The Last of the Achaemenids (Megacampaign Part 1)

[Killcrazy13]

As Alexander overthrew the old Persian empire and took control of its ancient areas, the dynasty of King Darius was married to the many generals and satraps serving Alexander to secure his new rule. One of his nieces, Amastris, ended up married to the Macedonian general Craterus. The marriage was shortlived as Craterus wanted an alliance with Antipater just a couple of years later, after the death of Alexander, and sent Amastris to the tyrant of Heraclea Pontica, Dionysus. After the old tyrant Dionysus passed on, Amastris has been left in charge of their two sons and the rulership of Heraclea Pontica, and become quite popular among the populace. Though some argued against Persian rulership at first, they are now quickly becoming used to the idea.

The once mighty house of the Achaemenids that once ruled the largest empire the world had ever seen, are now reduced to a rump state thousands of leagues from their homeland, surrounded by foreign powers.

This is the history of the Achaemenid revival after the Diadochi wars of the 3rd century BC. I'm using the following mods: Invictus, Timeline Extender, Crisis of the 3rd Century and a few other mods for personal taste. The intent is to lead into CK3 but I don't want to promise a mega-campaign just yet.

 

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The Reign of Amastris I, from Hellenic backwater to Pontic trading power

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Excerpts from the Life of Amastris, written by Euthykrates circa 40-30 BC

In the annals of time, amidst the thundering clash of empires and the tumult of warring dynasties, there arose a figure of unparalleled valor and strategic brilliance—Amastris [1], the radiant jewel of Heraclea, whose name resonates through the ages as a saga of triumph and conquest.

Map of Herakleia Pontike and its surrounds in the early years of Amastris' rule
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Born of the illustrious lineage of Persian royalty, Amastris, known in the tongues of Greece as Amastrine, ascended to the throne as a beacon of strength and sovereignty. Her reign, cloaked in the mists of destiny, began amidst the tempestuous Fourth War of the Diadochi, where the echoes of Macedon's might reverberated against the Antigonid Kingdom's ramparts.

Didrachm of Amastris. Amastris was the first woman to issue coins in her own name. British Museum.​

Yet, Amastris, with the wisdom of ages etched in her eyes, perceived the perilous currents swirling around her realm. The Thracian Mariandynian tribes, thirsting for spoils, cast their covetous gazes upon the opulent cities of the Greek Pontus. The looming shadows of the Diadochi, like titans locked in eternal struggle, threatened to engulf Heraclea in their inexorable march.

Within her own walls, Amastris faced a labyrinth of intrigues and ambitions. Her sons, Oxyathres and Klearchos, coveted the throne with a hunger born of ancestral pride. To appease their aspirations and forge alliances in the crucible of ambition, she orchestrated marriages that bound their destinies to ancient houses of power, weaving a tapestry of loyalty and kinship.

The alliance with the noble Armenian Orontids, steeped in the hallowed traditions of fealty to the Achaemenids, proved to be the cornerstone of Amastris's grand design. As the tempest of war raged on, she marshalled her forces and, with the steadfast support of the Orontids, embarked on a campaign of conquest and consolidation. The Thracian threat was met with steel and fire, as Heraclea's banners unfurled in the winds of destiny. Beyond the hinterlands of Mariandynia, she would send her armies east, as Bithynia, Chalkedon, Byzantion and Kios would fly the Achaemenid flag. The Bosphorus would forevermore be under Achaemenid domination. [2]

The clash of arms and the thunder of hooves echoed across the Anatolian plains as Amastris's armies, infused with the wisdom of Greek stratagems and Persian valor, carved a path of glory. The martial reforms [3], guided by the sagacious counsel of Neaichmos Xenophides [4], breathed new life into the Achaemenid armies, forging them into an indomitable force that echoed the thundering march of Alexander's legacy.

With each conquest, Heraclea's dominion expanded like a radiant phoenix, rising from the ashes of strife. From the storied lands of Paphlagonia to the ancient cities of Sinope and Trebizond, Amastris's name resounded as the harbinger of a new era — a realm where Greek and Persian customs melded into a harmonious symphony, where the echoes of battle gave way to the songs of unity. [5]

As the sun set on her storied reign, Amastris stood as the undisputed sovereign of northern Anatolia, her court a tapestry woven with threads of Greek, Persian, and Anatolian heritage. Foreign emissaries sought her favor, and her name became synonymous with the epic tale of a visionary leader who navigated the turbulent seas of history with grace and valor, leaving behind a legacy etched in the annals of epic history.


[1] Amastris (Greek: Ἄμαστρις; c. 340/39- 270 BC) called Amastrine by the Greeks, was a Persian princess, and Tyrant-ruler of the city of Heraclea from circa 310 BC to her death. She was the daughter of Oxyathres, the brother of the Persian King Darius III. She was the first woman in the Mediterranean publicly identified as the political, economic, and administrative royal authority.

[2] The Diadochi were too busy to focus on the expansionist state in northern Anatolia. The Antigonids would soon abandon the east and retreat to Greece after the death of Antigonos and Macedon would claim Phrygia and the Aeloian coast while the Seleucids and Ptolemaic Egypt split the east between them. This left the holdings of Bithynia and the Anatolian side of the Hellespont open to conquest. Amatris would take advantage of the opportunity. Hiring Greek mercenaries, she would march 15,000 men to claim Chalkedon, Bithynia and the city of Kios. Thrace would answer these states’ call for help but they were an exhausted power after the clashes with Antigonos and the Odrysian rebellion in northern Thrace. Amastris even sacked the capital of Thrace, Lysimachea, greatly enriching the treasury of Heraclea Pontike.

[3] Neaichmos Xenophides was a Greek named as Amastris’ Argbahd who brought in veterans of Alexander’s campaign to reshape Persian military doctrine. The work would see its grand results 70 years later during the time of Amastris’s great-grandson but the credit for starting the reform should go to Amastris and her loyal Greek strategos.

[4] The Xenophides would go on to be a great family of the Achaemenid kingdom, second only in prestige to the house of Cyrus.

[5] In 290 BC, Amastris made a grand ceremony of the consecration of her new temple in Heraclea dedicating it to the Hellenic pantheon. The new Achaemenid kingdom would abandon the teachings of Zoroaster and attempt to meld Greek and Persian customs into a syncretic mix. Citizenship was extended to the Greeks and Anatolians as she sought to keep all newly conquered people of her realm happy. Foremost of the gods would be Ares, Hestia and the demigod Iason of the Golden Fleece fame.

 

[Killcrazy13]

Excerpts from the Iranian Book of Kings by Katouz, circa 160 AD [1]

In those days, in the lands of Asia and Greece, where the Achaemenids retreated to after the treachery and evils of Alexander had come to an end, the reigns of Oxyathres and Sames, scions of the illustrious Amastris, unfold as chapters of ambition, conquest, and tragedy, as told to me by my master and by his master to the time of Amastris in an unbroken chain of provenance – by this you know my words to be true.

The Reign of Oxyathres (262 BC - 242 BC)
Oxyathres, the chosen son of their mother's favour, ascended the throne as the new King of Kings, his gaze set upon the realms of Phrygia and Cappadocia. With the might of Bithynia, Armenia and Paphlagonia at his back, he waged campaigns that echoed with the clash of arms and the acquisition of treasures. When he marched back to his capital of Heraclea Pontike, the coffers overflowed with the spoils of his triumphs, and the populace rejoiced as slaves were bestowed upon them, their labor contributing to the grandeur of his reign. For two decades, Oxyathres ruled with a steady hand, navigating the currents of power and prosperity until age claimed him at the venerable age of seventy-seven, leaving behind a realm enriched by his vision and conquests.

The Reign of Sames (242 BC - 229 BC)
Upon his departure, Sames, eldest son of Oxyathres, ascended to the throne, inheriting a legacy of strength and dominion. Lord of Asia and master of the Pontus Euxinus, his reign unfolded with a tranquility born of authority. Lands far and wide paid homage to the great Achaemenid, their tributes fueling the empire's prosperity. [2] The Spartokid king of the Bosporan Kingdom would send his daughter as tribute and Sames would take her as his bride. With this alliance, he controlled the great trade routes of the Pontus Euxinos and levied tribute on all merchants passing through the Gates of Heraclea.[3] Yet, fate's cruel hand intervened, shattering the beneficence of his rule. Amidst the sacred rites in the Temple of Artemis in Ephesus, treachery struck, claiming the life of the noble king Sames, plunging the realm into mourning and uncertainty.

His son, Smerdomenes, was crowned amidst the shadows of tragedy, inheriting the mantle of his forefathers and the weight of their ambitions.


[1] Kartouz was an Assyrian poet and chronicler, originally hailing from Cilicia. During his lifetime, the Achaemenid Empire was at its zenith and enjoyed a Pax Persica as Greco-Persian culture flowered. He was commissioned by the Bagratid Great House to compile the verbal and written histories of the Empire into a singular epic poem. He would spend twenty-three years writing this and it is the most complete primary text we have access to from the early Neo-Achaemenid period. The version above is based on the Duric prose translation.

[2] Isauria, Armenia and Selgia would all pay tribute to Sames Achaemenid. By leveraging the reserves of manpower in Asia Minor and hiring of mercenaries, the Achaemenids could field sizeable armies and Armenia had become the junior partner in the alliance. At the same time, the increasing aggression of the Seleukids in the East meant that Armenia had to look to the defence of its southern border. Sometime during the reign of Sames, King Zareh Orontid would bend the knee in return for protection against common foes.

[3] We know this as the Hellespont. With the capture of Chalkedon and the dominant navy in the region, all ships had to pay taxes to access the Black Sea peacefully. Thrace offered an alternative safe harbour on the European side of the Hellespont but most merchants figured it wise to pay the tolls on both sides of the Bosphorus during the reign of Sames though his son would ensure there would be no further disputes on where tolls should be paid when he came to power.

 

[Killcrazy13]

The Reign of Smerdomenes (236BC – 191 BC)

Taken from the Obelisk of Smerdomenes in Byzantion. The obelisk is now broken into three large pieces but we can still read the engravings from two millennia ago. Beyond the words, there are many carvings of a diadem-crowned Smerdomenes, scenes of kings bowing to him and the gods coming to bless the king. Here, I have translated the inscriptions to be understood in our modern tongue:

In the 8th year of the reign of Smerdomenes the Great [1] came to this city and claimed rightful rulership of it. I am the Great Lion, the Maintainer of Asia and Europa, the Son of Ares, victorious by his great sword who widens his boundaries over all lands. Look on my works and know that you are in the domain of the Protector of the World. [2] Hear now the words of the Great God Zeus as spoken to your Exalted King.

“Oh Smerdomenes of the Achaemenid! Thou hast done it for me that all lands, all men, be obedient unto me. Thou has summonedst me up in Byzantia, and I came to do honour upon thee. Adorn this city and make it an offering worthy of the gods. Do so and lordship of the mortal world, I grant thee.”

Smerdomenes the Undefeated brought forth all my men of Asia to march forth and sent the multitude of our soldiers against the hostile land of the Greeks. The foes made a stand at Nike and they were struck down, and great slaughter followed.

In the 25th year of the reign of the Great King Smerdomenes, the Greek kings of Thracia, Troyus and Macedonia supplicated themselves before the First Sword of Persia and acknowledged our rightful sovereignty.

I made war on those who refused my rightful lordship as ordained by Zeus. I took your wives, I took all your horses, your gold and your cattle. I spare you now, for my gracious father Ares has giveth me all these lands. His spear is piercing, his virtue is beneficient and blessed your King of Kings with life, health, strength.”

Here in Byzantion, the capital of the Great Lion, the great warship, Leontophoros is blessed by the priests of Iason and Poseidon. Know that this ship is the mightiest to ever sail. Eight hundred men rowed on one side, and one thousand six hundred oarsmen are needed to man it. Those who fight from the deck were one thousand two hundred. And two helmsmen will command it. Know that the Protector of the World commands not just the land but with lion-breaker, the waters as well. [3]

Let this decree be made. The Achaemenid Kingdom is restored and we shall rule from Byzantion for a thousand thousand years. [4] We are the rightful rulers of the world. Avenger of the Persian people. Lord of Asia and Europa. King of Kings. Our rule extends to Aegean in the South. Trebizond in the East, Ionia in the West and to the Danubia in the North. Master of the Aegean and the Euxinus. [5] Beloved of Zeus and Hera, most favoured of Ares. Whoever tries to plan the removal of these words or any part of, let him be excommunicated by the gods, let him be cursed by those in Hades, that he may be in the burning breath of the guardian Cerberus, with neither a son or daughter to give him succor."


[1] Smerdomenes would rule the kingdom for 50 years after the untimely death of his father. During his reign, he would shape the realm in immense ways. Byzantion became the new capital with its strategic placement on the Bosphorus. It would act as the fulcrum of the new empire that would straddle both the Greek West and the Persian East.

Infusing the Greek religion with Persian practices of god-kings, he would begin the association of the kingdom with divinity where worship of the king was expected of all citizens. His son, Orodes would personally see to the construction of the Temple of Smerdomenes in Byzantion as the Greco-Persian God of War but there’s little evidence of it now outside of the two great statues that used to frame the entranceway of the temple. The temple was torn down during the Hellenic purges of the second century AD.

The two great statues of Smerdomenes from his Temple, built in 160 BC and destroyed somewhere around 140 AD
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The murder of his father, Sames was never solved though it’s commonly thought by scholars that it was Smerdomenes that ordered the assassination based on the speed of his coronation and taking hold of the reigns of power. Unfortunately, tragedy would strike the family of Smerdomenes. His oldest son and Admiral of the Navy, Oxyathres was groomed to rule when he was struck down by assassins late in Smerdomenes’ reign. Smerdomenes was grief-stricken and took it out in purges against the nobility and blamed his second son and remaining heir for failing to live up to the example of Oxyathres. This would colour many elements of Orodes’ reign.

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[2] With the capture of Thrace and the growing Greek population, the King of Kings would begin the synthesisation of Greek and Persian culture in order to forge a new cultural amalgam. Similar to Alexander’s dream of a universal empire, Smerdomenes would expend immense effort to break down barriers between the two cultures and sought to integrate Greeks into the Achaemenid power structure. Families such as the Xenophids, Helioklids and the Agesopholids would rise in prominence becoming Great Houses in the Persian style and becoming increasingly Persianised over time.

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[3] The Leontophoros would be sunk by the Ptolemaic navy in the invasion of Rhodos during the reign of Orodes but the Persian continued the fiction of the unsinkable war ship by giving the name to a new mega-octere. Despite the launching of this immense vessel, the Achaemenid navy was still weak and outnumbered by the great naval powers of this era such as Ptolemaic Egypt, Carthage and the Seleukids. It would take another two centuries before they could truly fulfil their claim as “Lords of the Sea”.

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[4] Smerdomenes intended for Byzantion to be the jewel of the world, the city of the world’s desire and he spared no expense in bringing in artisans, architects and sculptors to adorn his capital. Initially a small city of fifteen thousand, the new city boundaries reflected the ambition of the king, extending the markers out to encompass all land along the Golden Horn and far inland. During his and the next few King’s reign, the city would grow to encompass all the lands provided with more than a million residents until its decline during the plagues of the second and third century AD.

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[5] Despite the proclamations by Smerdomenes was a large fish in an ocean of sharks. To the East, the Macedonian kingdom of Persia had recovered after the fall of the Seleukids against Parthia and Ptolemaic Egypt took an increasing interest in the happenings in the motherland of Greece. There was also the threat of the newly ascendant Rome in the West to grapple with.

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The world in 191 BC at the death of Smerdomenes

 

[Killcrazy13]

The Reign of Orodes (186 BC – 131 BC)

With the death of Smerdomenes, Orodes took the throne in Byzantion, donning the traditional sheepskin and woolen riding coat that once belonged to Cyrus the Great, the founder of the Achaemenid Empire. Immediately, many saw this as an opportunity to capitalize on and manipulate the young ruler. During the expansive rule of Smerdomenes, provincial governors enjoyed considerable autonomy, leading to the accumulation of personal wealth and the formation of private armies. Orodes was still only seventeen years of age, and happy to take advice from these governors and unctuous court officials.

The court was primarily divided on ideological lines, the Xenophid faction, descendants of Amastris’ famed Strategos Neiachmos, pushed forth a militaristic agenda, seeking to subjugate Greece and the rest of Asia Minor while the Helioklids sought peace and trade, to be content with the gains already made. The young Orodes’ head was turned to military glory and many key government functions were filled with Xenophid loyalists or those adopted into the Achaemenid family – refugees from Parsa such as Ithamites, Sarduri and his son Sames. These adopted Achaemenids would also pressure the King with their own agendas once safely ensconced in power.

Megabyzus Xenophid, as the new Spahbed, put forth to the king the urgent need to reform the military, highlighting how the Romans in the West had created a war machine that swept all before them and that the Kingdom needed to resurrect a long-dormant idea to keep pace, The Immortals of Darius’ day. Thus, the Immortals were revitalized, serving as the elite guard and spearhead of the Achaemenid military for centuries to come. 10,000 men were chosen from the best and brightest across the land, equipped at great cost and trained with focused effort, the Immortals would serve as the bodyguard to the Achaemenid Kings and the core of the army for the next three hundred years until their great betrayal during the Generals’ Wars.

