Duchy of Taurica, ceding five strategic regions: Pegeya, Orda, Imakia, Baraba, and Baranaul.

Additionally, the khan pledged to provide intelligence on uncharted lands of Central Asia and Siberia—an invaluable contribution to Taurica’s geographic and political expansion. This success was not merely a military triumph but another step toward full dominance over Eurasia’s eastern frontiers.

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While Strategos Kalisid waged war in Shoria, the court in Satyria remained active—Gorgippos V continuously strengthened his position while monitoring events in Europe, where the Reformation was evolving into a more complex movement.

Particular attention was paid to Arthur Calvin, who in the town of Durlach (Duchy of Baden) founded his own branch of Protestantism—later known as Reformism—based on strict moral principles, deep religious individualism, and reduced clerical influence. Though initially dismissed by Taurican elites, this new form of Protestantism began to unsettle the Onomarchist hierarchy, who saw it as a potential ideological threat.

The Reformation, once viewed as a marginal disturbance in distant Latin Christendom, became a topic of debate at the imperial court. Gorgippos V remained cautious—he took no overt action against these new religious movements, instead focusing on securing borders and expanding vassal states.

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One of the era’s greatest diplomatic successes was the peaceful subjugation of the Tolafar Khanate, located near Lake Baikal. A diplomatic mission led by Basilios Klenikos, a trusted advisor of Gorgippos V, spent nearly two years negotiating with the Tolafar khan.

Facing pressure from neighboring powers and the decline of the Golden Horde, the khan ultimately recognized the stability offered by an alliance with Taurica. By the spring of 1518 AD, the Khanate of Tolafar officially became a vassal of the Grand Duchy, extending imperial influence to the eastern fringes of Siberia.

This peaceful expansion contrasted with the brutal Shorian campaign but was no less significant. It demonstrated that Gorgippos V was not merely a warrior-emperor but also a ruler capable of subtle, long-term foreign policy.

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In April 1517 AD, Gorgippos V introduced a series of internal reforms aimed at curbing the excessive influence of the nobility and improving fiscal efficiency. Most notably, he strengthened tax collection from noble lands, which had previously enjoyed numerous exemptions. Though some noble houses resisted, the reforms were successfully implemented in most provinces, thanks to loyal bureaucrats and clerical support.

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By early 1518, Gorgippos V expanded these reforms across the entire Taurican Empire. The Decree of March 11, 1518, significantly reduced the autonomy of regional princes, centralizing power in the hands of the emperor. While this caused unease in some parts of the empire, Gorgippos V’s political skill prevented outright rebellion.


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Beyond military and administrative achievements, Gorgippos V gained renown as a learned ruler. His passion for literature and philosophy led to active patronage of scholars, poets, and philosophers at court. He frequently participated in intellectual debates and sponsored the creation of a royal library and an imperial academy in the capital, elevating the empire’s intellectual elite.

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On April 21, 1518, he issued a privilege to the Onomarchist clergy, permitting symbolic missionary expeditions to the "New World"—a region increasingly discussed in imperial circles. Though Taurica had no direct colonies yet, this decree was both a prestige move and a strategic statement, positioning Onomarchism as a faith of global spiritual expansion and asserting the empire’s ambitions on the world stage.

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Dzabula Bagrationi, descended from the royal ruling house of Colchis, married Gorgippos V shortly after his ascension to the throne, thereby becoming empress. From the very beginning of her presence at the court in Satyria, she demonstrated extraordinary qualities—not only as the ruler's consort but also as a person with a deep understanding of politics and diplomacy.

Her education, received at the Colchian court, encompassed theology, history, and the art of diplomacy, making her a valuable advisor to the young and ambitious Gorgippos. She quickly earned the respect and admiration of those around her, actively participating in strategic discussions and planning.

Her negotiating and diplomatic skills were particularly evident in her dealings with imperial vassals, where she often eased tensions and built bridges of understanding. In correspondence with other courts, she demonstrated not only linguistic proficiency but also tact, making her an unofficial ambassador of imperial majesty.

