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I was wondering here what the cost would be if open war with the Syndies was risked. Yes, a base in Europe, but unlike England doesn’t have a convenient ditch around it.
Ok, so if neutrality persists (I’ve actually forgotten the precise situation, as I keep switching between this and Carnage) then maybe this little enclave can be fortified enough to hold if war breaks out in due course?
- 1
- 1
The US keeps winning. But watch out for the inevitable counterattack!
Patton fighting alongside his former countrymen is a fun detail. Politics has taken a backseat to the wider realities of war.
Patton fighting alongside his former countrymen is a fun detail. Politics has taken a backseat to the wider realities of war.
- 2
This surprised me.
I really can't see how the King would ever countenance any support for the syndicalists...at all...
Live by the sword.
Die by the sword.
If all Hall has to offer is ideological purity....then he is no longer a socialist and the revolution is dead...and he and his men are merely zombies.
- 2
Choices indeed.
I'm not sure tying yourself to a dead politician is a good play...
This timeline is horrifying in a way for the rest of the world. The military industrial complex is the only entity that would be happy, I think. So much war and violence...
Also staff officers and wargame players. Imagine having a Combat Mission set in this timeline, it's going to be glorious.
- 1
Chapter 29: The 1940 Elections.
"Elections belong to the people. It's their decision. If they decide to turn their back on the fire and burn their behinds, then they will just have to sit on their blisters."
- Abraham Lincoln
The campaigns of the various political parties until mid-September had been centered almost entirely on one issue: foreign policy. This came as a surprise to many, given MacArthur's experience and advantage in the field. Why would the Democrats and Progressives choose to challenge MacArthur on his own turf rather than attack him where he was weakest—domestic policy? The answer lay in the military and political events unfolding in Europe. No one, not even the isolationists, could ignore the collapse of the German Empire and the rise of the Third International. However, with only a few months left before the elections, both political groups were determined to secure as many voters as possible. So far, MacArthur had handled himself masterfully, borrowing Wallace’s phrase “leader of the free world” and improving upon it in one of his most powerful speeches. If the Democratic candidates wanted a chance at victory on November 8, they needed to change their approach.
Thus, both Wallace and Byrd attempted to steer the debate toward MacArthur’s domestic policies following the fall of Lisbon. Through newspaper columns, they directly questioned MacArthur about his economic vision and domestic agenda. MacArthur could not remain silent. When asked about his economic policy at a rally in Alabama, he was candid:“What do I believe is the future of our economy? Let me be clear. America needs two things: order and efficiency.” At that moment, Hugh S. Johnson, MacArthur’s campaign director, managed to intervene and move on to the next question. But it was too late.
As expected, Wallace and Byrd did not let these remarks go unnoticed. Was MacArthur hinting at centralizing the economy? It certainly seemed that way. This stance deviated from the fiscal conservatism typically associated with Conservative Republicans. And that was too much for Taft. Robert Taft—Mr. Republican—had had enough. Unfortunately for him, he realized too late that he had been supporting a Republican conservative candidacy that stood in direct opposition to his own principles. MacArthur was not only not fiscally conservative; he was also opposed to isolationism. The Vice Presidential candidate even considered resigning to damage MacArthur’s reputation. But greed and pride got the better of him. The Ohio senator was ultimately forced to support MacArthur’s statements. However, that did not stop the less Republican-aligned newspapers from criticizing him. At last, after MacArthur’s misstep, both Conservative and Progressive Democrats had found the perfect opportunity to attack him
However, what is known in American elections as the "October Surprise" soon arrived. After weeks of fighting, on the 23rd, units of the French Army, this time supported by British and Dutch forces, broke through Berlin in the Second Battle for the city.
This news was not entirely unexpected, given the state of the front. However, neither the Germans, the Russians, nor the Americans had anticipated that it would happen so soon. Hoover himself had assured President Landon that, according to his intelligence, the French Army would be incapable of launching an offensive until mid-December. However, they had not accounted for the appointment of Doriot. As the leader of the French secret police, Doriot had been named by Valois as the head of the 3rd French Army, led by General Charles Delestraint. Delestraint had distinguished himself as a disciple of General Gamelin and was a member of the "Organisation Armée Secrète", a clandestine group of officers with socialist leanings but opposed to the government's increasing authoritarianism. As a result, the relationship between the two men was far from ideal. Nevertheless, Valois had made it clear that Doriot held the highest authority. Thus, he ordered the encirclement of the city, against Delestraint's objections. Despite the risks, the maneuver proved successful, as the German forces, more exhausted than French intelligence had assumed, were unable to prevent the French from surrounding the metropolis.