The first decade of Orode’s rule was a period of success. Wars with Ptolemaic Egypt for control of Macedonia and the Greek coastal cities of Asia Minor would end in success and the capture of Pella and Rhodos. Their contrasting fates reflect the shifting court favours as the Helioklids and Xenophids vied for control. Pella was reduced to rubble, many of the greatest treasures taken back to Byzantion – the Xenophid hawks impressed upon Orodes to do upon Pella what Alexander had done to Persepolis. Rhodos was spared as the Helioklids impressed upon Orodes the value of the city to trade and Greek culture and paid great tribute to the King to lease the city out themselves. In Greece itself, a puppet regime was established in Thespiae as Ptolemies retreated from the region after pressure from the Achaemenid lion and the Roman wolf. The Persian conquest forever altered the course of Greek history. While elements of Greek culture persisted and even influenced Persian art and architecture, the political and military dominance of Greece vanished. The "Hellenistic Age" ended abruptly in its homeland and the Macedonians in Persia and Egypt created their own gestalt cultures. The next few hundred years would be called the Age of Syncretization.

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By 150 BC, Orodes, now grown immensely proud of his achievements sought to lay the groundwork for his own divine ascension, claiming that as an Achaemenid, he was a God-King and deserving of worship. He would elevate his father Smerdomenes and his great-grandmother Amastris to the Hellenic pantheon, in preparation for his own ascension. This troubled the many Greek subjects in the court and populace at large who saw this as an act of hubris and abuse of power. Just like in Alexander’s day as he adopted Persian and Egyptian customs, apprehension and dissent would give rise to revolt.

The Helioklids would lead the revolt together with the lesser branch of the Achaemenids, Ithamites and Sames who positioned themselves as restorers of orthodoxy and candidates for the throne. Ithamites would make off with the royal treasury and the kingdom became a battleground. Asia Minor and Macedonia became a battleground as only governors in the east stayed loyal to the regime. The crisis drew the attention of the Romans as the republic saw an opportunity to exploit Achaemenid weakness, carving off a large chunk of Epirus while the two factions warred. Orodes and his Immortals would first subjugate Macedonia where Sames Achaemenid was based in order to take out the usurper and claimant to the throne before marching on Asia. In a shocking display of cruelty, Orodes would burn and sack every city along the Ionian coast, depriving the Helioklid cause of manpower, money and morale. By the end, the Helioklids led by Abulites were clapped in iron and presented to Orodes who ordered the execution of the family and every other traitor. The four years of warfare would see nearly two hundred thousand men die in battle and uncounted more civilians perish.

The civil war did have one positive outcome – rattling Orodes out of the nest of sycophancy and flattery that his court had become. Orodes's victory, albeit costly in lives lost, prompted a period of introspection and reform, leading to decrees aimed at balancing Greek and Persian influences within the empire. His commandment in 140 BC stated that the Achaemenid Kings would only ascend to godhood on their death, beginning the post-humous practice of deification that all later rulers would follow.

In 131 BC, Orodes would pass on and be succeeded by his daughter and only child, Artanis.

 

[Killcrazy13]

The Great Campaign & The Reconquest of Persia (131 BC – 45 BC) - Part 1

As detailed in the Commentaries on the Persian Conquest by Arrianos of Philia [1]

Our great King Orodes had one daughter and she became our queen on his passing. Artanis was her name and she was commanded by her father as he lay sick and felt the end of his life draw near, to bury him in his homeland, in Persia, in Pasargadae where the Achaemenid King of Kings of old lay in their tombs dreaming their ancient undying dreams. [2]

Artanis, ever dutiful, sought to organize matters in our homeland before marching against the Macedonians of Persia. She advanced on the Cillician tribes of the South to deal with a revolt led by the Sergians and Isaurians. The quelling of the revolt would take her two years. We were then attacked by the Romans seeking to capture more of Macedonia and Epirus from us. The Roman wars ravaged our cities and Artanis sought her pound on flesh on the ill-fated aggressors. Our armies marched into Illyria. [3]
…

<The author spends the next chapter detailing the military manoeuvres of the Roman war. In the end, the war lasted for nine years with Romans ceding territory in Epirus in return for three hundred pounds of gold to be paid annually for the next twenty years.>

...
While she was triumphantly campaigning north, the Ionians and Rhodians rebelled once more. Artanis reacted immediately, but, while the other cities once again hesitated, Miletus decided to resist with the utmost vigour. This resistance was useless, however, as the city was razed to the ground amid great bloodshed and its territory divided between the other Ionian cities. The end of Miletus cowed Rhodos into submission, leaving all of Asia at least outwardly at peace under the Achaemenids.

In the fifteenth year of her reign, our Queen Artanis was reminded of her vow to her father by Mazaros, cousin to Artanis. Mazaros who commanded the Leontophoros denounced her as unfit for rulership, forsaker of promises and betrayer of her blood. There were those who sought to make him Xyathiya but I did not stand with them. Orodes, son of Artanis, next spoke “Oh blessed Majesty……”

<The next portion is missing. We can assume the attempted coup failed as Mazaros was denounced and sent into exile. It did however spur Artanis to begin plans for the Great Persian Campaign. When the text continues, we are already in the midst of the logistics planning.>

From Melitene in each direction her orders sped: to Xenopides, to join her there with the whole of his army; to Menarches, to come to terms with those at home, and to despatch to her the troops in his employ; to Xenias the Thespian, who was acting as general-in-chief of the foreign troops in the cities, to present himself with all the men available in Greece, excepting only those who were actually needed to garrison the citadels. She next summoned the captains at present engaged in the contract work, and called upon the mercenaries to follow her on her intended expedition, promising them that if she were successful in her object, she would not pause until she had gifted them each a city to rule in Phoenicia. To this invitation they hearkened gladly; they believed in her; and with their arms, they presented themselves at Melitene. So, too, Xenias arrived at Melitene with the contingent from the Greek cities, thirty-four thousand hoplites; Arbaces, also, with forty thousand Cappodican skirmishers and five thousand light horse; Sames from Pontus, with thirty thousand heavy infantry and ten thousand heavy horse; Zardok the Bithynian, with twenty-five thousand infantry and the same in horse; while the Spahbed Pasion came with forty five thousand Macedonian hoplites and three thousand peltasts. These all joined Artanis at Miletene. [4]

With the break of day the generals met and were surprised that Artanis should not have appeared herself, or at any rate have sent someone to tell them what to do. Accordingly, they resolved to put what they had together, to get under arms, and to push forward until they effected junction with Orodes. Just as they were on the point of starting, with the rising sun came Kleandros, the Satrap of Cappadocia Pontica. He was a descendant of Oxyathres the 3rd Mogh, and with him also came Sames Physician and son of Arbaces Vivanid. These two told them, first, that our Queen was dead; she and the Princess Samitra did not survive the birthing tent. [5]

[1] Arrianos was a court functionary in the time of Artanis and Orodes II. Based on his writing style and familiarity with military matters, we can assume he was a senior military commander or retired Immortal. During the Great Persian Campaign, he was attached as an aide to Orodes II. The Commentaries itself is an in-depth look at the military planning of the campaign and offers us some of the most extant look at the Neo-Persian tactics and approach to battle.

[2] While Arrianos presents the Great Persian Campaign as a dying wish of a king, we have multiple other sources that the campaign or at least the ‘dream’ was always on the cards since Amastris’ day. The Persians always paid attention to the military readiness of the Eastern Macedonians and different stratagems were drawn up to deal with the elephants and other elements the Seleukids could call upon.

[3] The first twenty years of Artanis’ reign was focused on stabilization and defeating threats in the west and south. There were still remnant rebels from her father’s day and the need to clear out the Greek and Ioanian isles of Ptolemaic and Roman holdouts. As per the map below showing the theatre of war on the cusp of invasion in 104 BC, she was quite thorough in making the Aegean a Persian lake.

[4] All told, Artanis could call upon 250,000 fighting men from her lands, supported by another 70,000 allied auxiliaries and another 50,000 mercenaries. It was the largest force seen since the days of Alexander’s host. Unlike most ancient sources, it seems Arrianos was more focused on accuracy, not exaggeration.

[5]The reign of Artanis is a tragic tale. Many would describe her as a good queen as she built amphitheatres and forums across her cities for citizens to gather and spent significant sums in repairing infrastructure in the lands captured by her and her forebears. Artanis also reduced the corruption and waste that was running rampant in Orodes’ day and worked with her Spahbeds and Strategos to continue the Persian military modernization program that had fallen to the wayside during Orodes’ day. By many accounts, she was just, humble and her court was courteous to all visitors. Even on the battlefield, Artanis would distinguish herself, earning herself the sobriquet ‘The Bosporan’ on account of her victories on the Scythian plain.

Unfortunately for her, she was born a woman and her enemies were happy to use any sign of weakness as a sign of her unfitness to rule. The Oracle of Delphi, still the most prestigious and authoritative seer among the Greek, would not support her right to rule and claiming that the gods were unhappy to see a woman ruling. Mazaros was merely the most obvious pretender to put himself forth but we have found evident for others challenging Artanis during her 28-year reign. The timing of her death while giving birth to her third child, right on the cusp of the campaign to conquer Persia, was poignant and taken by many as proof of the gods’ disfavour. Fortunately for her memory, her son Orodes II was already and adult and proven commander ready to take up the reins of power. He would do much to enshrine her place in history instead of being whitewashed out of the epics like other female leaders of antiquity.

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[Killcrazy13]

The Great Campaign & The Reconquest of Persia (131 BC – 45 BC) – Part 2


Excerpts from the Commentaries on the Persian Conquest by Arrianos of Philia

So it came to be Orodes II was our new lord; a man the kingliest and most worthy to rule of all the Persians & Greeks who have lived since the noble Amastris: according to the concurrent testimony of all who are reputed to have known him intimately. To begin from the beginning, when still a boy, and whilst being brought up with his brother and the other lads, his unrivalled excellence was recognised. For the sons of the noblest Persians, it must be known, are brought up, one and all, at the king's portals. Here lessons of sobriety and self-control may largely be laid to heart, while there is nothing base or ugly for eye or ear to feed upon. There is the daily spectacle ever before the boys of some receiving honour from the king, and again of others receiving dishonour; and the tale of all this is in their ears, so that from earliest boyhood they learn how to rule and to be ruled.

In this courtly training Orodes earned a double reputation; first he was held to be a paragon of modesty among his fellows, rendering an obedience to his elders which exceeded that of many of his own inferiors; and next he bore away the palm for skill in horsemanship and for love of the animal itself. Nor less in matters of war, in the use of the bow and the javelin, was he held by men in general to be at once the aptest of learners and the most eager practiser. As soon as his age permitted, the same pre-eminence showed itself in his fondness for the chase, not without a certain appetite for perilous adventure in facing the wild beasts themselves. Once a bear made a furious rush at him, and without wincing he grappled with her, and was pulled from his horse, receiving wounds the scars of which were visible through life; but in the end he slew the creature, nor did he forget him who first came to his aid, but made him enviable in the eyes of many.

He was our King now and we marched to meet with his forces at the gates of Cilicia and Syria. This was a double fortress: the inner and nearer one, which protects Cilicia. At this point, Orodes summoned an assembly of all of his men; and for a long while he stood and wept, while the men gazed in silent astonishment. At last he spoke as follows: "Fellow soldiers, do not marvel that I am sorely distressed on account of the present troubles. First of all, I went to war with the Scythians, and with Queen Artanis to aid, I wreaked vengeance on them in behalf of Hellas; driving them out from the shores of the Bosphorus, when they wanted to deprive its Hellenic inhabitants of their lands. Our queen defended us from the Romans and the Dacians and the Cretans but you now wish to turn back against her one wish? The gods cursed her for being born a woman but did she not protect you and your children? Has she not shown herself to be defender of the Persians and Hellenes? She has brought us here in search of our destiny. Some of you whisper that this is cursed; trust in my spear and my sword, trust in the promise of Artanis. Tomorrow I hope the Gods see fit to have you march into Syria. Whether I am about to do right or not, I cannot say, but I choose yourselves; and, whatever betide, I mean to share your fate. Never shall it be said of me by any one that I betrayed the people, and chose the path of the tyrant. No! I will follow after you. Whatever betide, I will share your fate. I look upon you as my country, my friends, my allies; with you I think I shall be honoured, wherever I be; without you I do not see how I can help a friend or hurt a foe. My decision is taken. Wherever you go, I go also."

With that, Orodes was acclaimed as our King and the soldiers were his, and we marched through Syria in a single stage--five parasangs--to Myriandus, a city inhabited by Phoenicians, on the sea-coast. After this Orodes marched onwards four stages--twenty parasangs--to the river Chalus. That river is a hundred feet broad, and is stocked with tame fish which the Syrians regard as gods, and will not suffer to be injured--and so too the pigeons of the place…

------------------

The Commentaries from this point on is a travelogue of the armies' march through Syria and Persia and the battles fought. The Campaign would last for 58 years, proving to be Orodes’ all-consuming fixation and he would spend most of life in the east, marching through the deserts and mountains or sieging a holdout. For simplicity’ sake, I’ve divided the Campaign into five offensives outlining the progress of the campaign.

Red (104 BC – 98 BC) – The Syrian campaign began with the capture of the Phoenician trade cities of the coast before swinging back north to the provinces of Palmyrene and Apamene. Limited battle is offered by the Macedonian Persian Kingdom of the Lagids during this campaign as they recover from the Parthian onslaught that nearly destroyed the Macedonian presence in Persia and ended the line of the Seleukids. The Achaemenids also take control of a few key fortresses in Assyria.

Orange (95 BC – 93 BC) – A short campaign to secure the path to Mesopotamia. Skirmishing in the Caucasus occurs with Sagarejo, a Persian client state in the Caucasus but Orodes is content to hold his position there.

Yellow (88 BC – 80 BC) – The push into the Macedonian heartlands of Mesopotamia. Adiabene is annexed by the Spahbed Artaxerxes while Orodes marches directly for Babirus, the capital of the Macedonians. Here I’ll share another excerpt from Arrianos:

Now, having crossed the mighty Tigris River, our hearts pounded with both anticipation and trepidation. Before us lay Babirus, the golden city of the Seleukids, its walls gleaming in the midday sun. King Clearchus of Persia stood as a formidable opponent, his vast army a dark storm cloud threatening to engulf our armies. Just as Cyrus the Just, may his memory be blessed, had marched upon Babylon, so did Orodes, the descendant of Smerdomenes-Ares, lead us towards the city. We were a force of thunder and lightning, forged in the crucible of countless victories. The Macedonian scouts, their eyes wide with fear, reported our approach. Clearchus, ever the cautious ruler, hesitated to engage in open battle. He retreated behind the formidable walls of Mahoze, hoping to outlast us in a siege. But Orodes refused to be trapped in a war of attrition.

He sent a contingent of skilled archers to harass the defenders, their arrows a relentless rain upon the battlements. Under the cover of this barrage, Orodes, with a boldness that borders on recklessness, led a daring nighttime attack. Choosing a seemingly unguarded section of the wall, he and his elite Immortals, men forged in the fires of countless battles, scaled the bricks with unmatched speed and fury. Chaos erupted within the city. The roar of battle echoed through the streets as our Immortals, an iron tide, surged through the breached walls. The Persian soldiers, bewildered by the sudden attack, fell into disarray. Their once-proud boasts of invincibility crumbled before the unwavering Achaemenid advance.

Clearchus, witnessing the tide turn against him, fled the city in the dead of night, abandoning his loyal subjects to their fate. Shame, a bitter taste, filled my mouth at such cowardice. Yet, Orodes, ever the magnanimous victor, spared the city from the horrors of a full sack. He understood the value of preserving such a monument, an artefact of his proud lineage. Once he set the city right, King Orodes continued his march, intent on seizing Clearchus and ending the war in a single stroke.

This third campaign would see Orodes annexe all of Mesopotamia and raze the old Seleukid capital of Mahoze. In the north, Sagarejo would be pillaged and razed by Armenian soldiers, effectively removing them from the war. In the decades after, Sagarejo would switch allegiances, becoming a client state of the Achaemenids.

Green (78 BC – 72 BC) – Conquest of the old Achaemenid heartlands and the Median Kingdom. Parsa, Persepolis and lands across the Sinus Persicus up to Byblos were annexed. By this point, Macedonian power was spent with loyalists holding out in the mountain fastnesses.

Pink (66 BC – 50 BC) – Orodes would spend two decades scouring out Macedonian holdouts in Ariana and Bactria, almost in imitation of Alexander three hundred years ago. By the end, the Achaemenid Empire extended from Illyria in the West to Pentopotamia and the Indus in the East.

Finally, at 73 years of age, Orodes Achaemenid arranged a grand festival to celebrate the resurrection of the Empire in Byzantion. Every citizen across the Empire was gifted a gold coin and many slaves were manumitted. Beyond the achievement of the conquests themselves, Orodes had also set off a few other movements, intentionally or unintentionally, that would shape the Empire as it moved into the new millennium.