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Alongside her political activities, Dzabula engaged in extensive charitable work. She paid special attention to the care of widows and orphans of soldiers who had fallen in campaigns, earning her the gratitude of the common people and the military class.

She established shelters, supported monastic foundations, and patronized the construction of hospitals in border cities affected by war. Her humanitarian efforts served as a counterbalance to the often harsh political decisions of the emperor, creating a balance that strengthened the authority of the monarchy in the eyes of the subjects.

The imperial couple’s relationship, based on mutual respect and cooperation, resulted in the birth of a son named Spartokos. This child, born from the union of two powerful dynasties, became an important symbol of political unity and a guarantee of dynastic continuity. Grand celebrations were organized around the birth of the young heir, and Spartokos himself was placed under careful tutelage, preparing him from an early age for his future duties as ruler.

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The war against the Golden Horde, launched in the summer of 1520 AD, was a continuation of Gorgippos V’s expansionist policies in the east. The outbreak of the conflict was preceded by an assembly of estates in the capital of the Grand Duchy, Satyria, where the emperor successfully convinced representatives of the nobility and high clergy of the necessity for further expansion.

It was argued that the Golden Horde, weakened by previous conflicts and internal unrest, was an easy target and a threat to the stability of the empire’s eastern borders. Support for the war was nearly unanimous—it was seen as an opportunity for wealth, land, and glory.

The expedition, which set out in June 1520, was led by Strategos Hegemachos Kalisid, who had previously commanded the campaign against the Khanate of Shoria.

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At the head of a force of around 35,000 men, he crossed the border in the Irtysh River valley, launching an offensive into Shekty. The Taurican troops quickly captured several border forts, leveraging their superior organization, discipline, and weaponry.

The first months of the campaign brought rapid successes—smaller Horde detachments were crushed, and local populations often surrendered without resistance.

However, by spring 1521, the situation became more complicated. The Golden Horde’s khan, Temur III, managed to gather reinforcements from the depths of the steppe and launch a counterattack.

The Battle of the Baganaly River, fought in July 1521, was one of the war’s largest clashes—both sides fielded over 25,000 soldiers. Despite fierce resistance from the Horde’s forces, Hegemachos Kalisid executed a double envelopment maneuver, tipping the scales in favor of the Tauricans. After this battle, the Horde’s army gradually retreated, abandoning key administrative centers and steppe cities.

From 1521–1522, the conflict turned into a war of maneuver. Khan Temur III avoided open confrontation, employing scorched-earth tactics and harassing enemy supply lines. The Taurican forces were forced into constant marches across the vast and hostile Central Asian steppes, leading to significant logistical losses and army exhaustion.

Nevertheless, Kalisid, with the support of local vassals and allies, systematically regained control over key regions—Altyn and Kypshak were captured, and by spring 1522, the siege of Karaganda, a crucial Horde trading hub, began.

The decisive victory came in the winter of 1523/24, when, after a series of battles, Temur III, deprived of support, was forced to surrender.

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The peace treaty, signed on April 21, 1524, stripped the Golden Horde of five key regions: Shekty, Baganaly, Altyn, Kypshak, and Karaganda. Though the Golden Horde nominally survived, it lost most of its territory and prestige, becoming a shadow of its former power.

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The years 1524–1527 AD were a period of deep crisis and personal tragedy for the imperial court in Satyria, shaking not only the ruling family but the entire Taurican Empire.

Gorgippos V suffered the greatest blow—the loss of his only son and heir, Spartokos. The young heir, beloved by the people and carefully nurtured by the court, died of smallpox in July 1526, an outbreak that had spread among the capital’s inhabitants.

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The news of his death plunged the empire into mourning, and the emperor himself fell into profound grief. Contemporary sources describe Gorgippos V suffering a nervous breakdown—he withdrew from imperial council meetings, isolated himself from his family and court, and sank into apathy.

During these months, real power over the court and state was assumed by his wife, Dzabula Bagrationi, an empress of great political acumen and experience. Supported by the rising merchant class and segments of the lesser nobility, she attempted to maintain stability and continue her husband’s policies.