A French self-propelled artillery piece firing at a German position in a block of buildings. Just as Paris symbolized the revolution, the members of the International saw Berlin as a symbol of Prussian oppression over Europe. Thus, Valois ordered that it should not be rebuilt and that a new Berlin should be constructed further west. The city remained in ruins and filled with refugees for years, during which the empty, destroyed blocks were occupied by the regime's undesirables: former nobles, Prussian officers, members of the old political parties...
Following this, Marshal Model found himself trapped in the city with approximately 250,000 soldiers and militia, while desperate attempts to reopen communications failed. Then, French artillery began bombarding the city with relentless shelling, reducing it to ruins. After days of bombardment, French, British, and Dutch vanguards launched their assault. On the 23rd, after a battle that had lasted two weeks and had cost 130,000 French casualties and around 300,000 German casualties (including civilians and militia), Berlin—the capital of Germany and the world—lay in ruins, ready to be plundered by its conquerors. Marshal Model was captured and summarily executed by a military tribunal, and the German front collapsed. Without clear orders, the remnants of the German Army retreated south and east. Now, Doriot's troops marched toward the south, towards Prague. Meanwhile, Chuikov and his army, having waited in vain to capture Berlin, now threatened Danzig and Warsaw with their forces, while Wrangel advanced through Transylvania in support of the Romanians. The Reich—and the war—were lost.
Or so thought Kaiser Wilhelm II when he received news of Berlin’s fall. The Kaiser had remained largely detached from national politics after Black Monday. He had been nothing more than a puppet of Kurt von Schleicher, only to be sidelined completely by Chancellor Goerdeler, who had decided that an isolated Kaiser was preferable to a potential rival to his counter-reforms. As a result, the Kaiser and his family had not participated in the war, merely watching from Silesia as the German Empire crumbled. However, soon offers arrived from an unexpected source: Mittelafrika. There, in the southern colonies, a group of officers and magnates offered the Kaiser a chance to flee and consolidate his position before returning home when the situation became favorable. Although the Kaiser hesitated, his son, Wilhelm III, did not. He despised Goerdeler, believing he had not sufficiently supported Schleicher and had also prevented Wilhelm from serving on the front lines. Thus, he managed to convince his father and the rest of the family to flee to Africa.
Of course, all of this was highly secretive—if the German people found out, it would be their ruin. The Kaiser contacted Erich Raeder, head of the German Navy, and secured the royal family's escape to Africa via submarine. During the voyage, the submarine was pursued by several Internationale ships and was forced to dock in the Azores for emergency repairs—territory under American control. Although some feared it would cause an international incident, Landon allowed the submarine to refuel and be repaired, granting it permission to depart two days later.
However, the Kaiser could not keep his departure hidden indefinitely, and eventually, the German people found out. Among them was Chancellor Goerdeler, who felt betrayed by the Kaiser. Yet, he had little time to react. Due to his ineptitude in all aspects of governance, the military staged a coup d’état on October 26, capturing Goerdeler and his cabinet. The coup was orchestrated by the ultra-militarist and nationalist faction of Die Fronte, which had previously been supported by Schleicher. However, these new leaders went even further, envisioning a militarized Germany where "every citizen would be part of a glorious war machine." Seizing on the government’s failure, they launched their coup with the backing of old figures from Ludendorff’s circle. To the surprise of many, one of the participants was Albert Kesselring, who had witnessed his soldiers perish due to the government’s incompetence. The new regime appointed Colonel Max Hermann Bauer as the head of a National Salvation Government.