Firstly, with the return of the East, many Zoroastrians moved to the West to share their beliefs and set up fire temples in the cities dotted across Asia Minor. The Achaemenid Empire was relatively tolerant of faiths as long as proper obeisance was paid to the Shahanshahs along with the requisite offerings. The Zoroastrians would also trigger a great fascination with Persian culture and practices among the composite nations of the Achaemenid Empire. While many would adopt Persian customs, the Empire, Orodes also saw fit to establish the system of Cultural Administrators across the empire. Babylonians, Medeans, Parthians, Lankans, Assyrians, Hebrews, Armenians, Cappadocians, Greeks, Macedonians, Thracians. All were gifted citizenship, overseen by their own people and allowed the freedom to make their own way as long as taxes, tribute and offerings were made to the Shahanshahs sitting in Byzantion. Many Macedonians were resettled in Anatolia but many others remained in Mesopotamia and Ariana. Cities across the empire became a melting pot of cultures, and Byzantion grew as the hub of trade and power into a city of a thousand tongues.

Two years after his final Eastern campaign, Orodes would pass on peacefully in bed. He was 75 years of age.

 

[Killcrazy13]

The Reign of Napad (45 BC to 18 AD)

Napad’s reign was notable for the fact that he was the grandson of Orodes. The old Shahanshah chose to bypass his son and presumed heir, Artochmes, in favour of the child. Artochmes was the Commander of the Immortals and was already in his fifties by the end of the Great Campaign. Guided by his Mobadan Mobad and Databdara (high priest and chancellor respectively), Orodes pronounced that the son of Artochmes would be the next to sit on the Lion Throne. A younger successor would ensure a long and stable rule for the good of the empire. While it turned out to be mostly true, the conflict between Napad and Artochmes raised unnecessary tension on the loyalties of the Immortals.

Since the start of the Great Campaign, this professional force had seen its numbers swell up to 30,000, three times larger than the force during the time of Darius the Great. As a counterbalance, Napad would raise more legions, establishing European and Asian armies and they would be called upon many times in their respective theatres. In Asia, the Tamilakam Empire had established control of India after the fading of Mauryan power and there were multiple clashes over Sindh, Gujarat and Pentopotamia (modern-day Punjab). In Europe, the Romans would clash over control of Illyria and Macedonia. Artochmes and his fellow Spahbeds spent most of their time in the field leading their respective Spadas, supported by Karas raised by provincial Satraps. These wars would often prove inconclusive as hundreds of thousands of soldiers fought and to draft a peace treaty that promised ‘eternal peace’ and an exchange of a province or two, only for conflict to reignite a decade later.

Napad’s crowning achievement was the conquest of Egypt as he sought to fully capture everything once held by the Achaemenid dynasty. The Ptolemies at this point were at their nadir, having lost upper Egypt to a religious uprising and being forced out of Syria and Greece by the Seleukids and Achaemenids in the past century. The war was swift and conclusive – in only two years, all Egypt was under Persian authority and the Ptolemies were exiled from their homeland. After the capture of Alexandria, Napad had Alexander’s remains moved to Lysimachea, about 100 miles from Byzantion to show respect to the great conqueror and to prove a point about Achaemenid power.

Now fed by the granaries of Egypt, the empire would prosper as conflict was pushed to the ever-expanding edges. Wars with Rome, Tamilakam, Arabia, Carthage and the steppe raiders would persist but the heartlands of Anatolia, Greece and the Levant would prosper like never before. Many cities blossomed during Napad’s reign including fallen capitals such as Antigoneia, Babirus and Persepolis. For the next two centuries, the ancient birthplace of civilizations would enjoy a near-uninterrupted period of prosperity and stability. However in the year 1 AD (of course they didn’t call it that back then), a new star was born and troubled many priests and soothsayers who predicted interesting times were to come. None of this would trouble Napad who reigned for eighteen more years.

As an interesting side note, Napad was the first Neo-Achaemenid King to have never led an army in person. His sobriquet, ‘the Italiote’ came about from his fascination with Roman culture and for a brief period of time, togas and Latin was the peak of court fashion. Napad would hand the reigns of powers to his son, Arbaces, the aptly named Besieger, born from his marriage to a Mauryan princess in 18 AD after a ruptured stomach following a three day long orgy.

 

[Killcrazy13]

The Reign of Orypetis (31 AD – 51 AD)

Historians are divided on Orypetis – was she a true believer or a cynical opportunist? After her coronation, the court would implement many Zoroastrian practices including establishing a small temple in the palace where the divine fire was kept burning but not much effort was spent on converting the populace at large. Worship of Ahura Mazda was encouraged but not demanded and many still chose to sacrifice to their Hellenic or other pagan gods. During her lifetime, Zoroastrianism and the fire temples were only extant in Western Asia Minor, Europa and Persia, areas where the Persians were the majority. It would only become the state religion during the reign of her son, Arbaces II.

The succession of rulers from Amastris to Arbaces I is now classified as the Hellenic Dynasty of the Achaemenid Empire, notable for great military successes and a spirit of innovation in approaching social and cultural issues. The system of cultural administrators, the erection of great wonders such as The Walls of Orodes in Byzantion, the Field of the Immortals in Rhebae, the Lighthouse of Alexandria, and the Great Persian Road that provided uninterrupted movement of people and goods from Dyrrachion to Balkh stand testament to the vigour of the dynasty.

The Hellenic Dynasty dating from Amastris and ending with Arbaces I​

The later Zoroastrian Dynasty maintain the structure of the empire but the era of aggressive expansion is over with nominal gains in Kush and in the Eurasian Steppe and Nepal. A few factors contribute to this slowdown but primarily it’s because there are two large empires blocking any easy expansion – Rome in the West and the Tamil Empire of the Pandyas in the East. In between the wars, this age of empires contributes to a period of prosperity unseen across the world. The Persian Silk Road engenders a vibrant exchange of goods and ideas between China, India, Persia and Europe and tribes move into cities across the known world in a great civilizing thrust. This status quo would be maintained for another two centuries until the crisis of the third century.

One of the long-term effects of the way Orypetis gained the throne was the reduction of royal power. Many court offices grew in influence in order to fulfil the promises she had made and the court in Byzantion became more stratified as titles and authority became more clearly delineated instead of all power previously coming from the Shahanshah. The court rolls of Arbaces II contain lists of court personalities graded in order of rank. The first rank included members of the royal family, including queens and other ladies of the imperial line (banug). Orypetis adopted the title of Banbisnan Banbisn (queen of queens) and not the traditional Sahr Banbisn (queen of the empire) relegating it as a title for the king’s consort. In the second rank were heads of the five great families, though the order of precedence among them varied over the centuries. In the time of Orypetis, the most honoured were the Bagratids (Persian origin) and Agesopolids (Greek origin) while the other three were the Beth Narayans (Babylonian origin), the Vivanids (Persian origin) and the Haihayans (Indian origin). In the third and lowest rank were the other dignitaries and officials including distantly related Achaemenids and other members of the Great Houses, though not all the courtiers are enumerated in the lists. Only sixty-six members of Arbaces II’s court are mentioned in the Paikuli rolls, whereas 165 were listed by the Armenian biographer of Orontes Vivanid, who was commissioned to prepare a gāh-nāmag fixing the positions of 400 cushions. Within this framework of proximity to the throne, there was additional stratification based on offices and titles awarded. The most important were those on the royal council and usually assigned to members of the royal line or the Great Houses. Beneath them were the governorships or Satraps, awarded control over large territories of the empire, free to act as they wished as long as imperial dues were paid. Evidently, three levels of kingship were recognized: the King of Kings (the ruling Achaemenid), Great Kings or Kings (foreign rulers of great powers), and kings of provinces or vassal states. The hierarchy of the senior clergy in the Zoroastrian period appears to have been graded on a similar model: Mowbedān, Great Mowbeds, and provincial Mowbeds.

Power within the Empire would now come from these two vectors – the temporal and religious authority of dozens of officials and would shape the course of Persian history over the next two centuries. During the reign of Orypetis, this was in abeyance as the court came to grips with the shocking abdication of Arbaces I but within a decade, factions would arise due to her medical condition. Orypetis was prone to fits and convulsions and she tried to keep it a secret for many years but insiders knew the truth and whisper campaigns would challenge her legitimacy, a common tactic against female rulers of the empire. The most dangerous words came from her younger brother, Artochmes but Orypetis retained the loyalty of the Magi who professed that her condition was due to divine insights from the Yazatas. However, her faith kept failing and she would eventually succumb to a sleeping sickness she was unable to wake from and the crown passed to her infant son, Arbaces II. So passed the Banbisnan Banbism who set the Achaemenid Empire on a new path of great change and tribulations.

 

[Killcrazy13]

The Reign of Arbaces II (51 AD – 115 AD)

Arbaces II was crowned Shahanshah as a three-year-old. He was born late in his mother’s reign, the only child of Orypetis and officially a blessed child delivered by the Yazatas according to the Magi. Being too young to rule, a regent council was enacted composed of senior Achaemenids and the heads of the Great Houses. Almost immediately we see them exercise their new authority, passing through legislation to cancel taxation of the nobility, increases in officeholders’ stipends and acquisitions of large private estates across the empire. The accompanying map shows where these estates and the powerbases of the houses were located:

Light Blue – Achaemenids, Europa and northern Anatolia
Blue – Bagratids, Western Anatolia and Macedonia
Red – Agesopolids, Cappadocia and central Anatolia
Yellow – Vivanids, Lydia, Cilicia. Not shown but the family also controlled much of Persis and the ancient homelands around Persepolis.
Green – Beth Narayan, Armenia and Isauria


By the time, Arbaces was ready to rule on his own, the empire was pretty much capable of running on its own, albeit with ever-increasing amounts of corruption. The state apparatus of the original Achaemenid Empire of Cyrus had never been dismantled by Alexander or his successors, and in many places, the line of Amastris resumed control like a hand putting back on an old glove. We could write an entire book written on the bureaucracy of the empire but suffice to say that what Darius had built would persist for a millenia as a self-sustaining engine of organization and centralisation. Even the latter-day Muslim conquerors found it easier to co-opt these officials instead of instating their own system. What did impact the efficacy of the system was the favour trading of the Great Houses and the acceptance of a certain amount of ‘extra taxes’ to grease the wheels of power to get things done. On the surface though, the state connected record revenues and imperial largesse was showered on the people. It’s estimated that the annual tax income of the Achaemenid Empire was nearly 1.5 times larger than the combined taxes of Tamilakam and Rome. That wealth afforded them the ability to upkeep the world’s largest navy, with fleets in Egypt, Sicily, Thrace and India, continued adornment of the capital and lavish spending on the new religious order.

Amidst this prosperity, there were seething undercurrents of discontent. Slave uprisings would be constant danger in the provinces, with one even erupting in Europa. The 20,000 slaves had taken several smaller towns in the hinterland and were set to march on Byzantion when Arbaces summoned the Immortals to quell the uprising. 20,000 corpses were crucified along the Royal Road leading out of Byzantion, a stark reminder to others on the punishment for revolt. The Thracian slaves had taken up arms to protest their poor conditions and they had been encouraged by Philip of Smerdis, later canonised as St Philip, one of the earliest Christian preachers who roamed the empire in search of converts and new believers.

Christianity would continue to generate communities wherever the downtrodden could be found and the Zoroastrian priesthood was of two minds on these new Judaic believers. Some believed them to be misguided worshippers of Ahura Mazda citing that their god was the God of Order and Justice and that their Christos was merely a Yazata, a being worthy of worship, but not equal or greater than the supreme being. Other Mowbeds countenanced them as blasphemers and heretics, servants of Ahriman out to spread Druj or Chaos in the kingdom of justice and wisdom. Arbaces himself would favour persecution of this new faith, looking expunge their cells wherever they could be found. These witch hunts would also begin to include the other pagan faiths found through the empire. Though sporadic, the persecution would see the destruction of the temples of many Anatolian and Mesopotamian deities and even a few Hellenic ones. The most notable of which is the destruction of the Temple of Artemis in Ephesus. Belief in the Hellenic pantheon was still widespread during Arbaces’ time, possibly contributing his half-hearted attack on the Greek temples. However, the lack of a strong or coordinated response by the various Hellenic cults and mysteries would encourage greater zeal in his successors and the increasingly confident Magi. Despite the persecution, we have our earliest appearances of Christian Churches in the historical record from this time, being established in Antigoneia (Antioch) and Alexandria.

Arbaces had been surrounded by fervent Zoroastrians from young and he had been thoroughly indoctrinated on the need for zeal and control to ensure the continuation of ‘the good work’. As such, as an adult, he was intensely reactionary, always seeking to return the people to the way of the ancient Achaemenids. One positive of this desire for the ‘good old days’ was his investment into restoring Persepolis. Previous rulers had brought the old capital to life but his efforts would turn it into a city once again ready to be the heart of an empire. It’s assumed that Arbaces intended to move the capital back to Persia before his untimely death.

The end of Arbaces II’s reign would also see the empire at its largest territorial extent. During his reign, Tibet, and large portions of India would fall into the Achaemenid sphere. All of Gandhara, Kuru and half of the Ganges paid tribute to the Shahanshah as the Tamil empire had one of its partial shatterings after a failed succession. There would also be significant acquisitions in Arabia and Kush and Arbaces himself would campaign in the steppes, vastly expanding the reign of his vassal, the Spartokid Kingdom of the Bosporus, at the expense of Thyssagetia, a Scythian horde. The Achaemenid Empire was the largest realm seen up to that time and would not be surpassed for over a thousand years, dwarfing the achievements of Cyrus, Darius and Alexander.

Arbaces had lived a long life but it would still be cut short tragically, when he was killed by a lion on a hunt. He was 67 years old and he had already crowned his grandson, Datis as the heir apparent, following the precedent set by Orodes II. .

We’ve rarely paid attention to the consorts of the Shahanshahs throughout this history but the Sahr Banbisn of Arbaces II is notable for her own lineage, a princess of the Roman Imperium of the ruling house of Ulpia. The marriage between Lucia Ulpia Duodecima and Arbaces was strategic in nature but it gave rise to one of the great mythical poems written by Nizami Marshowi in the 12th century. I’ve shared an abridged version of the tale but historically, the marriage alliance between Arbaces and the niece of the Roman Imperator created half of century of peace between the two great empires, allowing Rome to focus on the Germanic tribes while Achaemenid Persia extended its influence in India and Kush. The poem by Marshowi revolves around the love between Arbaces the Princess Lucia. Despite challenges and obstacles, their love endures, and Lucia eventually becomes the queen of Persia before both king and queen come to a tragic end.

​

Here's is a modern abridged version by Chilton (1923) of the great story. He skips over many of the details including Arbaces' trials to prove himself to Lucia and of their many near misses to meet but it highlight the romantic tone that the medieval poet strived for when telling their ancestors' history.

The Ballad of Arbaces & Lucia

Image: Arbaces comes across Lucia bathing in the river. Remnaldi, 1765

In Byzantion's rose-kissed heart, where nightingales convene,
A tale unfolds beneath the moon, a love that burned unseen.

Arbaces Shah, with eyes that smoldered like the forge,
Yearned for a love, a distant surge, beyond the palace door.

From Rome, an envoy graced the court, a portrait he did bring,
Of fair Lucia, a vision caught, a Roman songbird's wing.

Her lips like blossoms, eyes like stars, her raven tresses flowed,
A noblewoman, strong of heart, a beauty empires owed.

Arbaces, smitten, sent his call, with gold and jewels untold,
But Lucia, proud, stood strong and tall, a heart of purest gold.

"Love's flame," she spoke, with voice serene, "is not for crowns to claim,
A heart desires a love unseen, not bought by power's game."

Undeterred, the Shah, with love's command, a tower tall did raise,
A monument of love's sweet hand, a canvas for her praise.

Black and white, with swirling vine, her image graced the stone,
Bisthanes, the sculptor, touched by shine, etched beauty all his own.

With every stroke, his passion grew, a silent love's embrace,
He carved her smile, a dream come true, beneath the moon's soft grace.

Arbaces, filled with jealous spite, saw Bisthanes’ love take flight,
He spun a web of poisoned lies, and shattered trust in night.

Bisthanes, deceived, with spirit torn, drank poisoned wine and fell,
Beneath the tower, where love was sworn, his final breath did swell.

Lucia woke, her heart a tomb, the dream of love now dead,
Grief's heavy cloak consumed the room, a fortress in her head.

A castle built of deepest night, where shadows held their sway,
Within its walls, she lost her light, a prisoner of yesterday.

Arbaces, guilt a searing brand, sought pardon, but in vain,
For Lucia's heart, in shifting sea, held only endless pain.

The final hunt, a final sigh, a bitter end to see,
Two souls entwined beneath the sky, a love's sweet tragedy.

A Persian rose, a Roman bloom, forever locked in tomb,
A whisper lost in Byzantion's gloom, a love that met its doom.

 

[Killcrazy13]

Interlude – A Look at the World in 116 AD

Western Europe
Rome transitioned from a republic to a dictatorship at the start of the 1st century BC. A massive civil war was waged between the republican and autocratic factions with Potitus Ulpius claiming victory and declaring himself sole holder of the powers of Imperium. By the 1st century AD, the Roman leaders had begun to style themselves Imperators and the Ulpius family held on to power throughout this period. Rome controlled all of continental Western Europe west of the Rheine River. The Romans offered sacrifices to the Hellenic gods and forced integration into their culture on all their subject peoples, except for the Lepontic Gauls who dominated modern-day France.