The situation worsened in late 1526, when Gorgippos V himself contracted smallpox. Initially, the symptoms were mild, but the disease soon took a severe turn. Despite the efforts of physicians, the emperor failed to recover.

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He died on January 11, 1527 AD (31), plunging the empire into uncertainty and mourning. The death of an emperor without a direct heir triggered an immediate reaction from the political elite, who now faced the urgent question of succession.

With no surviving descendants of Gorgippos V, the throne of the Grand Duchy passed to Droppidas Vamvaloudes, an aristocrat from a cadet branch of the Zoticid dynasty, descended from Akrotatos III’s second marriage to Philaenis Kanavos. Droppidas enjoyed respect among much of the aristocracy and clergy, as well as strong ties to the influential merchants of the Satyrian Maritime League, giving him a solid political foundation.

After his coronation as Droppidas II, he swiftly moved to secure his position—honoring the memory of Gorgippos V and touring key provinces to reinforce the loyalty of local elites.

Following weeks of intense negotiations, the electoral vote concluded with a decisive victory for Droppidas II. The majority of electors—including those of the Grand Duchies of Gelts, Budinia, Bassetia, and Tahent—supported his candidacy, and Droppidas himself cast the final vote, sealing the election.

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Ah balls. This reign was going really well, and then the heir died (would have been a long regency but even so)...

The empire was doing really well, the centralisation east was basically done, and the emperor was the sole real power. All going great.

The reformation might be a problem in eastern Europe at some point, but we'll see.
 
A difficult moment for the dynasty
 
One of the era’s greatest diplomatic successes was the peaceful subjugation of the Tolafar Khanate, located near Lake Baikal. A diplomatic mission led by Basilios Klenikos, a trusted advisor of Gorgippos V, spent nearly two years negotiating with the Tolafar khan.

Facing pressure from neighboring powers and the decline of the Golden Horde, the khan ultimately recognized the stability offered by an alliance with Taurica. By the spring of 1518 AD, the Khanate of Tolafar officially became a vassal of the Grand Duchy, extending imperial influence to the eastern fringes of Siberia.
Taurica will surely reach the Pacific coast in a matter of time!
 
Taurica will surely reach the Pacific coast in a matter of time!

Russia OTL first tentatively got there in the 1630s. So it's a bit of a race to see whether Taurica can beat them, or get a big presence faster.
 
Ah balls. This reign was going really well, and then the heir died (would have been a long regency but even so)...

The empire was doing really well, the centralisation east was basically done, and the emperor was the sole real power. All going great.

The reformation might be a problem in eastern Europe at some point, but we'll see.
A difficult moment for the dynasty

So everything was fine I had a successor, and here he dies and soon after my ruler died. The history of the Zoticid family ended with Gorgippos V. The Reformation will also have an impact on the empire.

Taurica will surely reach the Pacific coast in a matter of time!
Russia OTL first tentatively got there in the 1630s. So it's a bit of a race to see whether Taurica can beat them, or get a big presence faster.

Hmm we will reach the Pacific, at what time will become clear as history develops.
 
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Droppidas II (1527 AD – 1529 AD) – Nukdan Mansi (1529 AD – 1533 AD) New
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Droppidas II (1527 AD – 1529 AD) – Nukdan Mansi (1529 AD – 1533 AD)

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Droppidas II Vamvaloudes, upon ascending the throne of the Grand Duchy of Taurica and the Tauric Empire in 1527 AD, entered history as the first member of his house to reach the highest level of power. He came from a cadet branch of the Zoticid dynasty, which ensured noble lineage, but his path to the throne was the result of years of loyal service and adept political maneuvering.

At the time of his ascension, he was 52 years old—an experienced and mature statesman and administrator, well-versed in court mechanisms and the structure of the state. Droppidas II had long served as a high dignitary at the court in Satyria, particularly during the final years of Gorgippos V’s reign. He was known for his pragmatism, moderation, and loyalty to the throne.

Sent on a diplomatic mission to Lake Baikal, he played a key role in the negotiations that led to the subjugation of the Tolafar Khanate. It was there that he met Nukdan Mansi—the daughter of a local khan. Their union was not only political, but also familial and symbolic, reinforcing the Tauric Empire's influence over the distant frontiers of Central Asia.