However, it was too late to make a difference. The German Army was a shadow of its former self—deprived of weapons, supplies, and veterans. The Luftwaffe had also fared poorly. While it had initially enjoyed some superiority, particularly on the Eastern Front, the occupation of the Rhineland, the increasing presence of enemy aircraft over Germany, and fuel shortages had taken their toll. The only branch that survived relatively intact was the Navy, which fled north—nearly reaching Iceland—before making its way down to Africa. Thus, even Bauer’s coup could not salvage the situation. With a war-weary population and a shrinking territory, the new regime established a provisional capital in Munich and attempted to resist. However, desertions and urban uprisings crippled their efforts, with some cities even welcoming French and Russian forces as liberators. Ultimately, Bauer's government fled to Austria after its capitulation on November 6—just two days before the American elections. Though Bauer’s experiment failed, his ideals, along with those of Die Fronte, would later be revived in the 1950s and 60s by Otto Ernst Remer and his "Schwarzlegion," under the new ideology of "Eiserner Nationalismus."
Returning to the United States, the candidates—MacArthur included—made great efforts to emphasize the strength of their arguments and their differing viewpoints. However, with no major shift in the political landscape, all eyes turned to the Caesar, who spent election night on November 8 in his suite in New York. The following day, even the most optimistic anti-MacArthur figures were forced to concede his victory: Douglas MacArthur would be the 30th and 32nd President of the United States of America.
Now, let us analyze the results:
First of all, even Wallace himself was surprised by the number of electoral votes the new Progressive Democratic Party had secured. This was not only due to Byrd's pro-Southern Democratic campaign but also to the resentment toward MacArthur and his allies in certain areas, such as California (which Landon had won by a narrow margin in 1936). This loss was also attributed to the discrediting of California's liberal Republicans, who had been the backbone of the Pacific States' rebellion in 1937. They also won in Minnesota, a state historically linked to Wallace's former Farmer-Labor Party, and in parts of New England, where neither MacArthur nor Byrd's Southern rhetoric had been well received. However, the progressive Democrats soon realized they had failed to secure any Midwestern states. The farmers themselves had preferred MacArthur over Wallace, and much of the party’s support came from urban centers. This shift would push the party away from its agrarian base, increasing the influence of the cities inside the party.
On the other hand, Byrd's Democrats were utterly humiliated. Not only did they finish in third place, but they also watched as MacArthur himself managed to secure votes from former supporters of Huey Long, largely due to the influence of Matthew Ridgway and his AUS veterans' association. In this election—where the industrial Northern states were not a decisive factor—the Democrats found themselves caught in the middle. Their decision to fully embrace a Southern stance (which they made no effort to conceal by selecting both members of their ticket from the South) alienated Northern voters. The Democrats only managed to win Massachusetts thanks to the influence and economic power of the Kennedy family. At the same time, they failed to leverage their traditional base inherited from Long to secure Florida, South Carolina, and, most importantly, Texas, which the Republicans won by a narrow margin.
Now was the time to lick their wounds and ask themselves: What was the future of the Democratic Party? Should they seek to reclaim the North, or should they double down and try to win over Huey Long’s former base? That was a question the party of Andrew Jackson, Woodrow Wilson, and Grover Cleveland had to answer before 1944—or perhaps even sooner, with the 1942 midterm elections.
For his part, there is only Douglas MacArthur left to discuss—the American Caesar and new President of the United States. Alongside Grover Cleveland, he was the only U.S. President to serve two non-consecutive terms. At the same time, these were the strangest elections the United States had ever seen. The industrial North was still under military occupation, leaving the nation with 349 members in the Electoral College and requiring 175 votes to win. MacArthur secured 184 and 55% of the vote. Notable was not only his victory in Texas and the South but also in several Northern states previously occupied by Canada, which saw him as a liberator. Additionally, in his Northern campaign, he was strongly supported by the former general and ex-leader of the "Yankee" resistance, J. Pershing. Finally, it remains to be seen how Congress and the Senate would shape up heading into 1942.
"Map of the 1940 Congressional election"
"Image of Congress in 1940. The Republicans hold a majority that the other two parties cannot challenge. However, the Republican congressmen themselves were divided between MacArthurists, Taft Conservatives, and Dewey Liberals."
"Map of the Senate in 1940."
"Senate Chamber in 1940. Despite nearly holding a two-thirds majority, most senators were not MacArthurists, which would cause many problems for MacArthur in the Senate during his term."
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
There is no safer place than home. Or so thought Edgar Hoover, director of the FBI. That phrase could mean many things to others: love, trust… For Hoover, it meant there would be no microphones. That was why, after several months of being unable to meet, the Triumvirate had gathered once again to discuss what to do now that Douglas MacArthur was about to become President of the United States. Just as Hoover had predicted. Eisenhower and Frankfurter arrived at the same time. They had almost certainly come together to discuss the matter. Both were well aware of Hoover’s anger. Once everyone was seated, Hoover spoke.