Germania was split between several large tribes, the strongest of which were the Irmimonics of Mesuium and the Goths of Cariniana. These tribes would constantly shift their allegiances with and against Rome as Rome struggled to impress their hegemony across the Rheine. Further north in Scandinavia, the nation of Levonia had unified the North Germanic People.

In Britannia, the Dumnonians dominated the isles and had even succeeded in holding off a Roman invasion in the 1st century AD. In the next few years, they would consolidate the British Isles and form the nation of Pritannia, a single unified people that would last till the end of antiquity (circa 500 AD).

North Africa
With the break-up of Carthaginian power, North Africa was divided between Roman and Persian spheres of influence. Rome would control all of modern-day Morocco while the Achaemenids took the old Carthaginian heartlands of Tunisia, administered by their client nation, Hadrametum. These Punic clients would maintain the famous naval traditions of the Carthaginians but channel it towards piracy, becoming the bane of Roman shipping in the Western Mediterranean. In Libya, the nation of Waddan, ruled by the Fezzani people of inland North Africa, paid tribute to the Achaemenids. The Fezzani were the ancestors of the Berbers and acted as conduits for limited trade with sub-Saharan Africa and masters of desert and dryland warfare. The Achaemenids only maintained Qart Hadasht and Sicily as their outposts in the West, content to delegate the management to vassal lands. Sicily was heavily fortified though, a fortress island to hold off Roman raids and invasions.

Eastern Europe
Appulia and Leusinium acted as clients and buffer states against Rome on the Adriatic coast and Pannonia. Leusinium was home to the Illyrians while Appulia was the nation of the Dacians – both peoples would give their names to the regions they lived in. These lands were where most of the Achaemenid-Roman wars were fought and the population was small but battle-hardened.

In Ukraine and the Eastern Steppe, the Scythian horde of Thyssagetia dominated the land, roaming the lands in great herds, occasionally daring to raid the coastlands of the Achaemenids and their client kings. The wars of Arbaces II had pushed them back further away from the Black Sea and split off the horse people from their homelands in the Central Asian steppe, erecting the vassal nation of Shachkra to control the lands between the Caspian Sea and Bactria. The Sakan people of Shachkra complemented the heavy cavalry of the Persians with horse archers and hardy camels to run down the Scythian raiders across the steppe.

The Greco-Bosporan Kingdom bent the knee to Byzantion in the 1st century BC. This ancient kingdom had been in existence since the time of Alexander and was still ruled by the Spartokids, though their heyday was long past, simply acting as a human barrier against Scythian raiders and a source of manpower and horses to the Achaemenid military. Sagarejo was another survivor of the Hellenistic age, subjugated during the Great Campaign, it was the homeland of the Caucasian people of Iberia and Albania. Ruled by a god-king, they fused native Iberic practices with worship of the Hellenic gods.

Arabia and East Africa
On their southern border, the Achaemenids maintained the Kingdoms of Wasset in the Upper Nile and Arabia along the Yemeni coast and the Red Sea. The Nubian nation of Kush used to control much of these lands but successive Persian Spahbeds had pushed them further and further inland to reduce piracy and raids on Persian shipping and settlements in the region.

Wasset had originally broken off from the Ptolemies, seizing control of Upper Egypt but a mixture of diplomacy and aggression by the Achaemenids had seen them retreat further south while a new Persian satrapy was established to administer the ancient Egyptian lands. Thousands of Egyptians migrated to the Nubian lands, integrating with the local people to create a new Memphitic culture. Arabia on the other hand was subjugated in wars of conquest. A disparate nation of dozens of tribes, they held firmly to their Arabian desert gods and chafed at this foreign domination.

India and the Persian West
Punjab and the Indus Valley had been annexed during the Great Campaign, as Greek-Persian Kingdoms’ control of this region collapsed. In search of defensible borders, the Achaemenids had expanded to the deserts of Rajasthan, pushing back against the Mauryans in the North and Tamilakam in the South. These wars would prove to be the death knell of the once-great Mauryan Empire, and they were subsumed by the Pandya dynasty of Tamilakam. The Indian Kingdom always sought the unification of India and the constant wars proved to be a distraction and burden on the Persian state, forcing them to create buffer client states similar to their strategy in the Balkans.

Shunga was carved out of Gujarat and land taken out from the Tamils to control the coast of Western India while the Sthanishvara King was to defend the approaches from the Ganges. Persian Ghandara (modern-day Punjab) was then left relatively unmolested, serving as the breadbasket of the Persian East. As mentioned previously, by this point, the tribes of Sumpa bent the knee to the King of Kings, effectively encircling Tamilakam from expansion into Achaemenid territory.

The Achaemenid Empire
The Achaemenid Empire controlled more territory than Cyrus, Darius or Alexander had ever achieved. Factoring the vassal kings who swore obedience to the throne in Byzantion, the empire’s reach extended from the Western Mediterranean to deep into the Hindu heartlands of the Ganges floodplains. In the south, it commanded the Arabian and Persian gulfs and its power reached far into the Central Asian steppe. It was an empire of a hundred nations, and across it you could find Babylonians, Memphites, Assyrians, Cappadocians, Greeks, Macedonians, Romans, Punics, Arabs, Israelites, Medeans, Bactrians, Parthians, Indians and many more. Religious and cultural toleration was encouraged throughout the empire though it was being increasingly challenged by Zoroastrian orthodoxy. At this point, it was able to raise a million soldiers to defend its borders and clients before the eventual decline in morale and discipline in the 2nd and 3rd centuries would reduce the quality and quantity of the Achaemenid armies.

 

[Killcrazy13]

The Slow Slide into Crisis in the Reign of Datis (115 AD – 173 AD)

“These are the countries which came to us; by the favour of Ahura Mazda they are our subjects; they bore tribute to us; what was said to them by us either by night or by day, that was done. These are the countries which are subject unto us, and by the grace of Ahura Mazda we became king of them: Persia, Elam, Babylonia, Assyria, Arabia, Egypt, the countries by the Sea, Lydia, the Greeks, Macedonia, Sicily, Carthage, Media, Taurica, Armenia, Cappadocia, Parthia, Drangiana, Aria, Chorasmia, Bactria, Sogdia, Illyria, Dacia, Albania, Iberia, Gandara, Scythia, Sattagydia, Arachosia and Maka; thirty lands in all. Within these lands, whosoever was a friend, him have we surely protected; whosoever was hostile, him have we utterly destroyed. By the grace of Ahura Mazda these lands have conformed to our decrees; as it was commanded unto them by us, so was it done.

We, King of Kings, bestower of crowns to monarchs, the shadow of Asha on earth, king and ruler of the Mediterranean, Black, Arabian, Caspian and Indian seas, protector of the sacred fires and the many lands my glorious ancestors have conquered. We, Shahanshah Datis, are the grandson of Shahanshah Arbaces, descendant of the divinities Orodes, Amastris and Cyrus. You, Indrapatna, are the king of the Tamils.

You have sent to our gate, the shelter of kings, a letter by your servant Tamilian, and have admonished him to express some private issues personally. The usurper has occupied your country and you have been made destitute. You have asked us to help for your deliverance. All your sayings has been submitted to our throne and every detail of the issue is understood correctly.

Keep your heart contented and do not grieve. You should know that we, as my ancestors did, always live with our swords, and do not hesitate to destroy Druj and restore Asha, to campaign and to conquer. We follow their path and ride to new lands and well-protected castles. Our horses are always saddled and our swords are always belted. Ahura Mazda grants you righteousness.

Know that it is as said.
In the Supreme Royal Center of the World, Byzantion”

16th century painting, imagining the meeting between the Shahanshah and the Tamil emissary, Bottoglio

That was the reply the Tamilakam King Indrapatna received when he sought aid from the Achaemenids to restore him to his throne. While Datis himself did not ride east into India, he did dispatch three legions to end the civil war plaguing the Tamils. In the end, the land was divided with Indrapatna ruling in the south while the north was divided up by independent kings, suiting Persian strategy perfectly.

Datis preferred seclusion, rarely making public appearances outside of holy days and triumphal celebrations in the capital. Instead, we are witness to a change in royal practices with the Shahanshah becoming increasingly distant from his subjects, often sitting behind a screen or curtain when meeting supplicants. Rituals and ceremonies became increasingly elaborate to signify the divinity of Ahura Mazda’s chosen ruler on earth. With that cultivated separation from the people, we are not sure how aware the Shahanshah was about the status of the empire. It’s believed that most matters were handled by the court officers and only the most pressing matters were brought to the attention of Datis.

The Shahanshah would ride out occasionally with the Immortals to deal with Roman or Scythian incursions into Illyria or Taurica but most major campaigns were managed by the Spahbeds. The sheer size of the empire meant it was impractical for the Shahanshah to march to the border zones of conflict, usually in Kush or India during this period. While an imperial messenger could reach Byzantion in two weeks from virtually anywhere in the empire thanks to the road and post system, it would take a legion eight months to cross that same distance. That meant that the Achaemenid response was slow in the event of invasion or attack, driving their policy of establishing border kingdoms to buffer their own people from the worst assaults and sackings.

Datis was young when he took the throne and his reign would last 58 years. With the growing distance of royal control and the decaying speed of response from the centre, Datis’s reign is when we first start seeing the first cracks in Achaemenid power. Shortages were first noted during this period. The Achaemenid economic policy was not so different from a modern command economy. Byzantion would dictate the prices across the empire and move slaves to different provinces depending on state needs for goods. For example, if the Achaemenids were at war, the focus on iron mining, horse breeding and leather crafting would see resources (i.e. slaves) moved into the regional production centres. This allowed the smaller empire of the earlier years to be more nimble or reactive to the needs of the state but with the growth of territory and bureaucracy, royal commands were taking longer and longer to filter down to the ground. The spice shortage of 120-122 AD is an example of such a situation. Spice was consumed in large quantities in the royal court, both for cooking and adornment, and when there were no more supplies left in Byzantion, the imperial procurers were forced to import it from Kush. Oftentimes, once the state started an import route, it rarely went back to internal supply, starting a drain on imperial coinage – something that would contribute to the currency devaluations of the third century.

At the same time, the conditions of slavery were driving revolts throughout the provinces. While the Europan revolt during the time of Arbaces II was the most notable (and best recorded), there were revolts by Romans in Selinus and the Odrysians in Greater Thrace.

However, the largest revolt was in Syria, where the Aramaic people, long a subject people denied citizenship rose up and declared independence. They crucified the governor of the region, Artyantes Haihayan and raised a large rebel army that controlled Antigoneia and many of the other key cities in Syria. The rebellion was put down with immense violence, with thousands of corpses filling pits across the drylands as entire families were massacred by the legions, supported by Kavas raised by neighbouring governors. By the end, Syria was back under Achaemenid control but the reprisals harmed Aramaic demographics so severely, they became a minority in their own lands of Syria and Assyria.

Within the royal court, the incompetence of Arytantes Haihayan was fodder for the other Great Houses who sought and received a royal denouncement of the Haihayan family, knocking them off the roster of noble families and exiled from the court.

Late in Datis’ reign, we start finding the first reports of what became known as the Datisian Plague or occasionally the Plague of Smerdes (after the doctor who described it). It was brought back to Byzantion from armies returning from India, causing severe fevers, skin sores, diarrhoea and sore throats. Scholars generally believe the plague was smallpox, although measles has also been suggested. Epidemics were common in the ancient world, but the Plague of Datis was the first known pandemic of the Achaemenid Empire. The plague spread throughout the empire, and into other areas, including India and Rome, infecting many millions of people. Starting from 157 AD, it would last till 170 AD, during the last decades of the Great Achaemenid Peace. The empire at that time had a population estimated between 120-150 million people, about a third of all human beings then alive and the plague killed off about a fifth of them. This is considered the population peak of the empire and thereafter, would see continual decline. The plague itself would see the contraction of economic activities, severe depopulation in the cities and disruption in authority between the court and the provinces. Byzantion itself was hard hit. The City was home to an estimated 1.5 million people, dependent on imports of grain from Egypt and clustered together in extremely congested tenements. The plague and escape to the countryside would see the population reduce by half a million and Byzantion would never be so full again as economic and demographic recovery stuttered over the next two centuries. The biggest contribution to the high death toll within the empire was the Achaemenids' refusal to isolate and close off healthy cities before the arrival of the plague. A mixture of cold-hearted bureaucratic calculation and exhortations by the Mowban Mobad and the Magi that those truly blessed by Ahura Mazda would be cleansed made the disaster worse than it should have been, especially compared to the Roman response where isolation preserved a greater percentage of their population.

Across the empire, the highest death toll was among the slave population who often lived in close proximity amid unsanitary conditions. This made labour increasingly expensive as the plague receded. Freemen saw an increase in their income as they charged premiums on work that they had previously been squeezed out of by the abundance of indentured labour. While the impact would be limited in the time of Datis, the greater purchasing power contributed small inflationary pressures on the economy.

While we don’t have many first-hand accounts of how Datis received the news of the slave revolts and the plague, we do know from court accounts that he was prone to bouts of depression and malaise. His oldest son, Mardonius, had left the empire in his youth in search of adventure and returned in ignominy nearly a decade later. The Magi pronounced the heir lacking in good action and that he did not have the favour of Ahura Mazda, advising the Shahanshah to pass him over in favour of his sibling, Arbaces. Datis duly followed their advice and had Mardonius posted to a distant governorship in Arabia.

In the last two decades of his life, Datis battled cancer. The disease ravaged his body just as the plague ravaged his nation, possibly contributing to his state of depression. Datis would pass on in 173 AD, succeeded by his son Arbaces III.

 

[Killcrazy13]

The Journey of Bersobis the Dacian in the Reign of Arbaces III (173 AD – 189 AD) [1]

This is the book of Bersobis of the Getae, in the service of High King Dacebalus to Achaemenid King of Kings Arbaces II in which he tells of all he saw in the lands of the Macedonians, Thracians and Persians, their various customs, news of their King of Kings and their current status.

Our High King tasked me to beseech the King of Kings to send someone who could instruct him in the Faith of Zoroaster, teach him the laws of Ahura Mazda, build him a temple to house the sacred fire so that he could have the prayers said in his name in his lands and in all parts of his kingdom and also request that a fortress be built, for defence against the Romani and Gothians who were his adversaries.

The commander sent with me was Aelia Dacorum and with him were twenty soldiers and twelve men of the High King’s court and we had a train of ten donkeys and twenty five slaves. I was given the responsibility for reading the letter to the King of Kings, making over to him the gifts that had been sent him and this Aelia of the Apulians was to protect my body and the gifts sent by our High King. [2]

We set out from Apulum on Friday, 11 Mudra 109. We stayed one day at Sarmizegetusa and set out again, marching at speed, and reached Diema. We stayed there three days and then continued without halting until we reached the Danubia. We purchased travel on a Persian merchant vessel to cross the great river. The merchant captain told us we were lucky to come to him at this time. In a months’ time, the Danubia would freeze for its entire length and the ice would be three spans thick. The river remained like this for three months and no ship could cross to the land of the Achaemenids.

We crossed the Danubia, docking at the Macedonian fortress city of Sirmium and went to Ostropisus, the secretary of the satrap, who was called in Moesia ‘The Venerable Support’ Tiribazus . He gave orders that we should be provided with a house and sent us a man to attend to our needs and provide us with everything we might want. We spent several days waiting and then Ostropisus requested an audience for us with Tiribazus, who we learned was of the royal Achaemenid line. [3] We came before him and found he was a beardless youth. We greeted him with the title of satrap. He commanded us to sit down and the first thing he asked us was:

‘How did you leave your master, the king of the Dacians?

‘We left him in good health,’ we replied.

‘May Ahura Mazda increase his well-being!’ he exclaimed.

Next, he was read the letter requesting to let us set out, with a letter of safe passage not to hinder our mission.

He replied:

‘I hear and I will relay your request to the men of my governorship. May your journey be safe from Druj! Take the road south to Philippopolis. There you are to present yourself to my cousin, the Satrap Gobryas Vivanid, and he will advise you further in your journey to Byzantion.

We stayed in Sirmium for two more days and set out on the Persian royal road. This road is a wonder. It runs across mountain, marsh and river. It is built broad, straight and firm. It joins city with city and nation with nation. It is said to be tens of thousands of miles long, stretching out across the domain of the Achaemenids, and that all roads lead to the throne of Byzantion. [4] The journey to Philippopolis was supposed to take us four days. At the end of every day of travel, the Persians had a caravanserai where we could rest our mount and receive a warm meal. These caravanserais were controlled by soldiers and they collected fees for use of the road and the rest stop.