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The coat of arms of the Vamvaloudes dynasty became one of the most recognizable symbols of the Tauric Empire during the 16th and 17th centuries. Its central element was a white griffin—a mythical creature symbolizing wisdom, power, and vigilance—depicted on a green background, which represented rebirth, fertility, and peaceful intentions toward subjects.

The white color of the griffin symbolized the purity of rule and the legitimacy of the dynasty. In its right paw, the griffin held a sword—a sign of readiness to defend and apply righteous strength against both internal and external enemies.

The crown upon the griffin’s head was not merely a symbol of monarchy but also a sign of divine anointment and the legal inheritance of power. Crowning the griffin was meant to signify the Vamvaloudes dynasty’s aspiration to continue the imperial tradition in a spirit of unity.

The most distinctive and unusual element of the coat of arms was the griffin’s tail, depicted as a mermaid’s tail ending in a sharp golden trident. This detail referred to maritime and mercantile symbolism—a sign of the Vamvaloudes’ close ties with the merchant class.

The coat of arms also served as an homage to their ancestors—combining elements of the Zoticid house (the sword and crown) with older motifs from the house of Alexadris, from whom the Vamvaloudes claimed their right to the throne.


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The marriage between Droppidas II and Nukdan Mansi was considered harmonious and full of mutual respect. The Empress was held in high regard among the steppe populations of the empire, and her presence at the imperial court was a clear signal of the new dynasty’s inclusiveness and openness. Thanks to this union, Droppidas II could count on increased loyalty from former vassals and improved relations with the peoples of the eastern khanates.

By 1527 AD, the couple had four children, forming the new generation of the Vamvaloudes dynasty. The two daughters—Europa and Eirene—would later play significant roles in dynastic alliances, being betrothed to members of high-ranking noble houses of grand duchies and neighboring states. They were raised by the best tutors and court matrons, and Europa in particular showed a strong interest in religious matters and ancient languages.

The two sons—Spartokos and Thrasykles—were groomed for state and military roles. Spartokos, as the firstborn, was regarded from an early age as the natural heir to the throne. His education included both governance and military training, overseen by experienced strategoi. Thrasykles, the younger yet equally talented, showed an affinity for philosophical studies and diplomacy—promising qualities for the dynasty’s future.

Under Droppidas II, the imperial family presented itself as stable, ambitious, and balanced—ideal for maintaining order following the sudden death of Gorgippos V. The emperor not only secured the succession but also strengthened his authority through familial ties and prudent dynastic policy.


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In the early years of his reign, Droppidas II Vamvaloudes took decisive steps to solidify both internal and international authority. Aware of the fragility of the situation following the childless death of Gorgippos V, the new ruler knew that the key to maintaining the integrity of the Tauric Empire was ensuring the loyalty of its vassals.

To this end, he employed one of the most tried-and-true political tools—dynastic marriages. His two eldest daughters, Europa and Eirene, became vital pawns in this diplomatic game. Europa, the elder, was sent to the Kingdom of Kurus, where she was married to the younger brother of the reigning king, who had previously pledged fealty to Gorgippos V.

This marriage not only reaffirmed existing obligations but also directly embedded the Vamvaloudes line within the dynastic structure of Kurus. The alliance was enthusiastically received by the local elites, who saw it as both prestigious and a real guarantee of imperial protection. Raised at the court in Satyria, Europa quickly earned admiration for her grace and intelligence, further strengthening the Empire’s influence in the south.

Eirene, meanwhile, was sent to Colchis, where she married a cousin of the new king—the son of Moken V’s sister, who had taken the throne after his father’s death. This marriage too was carefully negotiated and intended to further cement relations with this strategically important vassal.

Colchis, located on the key trade route between the Black Sea and the Caucasus, played an important role in regional commerce and politics. Eirene’s presence at the royal court gave Droppidas an informal ambassador who could influence local policy in Satyria’s favor.