- Did I tell you or not? MacArthur wasn’t going to play fair, and now he’s President.
- Edgar...- Eisenhower said.
- Listen to me, Ike. I’m tired of playing this game. MacArthur has been influencing things from the shadows for months.
- Just like we have.- Frankfurter interjected.
- Don’t compare, Felix. He has more influence and power. And now, more than ever.
- I completely disagree, Edgar. MacArthur has made a mistake.
Hoover turned to Eisenhower with an ironic look.
- What exactly has the Caesar done that’s such a mistake?
- He’s President now. That gives him rights and responsibilities.
- I know the theory, Ike. Let me remind you that I studied law.
- Then you know that if MacArthur steps out of line, we can stop him.
- How?- Hoover ask.
- Impeachment. - Felix Frankfurter said. - I’ve consulted with my colleagues. The rest of the justices are loyal to me.
- At the same time, MacArthur has to deal with Congress and the Senate to pass any law. We all know Doug. Negotiation isn’t his style unless it’s at gunpoint.
Hoover poured himself a drink from the bar cabinet.
- Was all this part of your plan, Ike?
- Not at all, Edgar. But the opportunity is here, and we can’t waste it.
- So what do we do?
- Easy. We keep working. Felix will stay in the Supreme Court. The Second Army and I will be deployed to Africa soon. And you, Hoover… you’re the key. I’ve heard that MacArthur is preparing a bill to further strengthen the FBI. That way, we can keep limiting him. It’s only four years. Four years in which Dewey, Wallace, and even Taft will try to paralyze our "dear" President MacArthur.
- No doubt, Ike.- Hoover added with a smirk,.-, you really know how to give pep talks.
Hours later, Edgar Hoover smoked a cigar calmly in his office. In his hand, a duplicate tape of his meeting with Frankfurter and Eisenhower. If he wanted, he could leak it to Hearst or even MacArthur himself to discredit them.
He could do it.
But he didn’t want to.
He would collaborate with MacArthur, as Eisenhower had asked. After all, both men wanted the FBI to keep growing.However, just in case something went wrong, Hoover had an insurance policy.
Just in case.
That wasn’t necessarily a bad thing.
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
We're back! I must say that learning how to edit Wikipedia pages and the research I've done state by state (whether for primaries, Congress, or the Senate) has been fun, though it has taken quite a bit of my time.
Still, here we are: MacArthur is President. However, that doesn’t mean everything will be easy. This is not a state of emergency. MacArthur will face strong opposition from the very establishment he helped defend against Long and Reed.
Regarding neutrality, relations are tense. The International supported Reed, as we saw with the Carver Commission. At the same time, we are ideological enemies despite both fighting against the Entente. However, there are still some minor details left to reveal, but like many other things, I forget about them and have to go back and change them later.
As for Patton, it all comes from an idea from @son of liberty! (or at least he inspired me)
"Elections belong to the people. It's their decision. If they decide to turn their back on the fire and burn their behinds, then they will just have to sit on their blisters."
- Abraham Lincoln
The campaigns of the various political parties until mid-September had been centered almost entirely on one issue: foreign policy. This came as a surprise to many, given MacArthur's experience and advantage in the field. Why would the Democrats and Progressives choose to challenge MacArthur on his own turf rather than attack him where he was weakest—domestic policy? The answer lay in the military and political events unfolding in Europe. No one, not even the isolationists, could ignore the collapse of the German Empire and the rise of the Third International. However, with only a few months left before the elections, both political groups were determined to secure as many voters as possible. So far, MacArthur had handled himself masterfully, borrowing Wallace’s phrase “leader of the free world” and improving upon it in one of his most powerful speeches. If the Democratic candidates wanted a chance at victory on November 8, they needed to change their approach.
Thus, both Wallace and Byrd attempted to steer the debate toward MacArthur’s domestic policies following the fall of Lisbon. Through newspaper columns, they directly questioned MacArthur about his economic vision and domestic agenda. MacArthur could not remain silent. When asked about his economic policy at a rally in Alabama, he was candid:“What do I believe is the future of our economy? Let me be clear. America needs two things: order and efficiency.” At that moment, Hugh S. Johnson, MacArthur’s campaign director, managed to intervene and move on to the next question. But it was too late.