As we marched, the land around us changed, growing more mountainous and forested, wilder yet more tamed than the plains of Pannonia where my people reside. By now it was late in the season, and the trees had lost their leaves and the snows fell on the mountains, called Haemus by the locals. Our slaves said this land was the home of the Odrysians. We saw a land which made us think a gate to the cold of hell had opened before us. When snow falls, it is always accompanied by a rough and violent wind. In this country, when a man wishes to make a nice gesture to a friend and show his generosity, he says: ‘Come to my house where we can talk, for there is a good fire there.’ But Zalmoxis has given them abundant firewood, and it is very cheap: two of their drahm will buy a wagonload of pine wood, amounting to some 3,000 kad. It is the rule among them that beggars do not wait at the door, but come into the house and sit for an hour by the fire to warm up. Only then does the beggar say pekend, in other words, ‘bread’. [5]

Our crossing of the Haemus was protracted by the snows and it took us seven days to arrive at Philippopolis. We were tired and cold but the size of the city woke us from our frost-ridden stupor. It was said a hundred thousand people lived here in homes made of stone and wood. At the gates, we presented ourselves and our mission. We were shown at once to the ruler of the city, the Gobryas that our host in Sirmium had told us about. He showed us honour, admitted us to his presence and lodged us in a house. As we walked through the city, we gazed at what we saw around us. By Zalmoxia, the Persians tell us that all this was built by man but surely they must have been blessed by the gods.

In the centre of the city, the great Persian nobles lived in homes of cool, grey Thracian marble. As you enter the bustling agora, the wealth of the Achaemenids surrounds you. The agora or market square, is partly enclosed by a magnificent colonnade. The columns themselves are a marvel, some feature the engravings of the Greecian gods. Some of this had been defaced and smashed. The air is filled with a cacophony of languages as people from all corners of the empire live here in harmony.

At the centre of the agor is the fire temple of Zoroaster, a testament to the King of King’s faith in Ahura Mazda. It is the largest building I have yet seen. The facade, built from massive, polished marble slabs, built in the style of the Hellenes. Yet, the entrance is flanked by imposing winged bulls, mythical creatures said to reside in the Persian far east. It stood five man heights high and required one hundred and fifty paces to walk from end to end.

There are many gardens in this city. Our escort told us that during the spring, they would be lined with vibrant flowers and aromatic herbs and that shade would be provided by fruit tress laden with pomegranate and figs.

We were shown to the fire temple where we were told to make obeisance to Ahura Mazda before our audience with Golbyas could continue. Mosaics adorn the floor, gods battling the forces of Druj but also Persian hunting scenes and floral patterns. Statues of Greek heroes stand alongside winged figures like the Simurgh, a mythical bird from Persian lore. We are told they are Yazatas, beings worth of veneration by those of the faithful.

Our audience with Golbyas was short. He laughed when we expressed incredulity at the size of the city and he told us that if that be so, we would be struck down in wonder when we finally arrived in Byzantion. He made us pay for his hospitality in the city, forbidding us to leave till this ‘honorary’ was given. Aelia bristled at this but I quieted him before paying our host for his hospitality.

Afterwards, when we were back in the house provided to us, I said to Aelia:

“Our good King Dacebalus is aware of the Persian love for gold and ensured we had enough to speed us on. Do not be troubled by this and let us be glad that this is all he has asked for.”

After we departed Philippopolis, the road took us to east. Two days of travel brought us to another wonder of the Achaemenids, the Tomb of Arbaces II, the great grandfather of the current King of Kings. Built into the face of the mountain, is a great sanctuary. The eastern and western terraces are dominated by colossal statues, each one approximately four men heights tall. These statues depict various deities, lions, and eagles. The most prominent figures are the enthroned gods, each flanked by a lion and an eagle. These statues are said to be members of the court of Ahura Mazda in the heavens. The largest and the one in the place of honour was Ahura Mazda himself. The others are Mithra, Anahita and another god I did not recognise. The ancient King of Kings, Arbaces II is depicted amongst the gods, showing his ascension to the heavens to sit beside his god. We found large blocks of stone at the base of the statues, inscribed in both Greek and Persian. They detailed the deeds of Arbaces II, his lineage, and his worthiness to ascend to divinity. We paid our respects and continued on. [6]

Mount Damga is now a world heritage site and a popular tourist destination. ​

Finally, after another two days on the Road of Kings, we saw in the distance Byzantion. I swear there is no place like it on earth. From north to south, the city seemed to envelop the sea. I witnessed more men gathered here in one place than in any other and in the sea, a hundred hundred ships sailed in its bay. Before the city rose the famed Walls of Orodes, standing four man heights tall and encircling the city. Despite the height of these walls, we could see buildings rising even higher behind it. The walls were of red hue and capped by metal at the towers dotted across at regular intervals, glinting in the last rays of sunset. No army on earth could take this city and surely no king but the divinely blessed Achaemenid could have built it. I saw the wisdom of King Dacebalus in seeking their aid in the worship of the Persian faith and the building of defences in our land. [7]

A stylized rendition of the Byzantion/Achaemeniyya showing the many water features the city is famous for. In the foreground is the Hagia Sophia. Originally the site of the Temple of Smerdomenes, the Hagia Sophia was constructed originally as a fire temple before becoming a Christian Church during the fourth century, and enhanced by Darius I.​

After another ‘negotiation’ at the gate, we were allowed to pass through and given an escort to the royal palace. From the Walls of Orodes to the city, it was three miles to the Golden Horn and the palace. As we walked, we saw fields for crops, orchards and many canals and pools with children playing in them. The city itself was laid out like a geometric pattern, the roads were straight and the buildings rigidly laid out. We passed large squares where the floor was a mosaic of many tiles, showing us Persian beasts and legendary gods, till we came to the House of the Chancellor. This was the office of the Achaemenid master of ceremonies and it stood eight man heights tall, with a large vaulted hall opening up to a beautiful courtyard with fountains in each corner. Again, the walls were made of intricate tilework and slaves fanned the officials of the court who rested on cushions in the hall. They called this open hall an Iwan and servants brought us refreshments – lime and pomegranate juice – before our audience could continue.

The Persian Chancellor then spoke to us, saying that the timing of our arrival was unfortunate as the old King of Kings had just passed away and that the court was busy preparing for his ascension to sit by the side of Ahura Mazda. [8] We asked then who was the new King of Kings. The Chancellor, whose name was Struthas of the House of Beth Narayan, and stood taller than any in our party with a long grey beard that reached to his belly, said that the Achaemenids now had a Queen of Queens, Anzaza, oldest of his children but our audience would have to wait the customary three months of grieving before we could seek the blessing of the righteous ruler of the world. We expressed our sadness to Struthas on the passing of the King of Kings and said:

“Oh God! Preserve Queen of Queens Anzaza and aid her in her divine mission.” [9]

The court officials nodded and seemed pleased at my words. Then what happened next was a surprise…

========================================

[1] Bersobis was a 2nd century ambassador of the kingdom of Dacia, then still known as the Kingdom of Apullia. Dacia was a composite state made up of the many tribes of Dacia and Pannonia with a ceremonial king who paid tribute to the Achaemenids. Bersobis’ account of his journey from Dacia to Byzantium in 204-205 AD is unique in classical literature, coming from one of the so-called barbarian people. Bersobis was one of the few non-imperial sources we have and it reveals how outsiders viewed the empire when not tainted by Roman propaganda. Sent as an emissary of High King Dacebalus of the Dacians, his mission was to deliver a message and gifts for the King to the Achaemenid court, and to seek religious instruction for his people and to forge additional commitments of protection against the Romans and Germanics who threatened Dacia’s western border. The writing itself was in the Persian language but used the Greek script – reflecting the prestige of Persia and the synthesized nature of Eastern European high culture at this time.

[2] This is probably part of the yearly tribute that the Dacians paid to the Achaemenids. The small size of the party reflects the high levels of safety during the ‘Great Achaemenid Peace’ that endured for the past two centuries.

[3] Tiribazus was of the Achaemenid family but distantly related to the throne, probably a 2nd cousin of the sitting Achaemenid Shahanshah.

[4] Eventually shortened to the common phrase “All roads lead to the throne”. This phrase had two meanings. One was the literal meaning where you could follow any road and you would arrive in Byzantion eventually and the second became a euphemism for political skullduggery to claim power within the collapsing empire in the third and fourth centuries.

[5] The mention of the beggar asking for bread is especially poignant as the Odrysians had their citizenship revoked by Arbaces III in order to solve the labour shortage within the region of the capital after the plague. The full effects would take a few decades to bear out but deprived of citizenship rights, many fell into debt and bore the brunt of excessive taxation before being sold into slavery to pay those debts.

[6] Crowning one of the highest peaks of the Eastern Haemus mountain range, Mt Damga is the Hierotheseion (temple-tomb and house of the gods) built by Datis for his grandfather Arbaces II in the 2nd century. The Hierotheseion of Arbaces II is one of the most ambitious constructions of the Zoroastrian period. Its complex design and colossal scale combined to create a project unequalled in the ancient world. The syncretism of Zoroastrian and Greek beliefs and the lineage of its kings, which can be traced back to the time of Amastris, provides us invaluable information of the time period and the cultural hybridization taking place in Greece and Anatolia.

[7] Byzantion by this point was increasingly known as Achaemeniyya, the city of the Achaemenids. Bersobis’ anachronism was either a reflection of his ignorance or a rote Greek-based education. The city itself was home to just under a million people and the largest in the western hemisphere, despite the depredations of the plague.

[8] Arbaces III ruled for 16 years, passing away in 173 AD after a terrible fever. His reign is not particularly notable and no new policies or initiatives are known to have been passed by the Shahanshah who preferred the pleasures of the gardens and the hunt.

​

[9] This cliffhanger ending has made many historians curse in frustration. The rest of the pages of Bersobis has been lost to the ravages of time. We can only speculate that whatever happened was not too serious as he was able to make it back to Dacia and share this account with his people and with us in the far future.

 

[Killcrazy13]

The Reigns of Anzaza (189 AD – 205 AD) and Tissaphernes (205 AD – 231 AD)

Anzaza was the daughter of Arbaces III and his sister Artanis. Starting from the reign of Datis Achaemenid, the royal family began the practice of Xwedodah or divine consanguine marriage. The Magi had pronounced it pious based on their readings of the oldest text of Zoroastrianism. In the Old Avestan texts known as the Gathas, believed to have been written by the founder of the faith Zoroaster, Armaiti of the Amesha Spenta is referred to as the "daughter" of Ahura Mazda, and that it was high act of worship to marry sister and brother. While we know the Achaemenids practiced such betrothals, we are unsure how widespread it was amongst the nobility and common people.

What we can trace are the symptoms of inbreeding showing up within the line of the Shahanshahs. Arbaces III was frail, often in poor health and suffered from gout. His oldest child, Mardonius suffered from similar issues and died of a terrible fever in his 30s. Anzaza was second born and succeeded Arbaces III in 189 AD. She had already been wed to her younger brother, Fravarti and had born three children, Tissaphernes and his two sisters Sisygambis and Amastris. Tissaphernes, in turn, took his sister, Sisygambis as his wife. Amastris was married off to a junior member of the Achaemenid family and from her lineage, we will arrive at Darius the Christian, who will play a major role in the story later on.

The weakness, both physical and temporal, of the ruling Achaemenid line led to a scattershot approach to dealing with the increasing tensions within the empire.

Growing Monetary Crisis

​

Economically, it was failing as mines ran dry or lacked the manpower for deeper excavations. Gold and silver were increasingly short in supply and the coinage had been debased during the reign of Arbaces III and Anzaza. Combined with the expansion of the Achaemenid army by a third and a doubling of their base pay to ensure the loyalty of the military in the past decade, the government found itself resorting to budget cuts in other areas as well as further debasements. The silver drachm (the primary coin of exchange) became increasingly unreliable as a medium of exchange and stored value. This had a major impact on the trade network, still recovering from the plague. Ever since the Great Achaemenid Peace, starting with Orodes II, the empire's economy had depended in large part on trade across the extensive road systems in the empire's interior. Merchants could travel from one end of the empire to the other in relative safety within a few weeks, moving agricultural goods produced in the provinces to the cities, and manufactured goods produced by the great cities of Asia Minor and the Levant to the more rural provinces. The currency crisis and debased currency made exchange very difficult, forcing many merchants and landowners to focus on supplying within their own region and accepting local barter. The debasements also encouraged inflation within the cities and military, failing to keep pace with the pay increases made by Arbaces III.

Christianity on the Rise
Monetary issues and shortages fed into increasing revolts in the cities and a rise in brigandage in the countryside as people no longer could rely on their jobs to keep their families fed. These challenges fed into the increasing number of Christian communities within the empire. While Achaemeniyya (old Byzantion) was a bastion of Zoroastrian worship thanks to the presence of the magi, many rural or downtrodden communities beseeched the risen god, Christos, for succour as the empire from disease and unemployment. Governors in the provinces made their own decisions about the new religion, some protecting it while others chose to persecute its worshippers. The Mobadan Mohbed Xenothos, High Priest of the Zoroastrian faith during Anzaza’s reign chose restraint, highlighting to the nobles that good word and good deeds is the answer to the empire’s challenges, not religious persecution. Amidst accusations that he was a Christian in disguise, Anzaza took his advice and for a time, Christians were free to worship without fear. It’s estimated that Christians made up 5% of the population, mostly in the West.


Growing Factionalism
Within the royal palace, two factions arose – the magi and the military. The magi, led by Xenothos, fought to influence economic policy while the hawks in the military encouraged war with the Romans to display Persian might and claim war booty and slaves. Evagoras Atropatid, Spahbed of the Immortals led this faction. Anzaza sided with Xenothos up to her death, preferring to husband the empire’s waning strength. The generals in turn fought tooth and nail against the magi’s desire to reduce military funding, finding ways to allocate funding earmarked for other purposes to their needs. The military budget, already the largest expenditure within the empire ballooned even further and Evagoras mocked Xenothos for his ‘failure’ to find the funds for imperial expenses.

Anzaza ruled for 16 years, passing away relatively early at the age of 52. Court documents state that she died of a rotten herring. It’s an odd claim and later historians take it to mean she was poisoned or died from ill-health. Her son, Tissaphernes, took the throne of Shahanshah and he was content to leave decisions to his officials. The magi, now led by Pharnabazus after the death of Xenothos, came up with an extreme solution to the empire’s predicament.

The Great Enslavement
Pharnabazus sought to solve the empire’s labour shortage by eliminating citizenship from many of the subject people of the empire. With the stroke of a quill, the Armenians, Hebrews, Medeans, Parthians, Bactrians, Punics, Romans and Illyrians lost their rights to equal access to the courts, property, migration and trade at fair terms. This ‘Great Enslavement’ affected nearly a quarter of the population and governors were busy throughout Tissaphernes’ reign putting down revolts and rebellions by disaffected mobs. Slave markets and labour mills were erected across the empire to handle the influx and mass confiscations of wealth found its way into the Achaemenid budget. However, it was a short term move that had profound long term implications. The removal of rights was a one-time benefit to the economy and it further reduced economic activity in the provinces due to the loss of merchants and landowners of these cultures. In their place, the governors and great houses seized the lands, becoming great magnates who controlled large swathes of the empire and knew the best ways to hide taxable income from the authorities sent by the magi in Achaemeniyya.

Christian persecution would begin again during the reign of Tissaphernes, with burnings of churches and crucifixions of notable preachers across the empire. These would become the first martyrs and the faith became increasingly associated with resistance and support of the disenfranchised.

Succession Planning by Tissaphernes

Tissaphernes sought to place his second-born child and favourite, Barsine, on the throne, even arranging a grand coronation for her. Believing her to be best suited to take charge of the realm, at the expense of her older sister, Sisygambis. However, fate had other plans when she passed away in childbirth along with her baby. For better or worse, Sisygambis would succeed her father upon his death by dysentery in 231 AD and we enter the period known as the ‘Tyranny of the Three Witches’.

 

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The Reign of the First Achaemenid Witch, Sisygambis (231 AD – 246 AD)

While this period is called the Tyranny of the Three Witches by contemporaries, historians today place most of the blame on the first of three queens, Sisygambis, oldest child of Tissaphernes. She was never meant to take the throne but the untimely death of her sister and crowned heir, Barsine, threw the succession into disarray. Tissaphernes already struck down with dysentery, collapsed at the news and could not be roused. He would pass away three months later without recovering consciousness. Amidst all this tragedy, Sisygambis was crowned Banbisnan Banbism and ruler of the great Achaemenid Empire.

Upon her ascension, her madness, once whispered of, was apparent to all. Of the few surviving sources about Sisygambis and her fifteen-year reign, most were written by members of the nobility and priesthood, who felt the brunt of her cruelty. They portray Sisygambis as an increasingly self-indulgent, cruel, sadistic, extravagant and insane tyrant who demanded and received worship as a living god. There is a strain of revisionist scholarship that she was unfairly maligned and that many of the allegations against her are dismissed as misunderstandings, exaggeration, mockery or malicious fantasy but most historians accept the common perspective.

Within the capital, she would begin a witch hunt against those she felt wronged by or spoke ill of her. While her father and grandmother had supported the magi, she threw her lot in with the Spahbeds and the army. Since the magi had supported the coronation of her sister, they had to be the enemies of the throne and unworthy to advise Ahura Mazda’s Righteous Hand of Justice in the world. Evagoras Atropatid, now the ranking general, eagerly followed through on her commands. Within the court, many magi disappeared into the night or were killed in their own homes. The Mobadan Mobad, the highest-ranking member of the Zoroastrian priesthood, was leashed and forced to be a footstool for Sisygambis, while she replaced him with a fool. The first two years of her reign was marked by increasing indulgence within the court and the City. Grand parades were arranged to celebrate her divinity and the palace was full of sculptors and mural painters tasked with aggrandizing her rule. Traditionally, the Achaemenids would only deify their rulers on their death as they ascended to godhood and sit by the side of Ahura Mazda but there were none willing to challenge Sisygambis on this ‘innovation’. The people of the City did not trouble themselves overmuch on the semantics of religious doctrine and gladly availed themselves of the festivities and imperial largesse that Sisygambis encouraged. The decorations and artworks were all destroyed sometime after her death and we only have the written word to describe them.