Both marriages were preceded by meticulous preparations—not only diplomatic but also ceremonial. Droppidas understood the importance of symbolism and tradition, sending with his daughters lavish gifts and religious missions meant to support the local clergy and reinforce the emperor’s spiritual supremacy.

Thanks to these gestures, the local populations and elites not only accepted the presence of Tauric princesses but often treated them with admiration and loyalty. Both daughters also supported charitable causes and the construction of temples dedicated to Onomarchism, further enhancing the Empire’s spiritual authority.


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The death of Droppidas II in July of 1529 AD shook the imperial court and the entire structure of power within the Grand Duchy and the Tauric Empire. Though his reign lasted barely two years, he managed to secure the Vamvaloudes legacy and lay the foundations for dynastic continuity.

His sudden death, caused by an epileptic seizure, came at the age of 54—just as he was beginning to develop his own policy after stabilizing the succession crisis following Gorgippos V. In the face of his unexpected death, the state faced the challenge of transitioning power to his 12-year-old son, Spartokos XII.

Although Spartokos XII inherited the titles of Grand Duke by birth, he was not yet capable of ruling independently. As such, his mother, Nukdan Mansi—known for both her political cunning and stern resolve—assumed the role of regent. Now, as regent, she faced the task not only of maintaining order in the realm but also of protecting her young son’s position within the complex feudal structure of the Empire.

The election of Spartokos XII to the imperial throne was not accidental. Anticipating a potential succession crisis, Droppidas II had, during his lifetime, secured the support of four of the seven electors through carefully managed negotiations, diplomatic gifts, and—rumor had it at court—generous bribes.

These preparations proved crucial upon the ruler’s death, enabling the near-immediate proclamation of Spartokos XII as the new emperor. During the election itself, Nukdan Mansi did not shy away from subtle threats and blackmail, which ultimately convinced the remaining undecided electors to accept her son’s candidacy.


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The regency of Nukdan Mansi, spanning the years 1529–1533 AD, was marked by internal upheaval and challenges that tested the new dynasty’s ability to maintain control over the vast territory of the Grand Duchy of Taurica. The deaths of two rulers in quick succession—Gorgippos V and Droppidas II—destabilized the power structure and triggered unrest, especially in recently annexed regions.

By the end of 1529 AD, the first outbreaks of rebellion had erupted, centered in Central Asia—an ethnically diverse, remote region still not fully integrated administratively. In the province of Barnaul, a rebellion broke out among the Yurgan people, who questioned the legitimacy of Tauric rule, viewing it as imposed by force and alien in culture. Simultaneously, a similar uprising took place in the province of Baraba, this time led by the Lanikazi population.

Both groups sought independence from the Grand Duchy, and their actions were supported by some local nobility and tribal leaders, complicating the situation further. The separatist sentiment revealed that the incorporation process of these lands remained incomplete, and the rapid territorial expansion under previous rulers had left weak structures of control in its wake.

Faced with these threats, Regent Nukdan Mansi entrusted the mission of restoring order to one of the most trusted and experienced military leaders—Strategos Antigonos Melisurgos. A close friend of the late Droppidas II, Melisurgos commanded an army of 30,000 troops and marched to the eastern frontier to crush the rebellions. The campaign led by him was swift, brutal, and effective—by mid-1530 AD, control over the rebellious provinces had been restored.


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The years 1530–1532 AD proved to be one of the most turbulent periods of Nukdan Mansi’s regency. Despite the earlier suppression of revolts in Central Asia, social and political unrest continued unabated. As early as the beginning of 1530, a rebellion broke out in the province of Alatyr, where the local nobility opposed the centralizing reforms imposed by the imperial court in Satyria.

This rebellion stemmed from tensions between the local elite and the growing control exerted by the central government, which was curtailing provincial autonomy and imposing new taxes and military obligations. Just a few months later, at the beginning of 1531 AD, another uprising erupted in Shekty—this time a peasant revolt, triggered by crop failures, high levies, and brutal tax collection methods.

Though spontaneous at first, the movement quickly spread across most of the province’s villages. The rebels, armed with farming tools and loot from local noble estates, attacked the residences of officials and grain storage facilities. The rebellion had a strong social dimension, and its brutal suppression by Antigonos Melisurgos's forces sparked widespread controversy among the court’s advisors and the regent herself.