As expected, Wallace and Byrd did not let these remarks go unnoticed. Was MacArthur hinting at centralizing the economy? It certainly seemed that way. This stance deviated from the fiscal conservatism typically associated with Conservative Republicans. And that was too much for Taft. Robert Taft—Mr. Republican—had had enough. Unfortunately for him, he realized too late that he had been supporting a Republican conservative candidacy that stood in direct opposition to his own principles. MacArthur was not only not fiscally conservative; he was also opposed to isolationism. The Vice Presidential candidate even considered resigning to damage MacArthur’s reputation. But greed and pride got the better of him. The Ohio senator was ultimately forced to support MacArthur’s statements. However, that did not stop the less Republican-aligned newspapers from criticizing him. At last, after MacArthur’s misstep, both Conservative and Progressive Democrats had found the perfect opportunity to attack him
However, what is known in American elections as the "October Surprise" soon arrived. After weeks of fighting, on the 23rd, units of the French Army, this time supported by British and Dutch forces, broke through Berlin in the Second Battle for the city.
This news was not entirely unexpected, given the state of the front. However, neither the Germans, the Russians, nor the Americans had anticipated that it would happen so soon. Hoover himself had assured President Landon that, according to his intelligence, the French Army would be incapable of launching an offensive until mid-December. However, they had not accounted for the appointment of Doriot. As the leader of the French secret police, Doriot had been named by Valois as the head of the 3rd French Army, led by General Charles Delestraint. Delestraint had distinguished himself as a disciple of General Gamelin and was a member of the "Organisation Armée Secrète", a clandestine group of officers with socialist leanings but opposed to the government's increasing authoritarianism. As a result, the relationship between the two men was far from ideal. Nevertheless, Valois had made it clear that Doriot held the highest authority. Thus, he ordered the encirclement of the city, against Delestraint's objections. Despite the risks, the maneuver proved successful, as the German forces, more exhausted than French intelligence had assumed, were unable to prevent the French from surrounding the metropolis.
A French self-propelled artillery piece firing at a German position in a block of buildings. Just as Paris symbolized the revolution, the members of the International saw Berlin as a symbol of Prussian oppression over Europe. Thus, Valois ordered that it should not be rebuilt and that a new Berlin should be constructed further west. The city remained in ruins and filled with refugees for years, during which the empty, destroyed blocks were occupied by the regime's undesirables: former nobles, Prussian officers, members of the old political parties...
Following this, Marshal Model found himself trapped in the city with approximately 250,000 soldiers and militia, while desperate attempts to reopen communications failed. Then, French artillery began bombarding the city with relentless shelling, reducing it to ruins. After days of bombardment, French, British, and Dutch vanguards launched their assault. On the 23rd, after a battle that had lasted two weeks and had cost 130,000 French casualties and around 300,000 German casualties (including civilians and militia), Berlin—the capital of Germany and the world—lay in ruins, ready to be plundered by its conquerors. Marshal Model was captured and summarily executed by a military tribunal, and the German front collapsed. Without clear orders, the remnants of the German Army retreated south and east. Now, Doriot's troops marched toward the south, towards Prague. Meanwhile, Chuikov and his army, having waited in vain to capture Berlin, now threatened Danzig and Warsaw with their forces, while Wrangel advanced through Transylvania in support of the Romanians. The Reich—and the war—were lost.
Or so thought Kaiser Wilhelm II when he received news of Berlin’s fall. The Kaiser had remained largely detached from national politics after Black Monday. He had been nothing more than a puppet of Kurt von Schleicher, only to be sidelined completely by Chancellor Goerdeler, who had decided that an isolated Kaiser was preferable to a potential rival to his counter-reforms. As a result, the Kaiser and his family had not participated in the war, merely watching from Silesia as the German Empire crumbled. However, soon offers arrived from an unexpected source: Mittelafrika. There, in the southern colonies, a group of officers and magnates offered the Kaiser a chance to flee and consolidate his position before returning home when the situation became favorable. Although the Kaiser hesitated, his son, Wilhelm III, did not. He despised Goerdeler, believing he had not sufficiently supported Schleicher and had also prevented Wilhelm from serving on the front lines. Thus, he managed to convince his father and the rest of the family to flee to Africa.