As the demands of Achaemeniyya grew, the satraps and governors were increasingly challenged to meet expectations, In 232 AD with the support of Evagoras, now Chancellor and controller of imperial finances, she instituted a new policy of military oversight. Adjuncts personally chosen by Sisygambis and Evagoras were posted to each governor with a complement of imperial soldiers to ensure taxes and royal commands were faithfully followed. The governors were well aware of the dangers of failure, now with the sword of the adjuncts hanging over their necks.

Evagoras Atropatid and the military aristocracy now finally had the support to pursue their war with Rome. In 233 AD, the armies of Persia were mobilised and marched on Rome from Sicily and Illyrium. Another ruinous expense was forced on the provinces, still not restored to their pre-plague prosperity. The Persian army could put a million men into the field but the Spahbeds initially only brought in the five legions and Kava (levies) of the western provinces. The war with Rome would drag on for eight years and destroyed the mirage of Persian invincibility that had persisted since the great plague. Decades of poor funding and corruption within the officer corp led to a bogged-down and bloody campaign. Whereas the soldiers of Orodes II and Arbaces I had swept all before them in the East and West, Sisygambis’ legions were faced with poor logistical lines, impractical commands and strategies that sought to glorify the generals at the expense of practicality and dictums of the field of war. The Romans were better trained, and equipped and had the higher morale, defending their soil. The initial Persian campaign was pushed back into Illyria while Persian Sicily was an island under siege. Fighting raged through Illyria, Dacia and even as far east as Moesia inferior and Thrace. This set the alarm bells ringing for Evagoras and his cohort. These provinces had not seen war or battle for three centuries, yet here now, the Romans looked set to march on the City. The Immortals and other legions were pulled back to the Achaemenid heartlands to stop the progress and mount a counterattack. Only through the expenditure of thousands of Persian soldiers were the Romans stopped.

The Persians would win the war through sheer numbers but had to call up the armies from Mesopotamia and the eastern reaches of the empire. Six million men would perish in total, split roughly equal between the Romans and Persians. The Romans had the better of the Persians for most of the war but their reserves were not as limitless as their enemies and eventually numbers told. The Romans surrendered Bruttium, at the foot of Italy to the Persians while the Illyrians and Dacians and the people of Moesia, Macedonia and Thrace mourned their burnt homes and ravaged lands.

Sisygambis had Evagoras and his generals executed for this miserable and overdrawn war. Now, there was no one to countermand or control the Banbisn and she sunk even further into insanity. She had her siblings Artazostre and Datis executed. They had spent most of their life in a gilded prison since Sisygambis’ ascension but she feared that they would become points of resistance to her rule. Her consort, Pharasmenes Bagratids, was of weak character and sought to redirect her violent impulses to anyone but him. With him, Sisygambis would sire three daughters, Arystone, Barsine and Artanis. The latter two would make up the other two in the triumvirate dubbed the ‘tyranny of the three witches’.

Over the next seven years, the empire walked on eggshells, terrified of the woman who sat on the throne. Her court was filled with yes-men and flatterers and her debaucheries grew increasing rank. I will not list them out here but the modern image of the oriental decadence had ample fuel from the stories of Sisygambis and her tyrannical reign. Nobles prayed for Ahura Mazda to end the life of their goddess but none dared to pick up the knife. This all changed in 246 AD.

Despite the fear that gripped the court in Achaemeniyya, the oldest daughter, Arystone, grew up to be an assertive and daring woman. Aged just 20, she challenged her mother before the entire court and appealed to the queen’s better side to serve the people and remember the teachings of Zoroaster. Sisygambis screamed at this affront and snatched the sword from her bodyguard and cleaved her daughter’s head in twain. She then commanded her servitors to drain Arystone’s blood to make a bath for the goddess.

When word of this horrific tale escaped out to the provinces, only one man stepped up to do the right thing. Rhoisakes Hydarnid, Satrap of Syria went to the capital admitting to wrongdoing. He was promptly arrested by the palace guards and placed on trial for corruption and blasphemy. Rhoisakes knew Sisygambis loved to preside over show trials and that was his only chance to get close to her. On the day of the trial with loyal men located strategically in the audience, Rhoisakes made his move. He charged at Sisygambis and smashed her head with a sharp stone he had kept hidden. All stood in shock and none went to the aid of their god-queen as she pathetically called for help. She bled to death slowly in the Halls of Justice.

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Her daughter Barsine was now Banbisnan Banbism but before any coronation could take place, Rhoisakes raised the flag of rebellion, denouncing the Achaemenids as a cursed line, long bereft of dignity and Ahura Mazda’s favour. Nearly half the legions and the provinces of Syria and Parthia sided with Rhoisakes. Thus, Barsine’s rule began with civil war.

 

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The Tyranny of the Three Witches – the Reigns of Barsine and Artanis (246 AD – 257 AD)

The remaining eleven years of the period we call the Tyranny of the Three Witches were marked by the increasing control of the empire by the generals. It’s terribly unfair to blame the calamities on the two remaining daughters of Sisygambis. Kept sheltered and controlled by their minders, Barsine and Artanis II only played a limited role in the direction of the empire. At the same time, it’s a sad commentary on the misanthropy of history that they are the ones blamed for it when the men surrounding them deserved to be cursed by their contemporaries to a far larger degree. The irony is that the Achaemenids came back into prominence after Alexander’s conquest thanks to Amastris of Heraclea Pontike. However, the Persians had never fully accepted female rulers as we’ve seen time and time again with Artanis I, Orypetis and Anzaza. Each had been challenged in different ways on their fitness to sit the Achaemenid throne or undermined in the exercise of their powers. Many blame it on Zoroastrian tenets but Artanis I, firmly of the Hellenic dynasty had been mistrusted by her subjects.

Looking back with a clear eye, we can see that both Barsine and Artanis tried their best to play the game of politics with the bad hands they were dealt. Artanis II especially could have been the one to turn things around if she only lived long enough to see things through the currency collapse, the second plague and another Roman war. My heart goes out to her, betrayed by her own House and vow breakers.

The Reign of Barsine (246 AD – 248 AD)

Barsine’s reign began by picking up the pieces of the empire recently shattered by the insanity of her mother. Immediately she had the Rhoisakes’ rebellion to deal with. He had taken with him, half the legions, those located in the east and the satrapies of Syria and Parthia. The obedience of many of the other governors is puzzling but perhaps the residue of fear from the time of Sisygambis still persisted. She empowered Datis Achaemenid with the capture of Rhoisakes Hydarnid, members of his House and to put down the rebellion in the provinces. As the new ranking Spahbed, Datis demanded more troops and the naïve Barsine gave in to his demands.

The rebellion would last for three years but the limited support for Rhoisakes meant that he was on the backfoot from the start. After the defeat and capture of the Spahbed Phrasaortes Vivanid and his legion of Asia at the Battle of Ankyra, Rhoisakes’ days seemed to be numbered but he escaped to Greece and spurred local uprisings by playing on Hellenic patriotism and independence. His speeches became the spark for war and the old city states threw in their support for Rhoisakes.

Barsine was kept busy in the royal court, trying to rebuild the imperial system after the vacuum left by the tyranny of Sisygambis. Still only 19, she was the plaything of the royal council as the Databdara, the restored Mobadan Mobad, Argbadh and others pressed her for control. Many of the most important roles were filled by the House of Bagratid who also helped her choose an ‘auspicious’ match to wed, Artayntes Bragatid. Unfortunately for them and all the other schemers, Barsine died in childbirth along with her son Pharasmenes. Her rule had lasted a week shy of two years.

The Reign of Artanis II (248 AD – 257 AD)

Next in line, was the last of the sisters, Artanis II. She was only 14 when she took the throne but she had been by Barsine’s side during the two years and bore witness to the dangers of the court and military. She sought to make decisions independently but the machinery of government had become its own monster, advisors often tut-tutted the teenage ruler and suggested that the adults in the room were best placed to decide. Loyalty became a rare commodity and Artanis had to be careful on who she spoke with or who was around when she did speak. Slowly but surely, she did carve out a limited sphere of authority. When the general Sataspes Xerxid sacked Athens in his efforts to put down Rhoisakes’ rebellion, she had him remanded to Achaemeniyya and made him swear an oath of allegiance and a transfer of his booty from the sacking of that ancient city.

With the rebellion yet to be quelled, imperial finances were growing stretched and they were pulled even harder after an Arab uprising in Makarabah. The silver drachm had already been debased to only consist of forty percent silver by the time of Sisygambis to meet her decadent demands. Further debasements to afford the armies fighting the rebels had now rendered currency values wholly incoherent. The gold and silver mines of the empire had been drained dry of every last flake and the expenses kept growing.

Even worse was to follow the next year as the Witch Plague struck down the already moribund empire, devastating population centres and marching armies alike. Even more devastating than the first plague nearly a century ago, the Witch Plague would persist for fifteen years, destroying what little prosperity had been rebuilt since then. Nearly a third of the empire would perish from a mixture of disease, starvation and war. Once again, trade routes were curtailed and cities saw an exodus fleeing to the countryside. Emergency aid was needed to treat the ill but the treasury was empty. Many sought the aid of the god Christos from their ailments and converts flocked to the churches.

Borrowing from the playbook of Tissaphernes, the Great Enslaver, Artanis II chose to target the Jews of Judea. Hated by Zoroastrians and Christians (now a significant minority), they proved to be an easy target for harassment for their refusal to set aside the worship of their god. Artanis had the Temple closed and ransacked its holdings to feed the starving imperial treasury. The banning of Jewish worship would set off an insurgency in Judea for the next few decades that later rulers put down with great difficulty and would only end in the fifth century with the restoration of the nation of Jewish Samaria.

For now though, Artanis squeezed enough gold to keep the war effort going. Rhoisakes was eventually apprehended in Media, near Nehavand (Laodicea during the time of the Seleukids) where he was drawn and quartered along with other traitors. An exhausted peace settled on the deeply wounded empire. By now Artanis had reached adulthood and was technically free to rule without the need of a regent council but her ability to act was still stymied. What funds she could access, she put forth into building hospitals in major cities to treat the ill and she did her best to get the Zoroastrian and Christian priesthood to act on their precepts of good deeds and charity to do the same. Six years would pass before the Romans attacked, seizing on the opportunity to return the parts of Italia that the Persians held. They had not been as badly struck by the plague, with senators boasting of the superior Roman constitution and divine favour.

This time, Artanis would ride out into the field with her armies. She sought an escape from the dangers of court life and earn back prestige for the line of Achaemenes that had been eroded by the poor performance of the rulers of the last century. Marching at the head of forty thousand men to the defence of her territories, she must have cut a valorous figure. The Romans had launched a two-pronged attack, in Bruttium and in Illyria, the old battlefield of the great powers. She resolved to meet them at Dalmatia in Illyria. Across the Illyrian theatre, battles swung both ways but the mailed fist of the Roman legions were slowly but surely carving a path through the exhausted Persian levies. At Dalmatia, Artanis fought an inconclusive battle but the men were unhappy and blamed the poor result on the weakness of female leadership. Historians blame Menua Achaemenid, the Argbadh, for inciting the soldiers. Deep into the night after the battle, a half dozen of Artanis’ royal guard went into her tent and stabbed her thirty times. It’s said she wept piteously, wailing for them to stop and to think of the empire. Artanis died in her tent at 23 years old and had ruled for only nine years.

Interestingly, there is an apocryphal Christian tale of her passing. I reproduce it here for your reference:

The murder of Artanis II, Zagros 1653​

Artanis was the first Christian. Each night she prayed to the lord to punish her for her transgressions and not to deprive her of the perfect reward. The angel of the lord came to Artanis the night she was to leave Achaemeniyya to battle the Romans. And the angel said to her “I can bear witness that you have sins that would deprive you of the highest degree. If you wish to keep your empire and the life of your unborn children for a long time, continue on your path. If you wish for a higher reward and punishment on earth, this is the punishment: you will lose your kingdom and your life to prepare the way for the one who is chosen. Choose what you wish. I will return in twenty days, and what you choose will happen to you.”

The queen was not deterred from choosing the better course in spite of all the disastrous events outlined to her by the angel, but her resolve was reaffirmed all the more to continue with her petition and wait until her prayer was answered.

After twenty days the angel appeared to Artanis as on the first occasion and asked the queen: “What is your choice? To spend the rest of your reign in peace and the rest of your days with sufferings, and afterwards accept a medium place in the new world? Or to take away this care that would keep you from all distress and, in this case, everything I told you on the first will happen to you?” The queen said: “I choose disgrace with suffering and death, and I will continue in the better course. Through all this, as a support, I will have the strength of Christ.” The angel departed.

Later that night, the Persian General Menua staged a coup against her, stirring up the Persians as follows: “Our queen is weak and soft. She does not know how to govern the empire. You have seen with your own eyes that the enemies have occupied many of our provinces because of her negligence and weakness. If we do not wake up and try to save ourselves, our only option is to perish totally. As long as Artanis is alive, the empire will be enfeebled and our enemies will continue to grow. If you are willing to listen to me, we will destroy her and she will be the last to die.” The Persians listened to him and said unanimously: “Do as you will. We are with you.”

 

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The Interregnum (257 AD – 270 AD)

With the death of Amastris, the generals conspired on the selection of the next Shahanshah, eager to put someone pliable and malleable on the throne. They landed on Darius, great-grandson of the Shahanshah Tissaphernes through his daughter Amastris. His claim to the throne was strong yet he was young enough for the needs of the generals. Soldiers arrived at the estate of his father in Ionia demanding the three-year-old king-designate be handed over. Darius would not see his parents or older brother again until he was an adult and fully grown into his power. The toddler Darius screamed and resisted as the soldiers ordered the eunuch attendants to pick him up. Darius’ parents said nothing when they learned that they were losing their son. As Darius wept, screaming that he did not want to leave his parents, he was forced into a palanquin that took him back to Achaemeniyya. Tiena, Darius’ wet nurse, was the only person from Ionia allowed to go with him. Upon arriving at the palace in Achaemeniyya, he was placed on the throne in tears and invested with the power of the king of kings. A new sacred fire was lit to commemorate his reign and the attendants placed the ancient sheepskin that supposedly belonged to Cyrus the Great on his shoulders.

We refer to this period as the Interregnum because while there was technically a Shahanshah on the throne, he was not able to exercise his powers or make any decisions. Instead, the regent council took full control of the machinery of government. Menua Achaemenid, the architect of the coup against Artanis would not get to enjoy the fruits of his ploy. Played out by the other plotters, he was imprisoned for ‘crimes against the throne’ and died forgotten in a cell. The regent council, technically eight positions, were led by the Databdara (chancellor) Artaxerxes Vivanid and the Royal Physician Barsaintes Achaemenid, son of Menua. Together, they controlled access to the young Shahanshah and directed imperial policy. Some speculate that it was Barsaintes who betrayed his father for his own political gain.

Their immediate concern was the Roman war. Without a royal scapegoat to pin the blame of further military disasters on, the Regent Council sough a negotiated peace with the Roman Imperator Vibius Ulpius III. They would cede the strategically important provinces of Istria in Illyria and Bruttium in Italia and acknowledge Vibius as brother Emperor to Darius, not a subject king. For the first time in their history, the Achaemenids had to treat another nation as an equal. The Romans also moved for the return of their war prisoners and slaves taken in previous wars. Both sides were suffering from the effects of the plague and Rome was aware that the Achaemenids would only accept so much humiliation before walking away from talks. Sicily, the much-desired island would remain Persian.

The council, as much credit as can be given to them, chose to integrate the subject nation of Illyria into the empire proper. The Illyrians had offered limited resistance against the Romans and the weak defences in the western Balkans had always been overrun quickly. The Argbadh, Bagoas Bagritid, oversaw the erection of new frontier fortresses in Athyinites, Kroukion, Andautanion and Praitorion. Unfortunately, the royal treasury at this point was only able to afford limited garrisons and the border would persist as a continual weakpoint.

The plague continued to wreck the economy and manpower of the empire. At the height of the outbreak, 5,000 people a day were said to be dying in Achaemeniyya. One historian has calculated that the population of Alexandria dropped from 500,000 to 190,000 during the plague. Some of the decline in the city's population was probably due to people fleeing but it’s still a mark of the severity of the outbreak. Pontius of Qart Hadasht wrote of the plague:

“Afterwards there broke out a dreadful plague, and excessive destruction of a hateful disease invaded every house in succession of the trembling populace, carrying off day by day with abrupt attack numberless people, every one from his own house. All were shuddering, fleeing, shunning the contagion, impiously exposing their own friends, as if with the exclusion of the person who was sure to die of the plague, one could exclude death itself also. There lay about the meanwhile, over the whole city, no longer bodies, but the carcasses of many, and, by the contemplation of a lot which in their turn would be theirs, demanded the pity of the passers-by for themselves. No one regarded anything besides his cruel gains. No one trembled at the remembrance of a similar event. No one did to another what he himself wished to experience.”