Later that same year, in late 1531 AD, a religious uprising occurred in the province of Kurgan—this time organized by followers of the traditional Old Turumic faiths, who viewed the intensifying missionary efforts of the Onomarchist clergy as a threat to their identity and way of life.

This revolt had a spiritual and ideological nature, taking the form of a return to the “old order.” Temples were set ablaze, and missionaries became victims of lynch mobs. Melisurgos once again led the army, and within weeks brutally crushed the rebels using light cavalry units.


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The most serious threat, however, emerged in mid-1531, when in the province of Uyra, the local nobility—mobilized against reforms limiting their privileges—managed to gather 25,000 armed men. These forces seized control of strategic fortifications in Kuma and Uyra, demanding changes from the central authority and forming a provincial aristocratic council. In response to this escalation, Nukdan decided to dispatch a strong army of nearly 40,000 soldiers under the personal supervision of Melisurgos.

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The campaign against the rebellious Uyra nobility was long and bloody. The siege of Uyra lasted nearly eleven months, with imperial forces facing fierce resistance. To break the rebellion, the army employed food blockades, artillery bombardments, and sabotage within the fortified cities.

The ultimate turning point came through the betrayal of a local magnate, who opened the gates of Kuma in exchange for amnesty and generous rewards. After the fall of the forts, the remaining rebel forces were defeated in open battle, and the leaders of the uprising were captured and publicly executed in Satyria.


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The suppression of uprisings in the years 1530–1532 AD revealed not only the immense challenges of maintaining unity within the vast and diverse empire but also the ruthlessness of Nukdan Mansi’s regency and the military effectiveness of Antigonos Melisurgos. Although the rebellions were crushed, these events clearly demonstrated the fragility of Tauric dominance over Central Asia and the pressing need for deeper administrative reforms and cultural integration of the region.

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Despite the rebellions and internal unrest, Nukdan Mansi’s regency was also a period of intense diplomatic activity. The regent, aware of the uncertainties tied to the minority of her son Spartokos XII, launched far-reaching efforts to secure his position.

A key element of this policy was strengthening central authority over vassal states and expanding the borders of the realm without resorting to costly wars. Nukdan employed a variety of diplomatic tools—from subtle threats to generous gifts—to achieve these goals.

One particularly successful initiative was the peaceful annexation of the vassal principalities of Ala Tau and Vasyugan Mire. Both territories, located on the eastern frontiers of Siberia and Central Asia, had until then been governed by local rulers who formally recognized Tauric suzerainty but maintained significant autonomy.

Through a series of negotiations and diplomatic pressure, Nukdan secured agreements that resulted in the full incorporation of both principalities into the Grand Principality of the Tauric Empire. This was a major step toward the full integration of the eastern territories, enhancing both the prestige of the court in Satyria and its effective control over the vast domain.


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An even greater success was the subjugation of the Khanate of Ubsunur, located in the far east and bordering the already vassal Khanate of Shoria. The previously independent Khan of Ubsunur was forced to swear fealty. Nukdan sent a carefully selected delegation to Ubsunur, whose members used not only persuasion but also bribery and subtle coercion.

Fearing military consequences and wishing to preserve local power, the khan agreed to recognize Tauric overlordship and pledged loyalty to the young Spartokos XII. This subjugation opened new opportunities for trade and the expansion of influence in areas bordering the Tannu-Ola mountains and the Gobi desert.


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Nukdan’s actions were not limited to external diplomacy. At the same time, the regent pursued a policy of internal consolidation, seeking support from various social classes, particularly the urban merchant class.

This group—becoming increasingly influential and wealthy due to the expansion of trade with Asia—was a potential ally of the regency, capable of counterbalancing the influence of rebellious nobles and discontented peasants. Nukdan understood that the support of the cities and the merchant class might be crucial for the survival of her son's reign.

As a result, on November 11, 1532 AD, she issued a decree establishing the Advisory Council for Trade—a body composed of representatives from the most prominent merchant families and state officials. The council was tasked with advising on customs, trade treaties, plans for new transportation routes, and caravan protection.