Of course, all of this was highly secretive—if the German people found out, it would be their ruin. The Kaiser contacted Erich Raeder, head of the German Navy, and secured the royal family's escape to Africa via submarine. During the voyage, the submarine was pursued by several Internationale ships and was forced to dock in the Azores for emergency repairs—territory under American control. Although some feared it would cause an international incident, Landon allowed the submarine to refuel and be repaired, granting it permission to depart two days later.
However, the Kaiser could not keep his departure hidden indefinitely, and eventually, the German people found out. Among them was Chancellor Goerdeler, who felt betrayed by the Kaiser. Yet, he had little time to react. Due to his ineptitude in all aspects of governance, the military staged a coup d’état on October 26, capturing Goerdeler and his cabinet. The coup was orchestrated by the ultra-militarist and nationalist faction of Die Fronte, which had previously been supported by Schleicher. However, these new leaders went even further, envisioning a militarized Germany where "every citizen would be part of a glorious war machine." Seizing on the government’s failure, they launched their coup with the backing of old figures from Ludendorff’s circle. To the surprise of many, one of the participants was Albert Kesselring, who had witnessed his soldiers perish due to the government’s incompetence. The new regime appointed Colonel Max Hermann Bauer as the head of a National Salvation Government.
However, it was too late to make a difference. The German Army was a shadow of its former self—deprived of weapons, supplies, and veterans. The Luftwaffe had also fared poorly. While it had initially enjoyed some superiority, particularly on the Eastern Front, the occupation of the Rhineland, the increasing presence of enemy aircraft over Germany, and fuel shortages had taken their toll. The only branch that survived relatively intact was the Navy, which fled north—nearly reaching Iceland—before making its way down to Africa. Thus, even Bauer’s coup could not salvage the situation. With a war-weary population and a shrinking territory, the new regime established a provisional capital in Munich and attempted to resist. However, desertions and urban uprisings crippled their efforts, with some cities even welcoming French and Russian forces as liberators. Ultimately, Bauer's government fled to Austria after its capitulation on November 6—just two days before the American elections. Though Bauer’s experiment failed, his ideals, along with those of Die Fronte, would later be revived in the 1950s and 60s by Otto Ernst Remer and his "Schwarzlegion," under the new ideology of "Eiserner Nationalismus."
Returning to the United States, the candidates—MacArthur included—made great efforts to emphasize the strength of their arguments and their differing viewpoints. However, with no major shift in the political landscape, all eyes turned to the Caesar, who spent election night on November 8 in his suite in New York. The following day, even the most optimistic anti-MacArthur figures were forced to concede his victory: Douglas MacArthur would be the 30th and 32nd President of the United States of America.
Now, let us analyze the results:
First of all, even Wallace himself was surprised by the number of electoral votes the new Progressive Democratic Party had secured. This was not only due to Byrd's pro-Southern Democratic campaign but also to the resentment toward MacArthur and his allies in certain areas, such as California (which Landon had won by a narrow margin in 1936). This loss was also attributed to the discrediting of California's liberal Republicans, who had been the backbone of the Pacific States' rebellion in 1937. They also won in Minnesota, a state historically linked to Wallace's former Farmer-Labor Party, and in parts of New England, where neither MacArthur nor Byrd's Southern rhetoric had been well received. However, the progressive Democrats soon realized they had failed to secure any Midwestern states. The farmers themselves had preferred MacArthur over Wallace, and much of the party’s support came from urban centers. This shift would push the party away from its agrarian base, increasing the influence of the cities inside the party.
On the other hand, Byrd's Democrats were utterly humiliated. Not only did they finish in third place, but they also watched as MacArthur himself managed to secure votes from former supporters of Huey Long, largely due to the influence of Matthew Ridgway and his AUS veterans' association. In this election—where the industrial Northern states were not a decisive factor—the Democrats found themselves caught in the middle. Their decision to fully embrace a Southern stance (which they made no effort to conceal by selecting both members of their ticket from the South) alienated Northern voters. The Democrats only managed to win Massachusetts thanks to the influence and economic power of the Kennedy family. At the same time, they failed to leverage their traditional base inherited from Long to secure Florida, South Carolina, and, most importantly, Texas, which the Republicans won by a narrow margin.