With economic activities halted due to the plague, tax collection suffered and the royal treasury was unable to fund the activities of the government like in the past. Tax farming, the act of selling off tax collection rights in an auction with the winner getting the right to collect taxes on behalf of the government, led to even greater depredations on the peasant and freemen. The satraps themselves, aware of the splintering politics at the centre, increasingly ignored the demands of the council, as long as they had the favour of someone in high office to shield them. A system of patronage grew during the regency decade as each member of the council developed their own spheres of influence. Private armies were paid for and factions grew increasingly polarised. The empire was starting to carve itself up from within.

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To make up for the budgetary shortfall, the royal mint in Amphipolis debased the currency even further, injecting coinage to balance the spending needs. The drachm was a bronze core with a thin coating of silver and the shine quickly wore off. These coins were so debased that no one respected their value, driving people to hoard the purer coins from earlier reigns and preferring to barter for exchanges of goods. These actions further hurt taxation as wealth was hidden from royal collectors and trade taxes decreased. The military aristocracy’s demands also grew as the currency was debased. They were aware of the need to keep the soldiers on their side but the poor currency affected the buying power of the troops and mutiny was an ever-growing threat. Soon, inflation took over what the poor-quality currency precipitated. Prices increased 500% across the empire and no more mines or conquered people to exploit, the council had dug itself into a hole it could not climb out of.

Hyperinflation, tax farming and worthless money created a trifecta that effectively destroyed the economy of the empire.

Within this gap, the provinces grew restive. Ariana in Eastern Persia was the first to seek to break free. Only the presence of the Legion of Persia prevented the governor from pursuing independence. In every province, the population threatened rebellion as the throne failed in its promise to provide peace and prosperity and the threat of further breakaway states grew increasingly perilous.

As the grip from the centre weakened, client states began to break off. Shachkra the steppe confederation in Central Asia was the first to fully take charge of its own affairs but many others including Dacia, Punic Hadrametum, Arabia and Kemitic Waset began to serve up their tribute irregularly, fully aware that reprisals would be limited thanks to the effects of plague and economic disaster.

The regent council would devolve into infighting amongst themselves, each eager to defend their little kingdoms of power and infringe on the other members’ domains. It seemed almost inevitable that the empire would collapse at this point but Aspastes Achaemenid then stepped up. As Governor of Phrygia, he held one of the richest provinces and together with the support of Artantyes Bagratid, the widower of Queen Barsine, who controlled the Legion of Immortals, he declared the council traitors of the people and marched on the capital. The citizens of the capital acclaimed him Shahanshah and opened the gates of the massive Walls of Orodes for their new ruler. Many members of the council abandoned their posts to escape and those who didn’t were put to death after public show trials.

What about Darius? The young legitimate Shahanshah was shepherded out of the city by none other than Barsaintes, the son of the queen-slayer and a small retinue of loyal palace guards. They made their way covertly to the city of Sestos at the western end of the Bosphorus and pleaded with the admiral of Nava Leontophoros, Zariadres Vivanid, for help. Zariadres would aid their escape and set the entire fleet to sail to Egypt where Darius, now 15, would form a court in exile from Alexandria.

 

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The Reign of Darius, Restorer of the World (270 AD – 324 AD)

Darius is considered one of the most important rulers in history, not just for his wars but for the impactful economic, religious and administrative policies he drafted for the Achaemenid Empire. He lived long enough to see them enacted fully. He technically reigned for 64 years, the longest since Orodes II, the great Shahanshah who claimed back the Persian Empire, but historians prefer to split his reign into two periods – the regency council and his own reign as an adult starting in Alexandria. We know much about his reign thanks to the writings of Barsaintes, the royal physician and unofficial historian of his life.

The Time of Two Kings

With the empire split in two and two different Shahanshahs claiming the right to rule, loyalty was divided across the territories. Many of the core territories in Thrace and Anatolia sided with Aspastes seated on the throne in Achaemeniyya. Armenia, Mesopotamia and Arabia pledged allegiance to Aspastes. They had suffered the worse under the tyranny of the later Zoroastrian rulers and the regency council, losing citizenship rights and forced to pay ever increasing taxes to meet the throne’s expenditures. Aspastes promised lenient taxation and a return of certain rights regarding land ownership and trade to get the Babylonian and Armenians on his side. It still didn’t solve the crown’s budgetary shortfall and Aspastes resorted to sacking his own cities to raise funds. Many cities had been depopulated by the 2nd plague and many forums, temples and civic centres had been left derelict as imperial largesse had diminished in the last century. Aspastes had the buildings’ lead roofing stripped, melted down many statues to create bronze coinage to pay for his soldiers and requisitioned the treasures of the remaining pagan temples. Even Achaemeniyya was not spared and the great city lost much of the lustre the previous centuries had deposited within its walls.

Aspastes’ grandfather had been adopted into the Achaemenid family, marrying into a minor line of the family and this lack of legitimacy was to prove a grave weakness in his seizure of power. The Persian East stayed loyal to Darius in exile in Egypt and the Greeks supported the true line who could claim descent from Ptolemy, Antigonid, Lysimachus and Seleukid, luminaries of the time of Alexander. Past Achaemenid rulers had been fastidious in taking brides from these lands after their conquests to enhance their legitimacy over the conquered and this proved a boon by the time of Darius.

Darius himself now an adult, hitherto a non-entity, took control on his arrival in Alexandria. He was forced to grow up fast during his escape and first exposure to the world beyond the walls of the palace. Barsaintes had ensured he was educated in the key domains of warfare, administrations and diplomacy and Darius had been an able student. However, it was one thing having knowledge and it was another thing putting it into practice. During the long voyage from Thrace to Egypt, he had long conversations with old Zariadres, the admiral, and grew to realise the grave situation of the empire and the civil war tearing it apart. On their arrival in Alexandria, a new royal council was convened with members chosen by Darius supported by Zariadres and others Darius believed to be both loyal and capable. With the defection of the legions, the Achaemenid cause could only call upon regional levies, still recovering the effects of plague. However, the province of Egypt was relatively unscathed by the plague and as the breadbasket of the empire (alongside Mesopotamia), he could meet the basic needs of his levies. The fleets also stayed loyal to Darius. The four admirals of Nava Leontophoros, Aegytum, India and Ionium had sailed to the government in exile and pledged their allegiance. This ensured that Darius controlled the sea and if Aspastes wanted to take out Darius, he would have to march from Achaemeniyya to Alexandria on foot.

The betrayal of the Immortals and the professional soldiers who had sworn loyalty to the Achaemenids stung Darius deeply and in his lifetime and his successor, the empire would rely on paid mercenaries instead of a professional army corp. “Better the surety of silver over the paucity of promised loyalty.” The fleet would sail with 50,000 soldiers to Greece to link up with local levies. Darius himself would lead a separate army into Mesopotamia and link up with loyalist troops in Persia with the goal to create a pincer action that linked up at Achaemeniyya. Ardanes Vivanid was the ranking Spahbed in the Greek theatre of battle and his troops pushed deep into Thrace from Macedonia. It seemed that Aspastes was focused on capturing Darius and ending the civil war in one fell swoop – most of his troops were in Anatolia and marching east.

Ardanes Vivanid reached Achaemeniyya a year earlier than expected and laid siege to the great city for eight months before the defenders surrendered after famine forced the locals to fight the garrison and open the gates in the hope of leniency. Ardanes gave free rein to his troops to reward them, and the levies and mercenaries took their fill of plunder from the nobles and merchants of the city. Four hundred years the Walls of Orodes had stood unbreached but it and the city was finally sacked by its people in 272 AD. During the siege, the besiegers had cut off the aqueducts that supplied the city and four of the fifteen aqueducts proved beyond repair after the capital had been repair. The civil war ensured that the city would never be able to support the population like it had during its glory days of the 1st century AD. The sacking also saw the lost of many wonders of the ancient world including the Anthologia Philosophike, the collection of books containing the combined wisdom of the greatest ancient thinkers, the Phillippeion Statues, a set of chryselephantine statues by Leochares depicting the family of Philip II and the Great Lammasu, guardians from the Gate of All Nations in Persepolis.

In the East, Darius captured Babylon and Seleukos, the greatest cities in Mesopotamia and was marching north into Assyria, now supported by the Eastern Persian troops. In the plains 50 miles east of Antochiea (Antioch), he would face the core of Aspastes’ army – the traitor legions – and win a decisive victory. Aspastes escaped but died of his wounds in their retreat, succeeded by his son, Phaedmyes. The new pretender refused to relinquish his claim and fighting carried on for the next three years throughout southern Anatolia, including the annexation of the breakaway state of Synnaeus based around Pergamum. By the end, the pretenders were forced off the mainland and retreated to Cyprus, never relinquishing their claim but no longer able to continue the war effort. A tacit truce was agreed as Darius took stock of his shattered empire.

In the intervening years, Shachkra in the Central Asian steppe had fully broken off its allegiance along with Sumpa in Tibet and Sthanishvara along the Ganges river. The cities of Anatolia and the Levant had been impoverished and devastated by war, and the empire had seen a significant drop in population losing a third of its population after plague and war had done their work. The currency had lost all value and unrest seethed throughout the provinces. The superpower of the classical world was now a hollowed-out husk.

Reforming the Economy

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With the empire now unified, Darius set out on the next most pressing issue – the coinage. The Shahanshah sought to restore confidence in the imperial monetary system. The silver Drachm coin was massively debased during the third century. Under Orodes II, the coin contained 98% silver, but by the time Darius restored the empire, the coin contained a mere 1.5%. To fight rampant inflation, Darius aimed to mint the coin with 10% guaranteed silver. He also arranged a mass confiscation and replacement of coinage. Officials went door-to-door, especially targeting nobles and rich merchants, to effect the change. He sought to remove ‘bad coinage’ and used older ‘good coinage’ to support his minting efforts. Zosimus evokes the introduction of the ‘new silver currency’ by Darius in a sentence: “At that time he [ Darius ] distributed to the public a new piece of silver, preparing the official recall of the debased coinage; in doing so, he removed all confusion in transactions.” He also issued a new gold coin, the Daric (golden in Persian) with his visage to build prestige and credibility in the restored dynasty. This was minted at a 90% purity. While precious metal shortages limited the amount of new coins that could be produced, the fact that the new coins were backed by the empire and guaranteed purity restored some faith in the coinage.

Darius relocated the mints, seeking to break away from the cycle of corruption endemic to the current moneyers and moved them to strategic sites where imperial authority could exert full oversight on the production. He also fixed prices for many essential goods. We’re unsure how his fiat commandment affected inflation beyond the capital but we presume it had some positive results as the rumblings from the provinces quietened down during the later years of his reign.

Lastly, to spur the economy and to put the many soldiers left over from the civil war to work, he began a series of public works and building programs across the wrecked remains of Anatolia. The old Walls of Orodes in Achaemeniyya were repaired and a new set of defences were built further out from the city. The Darian Walls are the famous triple-layered defences we are familiar with.

The 7th Roman War and the Sign of the Cross

Amidst the rebuilding, old enemies were not content to let the opportunity pass. The Romans declared war again, seeking to claim Illyria and put an end to piracy by Illyrian raiders in the Adriatic. Caught by surprise, they made swift progress, capturing the undermanned fortresses of the border and plunging deep into Achaemenid territory. Darius pulled his armies together, supported by a large mercenary core. 7th Roman War saw horrendous casualties suffered by both sides due to a mixture of disease, attrition and brutal battles but the Persians were steadily being pushed back.

The day before the battle of Philippossis, a key strategic point that gave the victor free access to the Thracian plain, Darius saw a vision in the sky. We have the account of Barsaintes telling us of the events of the day:

“One day, while he was in front of his tent with his officers and troops around him, he had a vision of an enormous cross of fire in the heavens. On one side of the cross were the words, in the Greek language: “By this, conquer.”

Darius was astonished at the wonderful vision, and he gazed at it until it faded away. He could not understand what it meant and was greatly troubled. He spoke to us, his wisest councillors but no one could offer guidance, not even the Mobadan of the Magi who seemed greatly troubled. But that night he dreamed that Christ appeared to him in robes of dazzling white, bearing a cross in his hands and that he promised our king victory over his enemies if he would make the cross his standard.

Darius now declared himself a Christian and had a standard made in the form of a cross with the Royal Achaemenid flag attached to it. This banner, our new Deravsh led us to victory over the hated Romans.”

We pushed the Romans back into their own lands in Italy. The Romans unable to explain the resurgence of Persian strength grew demoralised and dispirited. When we arrived at their great city of Rome, they surrendered to us and gave us the keys to the city, telling us “Take what you will. We see the Highest God is on your side.”

Now the account of Barsaintes needs to be taken with a pinch of salt but we do know the Persians sacked Rome and the plunder of the city was immensely helpful in the rebuilding of Achaemeniyya and the economic reforms of Darius.

Darius the Christian

When Darius returned from the Roman war, he did not immediately proclaim himself Christian but he did outlaw the persecution the religion and sponsored the building of a new church close to the Fire Temple of Achaemeniyya. This new structure, the Baha’igari Andro, shortened in modern days to Baha’i Andro or the Holies of St Andrew, was built to commemorate the apostle who would become the patron saint of the city alongside Mariam, the Mother of Christ.

The later half of Darius’ reign would further consolidation of power and recovery. The levy system recovered as most imperial military needs were serviced by mercenaries camped far away from Achaemeniyya. Darius would also reorganise the administration of the empire, splitting the empire in half to have a more responsive government to service the loyal subjects in Persia. Based in Persepolis, he placed his son Arthanthes as junior co-king to administer the east while he oversaw the potentially richer but more unruly west as his dominion. This division had momentous consequences for the empire. No longer did all power come from Achaemeniyya and the border satraps of the two halves would begin a game of favour trading between the two capitals after the time of Darius, leading to friction.

The Eastern Empire (Parsa) ruled from Persepolis with tributaries of Shunga and Ouarana Gandaris

The Western Empire ruled from Achaemeniyya. Note the splinter states in Armenia and Asyrria that owed nominal allegiance to the Achaemenids but enjoyed pseudo-independence since the Side rebellion. Arabia had also become independent, breaking up into several tribal confederations, never to be recovered by the Achaemenids. ​

By the time Darius was in his 50s, Christianity had blossomed across the West while Arthanthes, nominally a Zoroastrian and seated deep in the heartlands of Zoroastrian worship suppressed the religion as much as he could while abiding by his father’s prohibition on persecution. In 320 AD, Darius would proclaim the Edict of Evangelisation, making Christianity the state religion. He co-opted the Mobadan Mobed of Achaemeniyya to state that the coming of Christ had been foretold by Zoroaster. With the power of imperial approval, the oppressed were now the oppressors.

Darius would not live long enough to see the full ramifications of his decisions. In 324 AD, four years after the Edict of Evangelisation, he would die peacefully. On his deathbed, he asked the bishop of the Baha’i Andro to baptise him, ascending to heaven for his final reward.

 

[Killcrazy13]

The Rise of Christianity in the Time of Darius


Early Christianity

Christianity began in 1st century Judea with the teachings of Jesus of Nazareth. He was seen by his followers as the Messiah prophesied in Jewish scripture. His message of love, forgiveness, and salvation resonated with many, particularly those marginalized by Persian rule. There are other more detailed sources on the rise of Christianity in the 1st and 2nd century AD so this record won’t go deep into details until it becomes more pertinent to the history of the Achaemenid Empire.

The early Christian movement was led by Jesus' disciples, particularly Petros and Paulos. [1] They spread the message throughout Judea and beyond, focusing initially on Jewish communities. Paulos, in particular, played a crucial role in converting Gentiles (non-Jews) and adapting the message to a broader audience, eventually settling in Rome and becoming the first Bishop of Rome before his subsequent martyrdom. The movement quickly spread to Damascus and Antigoneia, capital of Achaemenid Syria and one of the most important cities in the empire. Early Christians referred to themselves as brethren, disciples or saints, but it was in Antioch, that they were first called Christians (Greek: Christianoi).

Social and professional networks played an important part in spreading the religion as members invited interested outsiders to secret Christian assemblies (Greek: ekklēsia) that met in private homes. Commerce and trade also played a role in Christianity's spread as Christian merchants travelled for business. Christianity appealed to marginalised groups such as women and slaves with its message that "in Christ there is neither Jew nor Persian, neither male nor female, neither slave nor free".

Christianity in the Achaemenid Empire

Over time, major centres of Christianity took root in the great cities of the empires – Antigoneia, Alexandria, Jerusalem, Carthage, Rome and Phillia, the second city of Europa behind Achaemeniyya [2]. The Achaemenids never developed a consistent approach to what they viewed as a new cult. The empire was tolerant of most religions to some degree as long as citizens acknowledged the primacy of Ahura Mazda. Many Hellenic deities were syncretised within the Zoroastrian ‘pantheon’ as Yazatas or aspects of the Spenta Mainyu, the seven divinities emanating from Ahura Mazda during Sisygambis’ religious revolution. As such, Christianity would enjoy periods of growth when the old order were content to leave them alone and periods of repression when a particularly zealous Shahanshah or Mobadan Mobad felt threatened by this exclusively monolithic faith.