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During the regency (1529–1533 AD), the imperial court in Satyria received increasingly frequent and troubling news from Western Europe. These reports detailed rapid religious and social transformations that were shaking the Catholic order of Europe.

It began with reformist movements that took various forms—from gentle calls for Church reform to outright opposition to its hierarchy and dogma. In particular, Protestant and Reformation movements were gaining more and more followers, causing instability in many Western states. The regent and her advisors watched these developments closely, recognizing them as a potential source of future tensions even on the eastern fringes of the Christian world.

News from principalities such as Agsburg and Veletia caused particular concern. Both centers, previously known for trade and craftsmanship, became arenas of violent riots sparked by supporters of the new religion. In Agsburg in 1530 AD, the first attacks on monasteries and processions took place, prompting intervention by the local prince, who failed to restore full order.

Similar events occurred in Veletia, where city councils increasingly sympathized with the Protestants. The social unrest also had economic roots—lower social classes, oppressed by taxes and feudal duties, found justification for their frustration and rebellion in the new religious teachings.


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Amid these events, the decision of the Church of Ordovicia on the islands to completely reject papal authority resonated particularly loudly. King Edmund III, inspired by the ideas of religious independence and the desire to increase his power over the clergy, established a national church entirely dependent on the monarchy.

The new Ordovician Protestant Church not only broke with Rome but also introduced many radical liturgical and organizational changes. The Pope condemned these actions, but lacked the means to stop them. This precedent sparked a wave of similar movements in other kingdoms, where local rulers began to consider similar steps, driven not only by faith but also by political interests.

One unifying feature across various Protestant factions was the desire to “purify” liturgy of elements deemed unnecessary or unbiblical. Many communities abandoned the use of incense, ornate liturgical garments, and Gregorian chants.

Particularly strong tendencies toward simplified worship emerged in the Principality of Waldeck, where at the end of 1531 AD the first community of Spartan Protestantism was formed. This group completely rejected church decorations, limiting services to Scripture reading and communal prayer. Their influence quickly grew, especially among the lower clergy and merchant classes.

These events also had an impact on the situation in the Grand Principality of Tauric and the Empire at large, though their effects were initially mostly informational and ideological. In Satyria and other parts of the Empire, one increasingly encountered people sympathetic to the ideas of the Reformation. Over time, this movement began to evolve into a new ideological-religious current known as Onomism. These new teachings started to gain followers among the urban populations of the Empire.

Although Nukdan did not introduce any religious reforms, she instructed her advisors to prepare detailed reports on the religious situation in the cities of the Empire and on the potential threats posed by the spread of Protestant ideas and the newly emerging movement of Onomism. The Church in the Tauric Empire had so far maintained unity, but was becoming increasingly vigilant in the face of possible changes.


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The assumption of full power by Spartokos XII on January 13, 1533 AD was a long-anticipated event by the court and nobility of the Tauric Empire. The young ruler, although only sixteen years old, had been prepared for governance by his mother and loyal advisors during the regency.

Upon taking power from Nukdan Mansi, Spartokos XII immediately began consolidating his authority, becoming a symbol of the continuation of his father's policies. His coronation took place in the grand imperial temple in Satyria and was an opulent ceremony, full of symbolic references to the Vamvaloudes dynasty and the earlier traditions of the Zoticids.


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However, the coronation celebrations had not yet fully subsided when the Empire faced another threat. In the distant province of Karagandy, Thrasykles Phocas—a member of a cadet branch of a long-extinct aristocratic family—proclaimed himself the rightful ruler and rose in arms against the new emperor.

Claiming that his lineage had older rights to the throne, he took the name Thrasykles II and gathered an army of 23,000 men, composed of both loyalists to his house and those disillusioned by the reforms and the regency's rule. This rebellion, erupting just a few weeks after Spartokos assumed power, was the most serious challenge the young emperor had yet faced. Thrasykles II, capitalizing on local dissatisfaction, seized several key strategic positions in Karagandy, including major fortresses.
 
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