Yellow are the territories where Christianity were the majority. Beyond these, they were a significant minority throughout the Eastern Mediterrenean, especially in Anatolia. In the South, faith brought by trade along the Arabian Gulf ensured Ethiopia and Numidia became strongholds for the latter day Miaphysites. Beyond the Euphrates, there were limited communities but Zoroastrianism.and the Vedic faiths were too firmly rooted to be supplanted in these lands.​

By the time of Darius, Christian communities could be found in most major towns and population centres and had even become the majority in a few notable places such as Egypt and North Africa. One suspects that these areas had experienced major tribulations, causing a greater religious hysteria and hoped for succor. North Africa as they had seen the collapse of the Carthaginian empire then became a battleground between Rome and the Achaemenids during the second and third centuries. Egypt as it had suffered particularly badly by the first and second plagues, and having its grain crops redirected by the Shahanshahs to feed the cities of Asia Minor. Darius himself must have been exposed to some Christian thoughts during his exile in Alexandria and that might have fed into his conscious or sub-conscious decision-making when he legitimised the religion later in his reign.

After the Battle of Philippossis, Darius had built the Baha’i Andro as he believed Saint Andrew had personally blessed Achaemeniyya during his apostolic journey. The Acts of Andrew mentioned by Zorobius and Pharsus, important bishops during the time of Arsaces, highlight the miracles he performed including being placed amongst fierce animals, calms storms, and defeating armies simply by crossing himself and Darius took these as signs of divine protection for whoever venerated him. Over time, he became the patron saint of the city and the foremost of those venerated across the empire and his feast day was marked as 30 November, the day of the Battle of Philippossis.

Zoroastrianism and the Edict of Evangelisation

The crisis of the 3rd century had discredited the Zoroastrian priesthood. How could Ahura Mazda allow Druj to seethe through the righteous kingdom? More than one member of the magi had faced street justice or lynchings by freemen and the poor who looked on the full stomachs and rich adornments of the priesthood with hunger and envy. Complicating the situation further for the magi was their lack of support for Darius when Aspastes carried out his coup, ostensibly to restore order. The Mobadan Mobad, eager not to lose the power he cultivated in the regency, sided with who he thought was the victor and supported Aspastes during the civil war. When Darius arrived in Achaemeniyya, he had Mobadan Mobad Upadama burnt alive for his treasonous crimes, saying that if he was a true follower of Asha, Ahura Mazda would protect him from the divine fire. The god did not. Darius chose the new high priest, a man from Alexandria, who we now know to have been a secret Christian – Narsaki Imek [3].

The Council of Nicaea

Many years later, after the Edict of Evangelisation, Darius would call the first Ecumenical Council in Nicaea, summoning bishops from across the empire and beyond. The bishops of Rome and Carthage were invited too, the former accepted while the latter declined. Darius seemed to be striving to establish a universal church protected by the Achaemenids. This would offer him influence in lands beyond his empire through the control of the clergy and Great Power prestige as the foremost leader of Christians. Originally the agenda of the Council was to establish a uniform date for Easter, the proper method of consecrating bishops and the primacy of Achaemeniyya, Alexandria and Jerusalem over the other sees. Over 300 hundred bishops and their retinues attended the Council and Darius intended to awe them with the power of imperial splendour. Also in attendance was Narsaki and fifty selected members of the magi. Unfortunately, even the presence of the Shahanshah was not enough to get the Christian priesthood to agree to a consensus. Knives came out as bishops argued about minute theological details on the nature of Christ and god, seeking royal support for their position. Rivalries that had been seething for decades came to the fore, especially between the bishops of the East and the Alexandrian school of thought.

On the fourth day, Narsaki took the podium and told all in attendance that Ahura Mazda had foreseen the arrival of Christ and that he and his priesthood would now proclaim the faith. With one fell swoop, the see of Achaemeniyya, with the backing of the Shahanshah, had taken the pre-eminent position of influence. With the wealth and network of the magi, Narsaki would ensure the proselytization of the new faith. The other bishops fell in line, even Rome who could now look to Darius and Narsaki for support against persecution by the Roman Imperators. Finally, after six days of arguments and theological bargaining, all agreed to the Nicene Creed, a supposedly universal statement of faith that is the only ecumenical creed accepted as authoritative by the later era Roman Catholic, Orthodox, Apostolic and Coptic churches. It condemned the teachings of Donatus Magnus, the bishop of Carthage, whose absence gave him no defence to accusations of heresy. Their doctrine of rigour threatened other bishops who had hidden or surrendered in the face of harassment. Darius acknowledged the condemnation as it gave him a casus belli against the Punic nation of Hadrametum that had broken off from the empire.

The ramifications of the First Ecumenical Council were not clear to all immediately but it established the idea that Christian theology could only be decided by a council of church leaders within the empire, that the Shahanshah was both the protector and sponsor of the Church and that the bishop of Rome would become the foremost leader of the Church in the Roman Empire and Western Europe. In the long term, it would see the slow split between Rome and Achameniyya and cemented the practice of weaponizing faith and doctrine to eliminate enemies – something that would eventually even threaten the Shahanshahs.



[1] The influence of Greek on the Achaemenid Empire is evident here with the names of the two apostles. Greek had became interchangeable with Middle Persian in high court settings with many professing a passion for the Greek classics and philosophical thought. Over time, the cultural cachet of Greek would supplant Middle Persian as the primary language of the Achaemenids in the 5th century and another reason for the antipathy with the Eastern Persians of Persis and Media.

[2] Philia was situated about 100 miles from Achaemeniyya on the southern coast of the Black Sea. It had acted as the residence of choice for dissenters of imperial rule, being close enough to react and engage in the politics of the City. The population was even more varied than Achaemeniyya with a Roman majority (mostly slaves) that ensured it had a different character to other Persian cities. Even today, the baths and forum ruins help maintain its nickname of “Little Rome”.

[3] It’s doubtful that Darius knew of Narsaki’s secret faith but it is fortuitous that the man he chose would end up being the right man to lead a crusade against the Zoroastrian priesthood. He played a key role in pulling in magi support during the first Ecumenical Council and was later canonised. His shrine can be found at the Patras Cathedral in Achaea.

 

[Killcrazy13]

The Reign of Arsaces (324 AD – 400 AD)


The son of Darius the Restorer, Arthanthes, was murdered shortly after his father’s passing. Factions within the eastern empire based in Persepolis were unhappy with the Edict of Evangelisation. Their lands were the home of Zoroaster and they disagreed with the Mobadan Mobad interpretation that Christ was foreseen by Zoroaster. As Arthanthes was sailing up the Tigris on his way to take the throne of Achaemeniyya, the conspirators sprung their trap, stabbing the Shahanshah multiple times along with his small retinue of bodyguards before setting fire to the ship and leaving it to burn down as it sailed back down the Tigris. House Vivanid who had major estates and holdings in Persia proclaimed themselves the heirs of Zoroaster in Parsa as the eastern empire came to be called and elevated Zasthanes Vivanid to be the Shahanshah of the east and supposed equal to the king in Achaemeniyya.

Fortunately for the line of Darius, Arthanthes’ wife and child were residing in Achaemeniyya and his young son, Arsaces, was crowned Shahanshah of the Achaemenid Empire at the age of four. There were challenges from Vashti, Arsaces’ aunt, the daughter of Darius, but they never materialised into a credible threat and she was eventually packed off to a monastery – a developing Christian innovation.

The Nature of the Divided Empire

The experiment with diarchy did not survive the passing of Darius. Theoretically, the more pliant and peaceful East was supposed to be subservient to the West, providing manpower and taxes while enjoying limited self-government from the junior king situated in their heartlands. Darius did not foresee the resistance by the traditionalists against his radical ideas on religion and administration. Instead, the Vivanids capitalised on the opportunity to break away from Achaemeniyya and position themselves as the righteous champions of Ahura Mazda.

As co-Shahanshah, Zasthanes Vivanid began to reduce the tribute sent to the west, declaring that it was needed in the east. With a child on the throne, Achaemeniyya was not in a position to press the issue and that encouraged Zasthanes to further liberties. Within the East, Zoroastrianism was the state religion while Christianity was discouraged. The West had also adopted many Greek traditions and styles and Persepolis took conscious steps to reject such customs – basing its legitimacy on the reversion to ‘pure’ Persian ways. Zasthanes and his successors actively shaped his image as the defender of the ancient ways. The fault lines between the two halves were becoming ever more apparent as the weakness of Achaemeniyya to press its claims or control was becoming more apparent.

In the narrative, the East will be referred to as Parsa while the West as the Achaemenid Empire for clarity. There were other differences beyond the dictums of royalty between the two states. Parsa was far more ethnically homogenous than the East, where populations of Armenians, Cappadocians, Punics, Greeks, Illyrians, Syrians, Jews, Khemets, Romans and Arabs lived alongside the dominant Greco-Persians. Parsa was home to rare goods but had a smaller population to maximise its natural resources while the diverse Achaemenid empire was home to the great cities where trade (what existed after the plagues) thrived and became the natural hub of commerce between the Roman West and the Asian East. Of course, the most obvious difference was in terms of religion. Parsa was devoted to the precepts of Zoroaster while the Achaemenid Empire was home to the many different splinters of Christianity as each vied to be the Official Christine Doctrine.


The Early Years of Arsaces

Initially, the reign of Arsaces seemed to echo the rule of the Zoroastrian dynasty, ensconced within the palace and prey to the factions of court but Narsaki, the Mobadan Mobad and the Arsaces’ mother, Drema, were able protectors of the young Shahanshah. He would grow up well-educated and equipped with all the skills expected of an Achaemenid Shahanshah but the world beyond the palace was changing irrevocably.

The plagues, civil wars and religious conflicts had seen Achaemenid power falter and the throne’s ability to exercise control falter despite the exertions of Darius. In his later years, Darius was well aware of the weaknesses of the military. Once the greatest fighting force in the world, the army no longer fielded the Immortals after their betrayal and the troops were mostly levies trained periodically instead of the fully professional corp of the 1st and 2nd century AD. Darius agreed with his generals to lax recruitment standards and improve soldier pay but he never sanctioned any significant enlargement of the military beyond the traditional 10,000 men from Cyrus’ day.

During Arsaces’ reign, the Spahbeds and generals were no longer from the Great Houses, often field soldiers promoted to command. Darius sought to break up the control of the Houses and now the military was staffed by mercenary captains or up-jumped commoners with little-known surnames such as Agesipolid or Suren. However, as is common during the time of weak or young rulers, these military men became an aristocracy of their own as they developed their influence at the expense of the throne and traded favours to further their own goals.

Arsaces as Shahanshah & the Council of Chalcedon

Arsaces took control of his empire on his majority in 336 AD but he was plagued with ill-health throughout his life and rarely left the palace. The empire became increasingly inward-looking during his long reign as it grappled with church politics and economic rebuilding.

Initially, this meant a receding of imperial power from the furthest flung provinces. Egypt, Cyrenaica and Syria were given more freedom to manage their own economies and people. Into this newly created space, Church schismatics would capitalise and promote their own beliefs. Much of it was on definitions on the nature of Christ, his essence and whether he was divine and human or fully divine or did he become divine after his death. Many modern Christians have difficulty understanding some of the more esoteric details of these debates and why such arguments led to condemnation and executions, but in the historical context of the ways in Christianity was transforming the late Achaemenid Empire, the stakes were high; differences in interpretation jeopardized the very concept of salvation for Christians.

This also coincided with the crusade of Narsaki against the Zoroastrians within the realm. Within the church, two schools of thought developed – the Alexandrian and Achaemeniyyan factions. Both had been home to Darius and enjoyed prestige from his patronage.

The Alexandrian school were monophysites or belief that Christ only had one nature while the Achameniyyans held that Christ had two natures united in one person. The Alexandrites were led by Theophilus while Narsaki championed the dual nature of Christ. Both sought to outdo each other in religious zeal and this sped up the destruction of Fire Temples across the land. Many had their marble burned in lime kilns to make cement, and the stone robbed for the construction of other buildings. We have the writing of Manishir of Antigoneia appealing to the throne to save them:

"Christian monks hasten to attack the temples with sticks and stones and bars of iron, and in some cases, disdaining these, with hands and feet. Then utter desolation follows, with the stripping of roofs, demolition of walls, the tearing down of statues and the overthrow of altars, and the priests must either keep quiet or die. After demolishing one, they scurry to another, and to a third, and trophy is piled on trophy, in contravention of the law. Such outrages occur even in the cities, but they are most common in the countryside. Many are the foes who perpetrate the separate attacks, but after their countless crimes this scattered rabble congregates and they are in disgrace unless they have committed the foulest outrage...Temples, Sire, are the soul of the countryside: they mark the beginning of its settlement and have been passed down through many generations to the men of today. In them, the farming communities rest their hopes for husbands, wives, children, for their oxen and the soil they sow and plant. An estate that has suffered so has lost the inspiration of the peasantry together with their hopes, for they believe that their labour will be in vain once they are robbed of Ahura Mazda who directs their labours to their due end. And if the land no longer enjoys the same care, neither can the yield match what it was before, and, if this be the case, the peasant is the poorer, and the revenue jeopardized."

The plea fell on deaf ears and Narsaki bid the Shahanshah to build more churches across the land to fill the void in people’s hearts.

As the faction grew in animosity, Arsaces was forced to call a new Ecumenical Council to address the complaints of the clergy. This council held in Chalcedon in 381 AD was to settle debates regarding the nature (hypostases, "reality") of Christ that threatened to break Church unity. The question was whether Christ was human or divine, a man who became God (through the resurrection and ascension) or God who became a man (through the incarnation, "taking on flesh"), and how his humanity and divinity affected his essence and being, if at all. It was attended by 520 bishops and their entourages and was the largest and best-documented of all the councils. Arsaces wished to bring proceedings to a speedy end and asked the council to make a pronouncement on the doctrine of the Incarnation. It was decided that no new creed was necessary.

The conclusion was reached that the two natures of Christ remained distinct in the union; neither nature was diminished in any way through their joining. The Council also issued twenty-seven disciplinary canons governing church administration and hierarchy (to stem the lifestyles and corruption of the clergy). The immediate result of the Council created more schisms. The Bishop of Rome, styling himself Pope

The Alexandrians were now labelled as monophysites ("one nature") and they broke from both Acahemeniyya and Rome and created the independent Coptic Christian Church of Egypt with their own Pope. They suffered persecution and executions until the time of Daeva Achaemenid, King of Jerusalem in the 7th century, who acted as their protector as lord of Egypt. The Bishop of Rome who fancied himself as the head of the Church as the Roman Empire, his See, oversaw the largest territory, disagreed with the exact wording of the creed of Chalcedon but did not voice opposition in the land of the Persians. Back in Rome, he announced his opposition to Chalcedon and inserted the so-called Filioque clause (Latin filioque, “and the son”), after the words “the Holy Spirit,…who proceeds from the Father,”. This was gradually introduced as part of the creed in the Western church during the lifetime of the now Pope Alexander and became the basis of a continuing schism between the Roman and Achaemenid churches, though both put up the fiction that Rome and Achameniyya were in communion for many more centuries.

Arsaces attempt at church unity had only driven home the differences between the factions and ensured that the Western Church (soon to be called the Catholic Church) would not follow the lead of the Patriarch of Achaemeniyya as Narsaki began to coin himself. Narsaki would proclaim that his church was the Orthodox Church of Christ and that all others not recognising his pre-eminent status were schismatics or even worse, potentially heretics. The continual Church conflicts would exacerbate the instability of the empire as new factors come into play.

The Thunder of Hooves from the East

The first half of Arsaces’ reign was relatively peaceful but from 360 AD onwards, began to face constant barbarian invasions from the North and East. The tribes north of the Black Sea and the Caucasus were retreating before some much greater threat. Moesia and Caucasian Albania began to see large migrations crossing into Achaemenid lands in search of shelter and peace. These barbarians proved to be a boon and bane for the empire. Unable to keep such large numbers out due to the impoverished size of the army, Arsaces was forced to accommodate them, integrating some of them into the army while seeking to settle others in abandoned lands in Macedonia and Asia Minor. They proved to be a great source of instability for the recovering empire but also helped to infuse new economic and military vitality.

Behind them, the Huns began to pour in and ravage the Pontic Steppe, raiding deep into Moesia and Armenia. Terror of their attacks were carried before them by refugees and eventually reached Achaemeniyya where a full-scale panic set in. Autophradates Suren Spahbeh of Spahbeds was called in to restore order in the city but once again the fears of military mutiny reared its ugly head.

The last decades of Arsaces reign’ was plagued by his ill-health and the question of succession. Arsaces had no sons, only two daughters. Both common folk and nobility were against the daughters taking power as the spectre of the Three Witches was still fresh in many minds. Arsaces would cede the throne to his son-in-law Tigraios, adopted into the Achaemenid line but lacking the blood of Darius and Cyrus. For the first time in 800 years, there would be no descendant of Amastris sitting on the throne. Arsaces would pass away from a stroke in 400 AD and the line of the Dâmâds (Persian for Son-in-Law) would lead the Empire through the Hunnic invasions and 5th-century wars.