Now was the time to lick their wounds and ask themselves: What was the future of the Democratic Party? Should they seek to reclaim the North, or should they double down and try to win over Huey Long’s former base? That was a question the party of Andrew Jackson, Woodrow Wilson, and Grover Cleveland had to answer before 1944—or perhaps even sooner, with the 1942 midterm elections.
For his part, there is only Douglas MacArthur left to discuss—the American Caesar and new President of the United States. Alongside Grover Cleveland, he was the only U.S. President to serve two non-consecutive terms. At the same time, these were the strangest elections the United States had ever seen. The industrial North was still under military occupation, leaving the nation with 349 members in the Electoral College and requiring 175 votes to win. MacArthur secured 184 and 55% of the vote. Notable was not only his victory in Texas and the South but also in several Northern states previously occupied by Canada, which saw him as a liberator. Additionally, in his Northern campaign, he was strongly supported by the former general and ex-leader of the "Yankee" resistance, J. Pershing. Finally, it remains to be seen how Congress and the Senate would shape up heading into 1942.
"Map of the 1940 Congressional election"
"Image of Congress in 1940. The Republicans hold a majority that the other two parties cannot challenge. However, the Republican congressmen themselves were divided between MacArthurists, Taft Conservatives, and Dewey Liberals."
"Map of the Senate in 1940."
"Senate Chamber in 1940. Despite nearly holding a two-thirds majority, most senators were not MacArthurists, which would cause many problems for MacArthur in the Senate during his term."
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
There is no safer place than home. Or so thought Edgar Hoover, director of the FBI. That phrase could mean many things to others: love, trust… For Hoover, it meant there would be no microphones. That was why, after several months of being unable to meet, the Triumvirate had gathered once again to discuss what to do now that Douglas MacArthur was about to become President of the United States. Just as Hoover had predicted. Eisenhower and Frankfurter arrived at the same time. They had almost certainly come together to discuss the matter. Both were well aware of Hoover’s anger. Once everyone was seated, Hoover spoke.
- Did I tell you or not? MacArthur wasn’t going to play fair, and now he’s President.
- Edgar...- Eisenhower said.
- Listen to me, Ike. I’m tired of playing this game. MacArthur has been influencing things from the shadows for months.
- Just like we have.- Frankfurter interjected.
- Don’t compare, Felix. He has more influence and power. And now, more than ever.
- I completely disagree, Edgar. MacArthur has made a mistake.
Hoover turned to Eisenhower with an ironic look.
- What exactly has the Caesar done that’s such a mistake?
- He’s President now. That gives him rights and responsibilities.
- I know the theory, Ike. Let me remind you that I studied law.
- Then you know that if MacArthur steps out of line, we can stop him.
- How?- Hoover ask.
- Impeachment. - Felix Frankfurter said. - I’ve consulted with my colleagues. The rest of the justices are loyal to me.
- At the same time, MacArthur has to deal with Congress and the Senate to pass any law. We all know Doug. Negotiation isn’t his style unless it’s at gunpoint.
Hoover poured himself a drink from the bar cabinet.
- Was all this part of your plan, Ike?
- Not at all, Edgar. But the opportunity is here, and we can’t waste it.
- So what do we do?
- Easy. We keep working. Felix will stay in the Supreme Court. The Second Army and I will be deployed to Africa soon. And you, Hoover… you’re the key. I’ve heard that MacArthur is preparing a bill to further strengthen the FBI. That way, we can keep limiting him. It’s only four years. Four years in which Dewey, Wallace, and even Taft will try to paralyze our "dear" President MacArthur.
- No doubt, Ike.- Hoover added with a smirk,.-, you really know how to give pep talks.
Hours later, Edgar Hoover smoked a cigar calmly in his office. In his hand, a duplicate tape of his meeting with Frankfurter and Eisenhower. If he wanted, he could leak it to Hearst or even MacArthur himself to discredit them.
He could do it.
But he didn’t want to.
He would collaborate with MacArthur, as Eisenhower had asked. After all, both men wanted the FBI to keep growing.However, just in case something went wrong, Hoover had an insurance policy.
Just in case.
That wasn’t necessarily a bad thing.
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
We're back! I must say that learning how to edit Wikipedia pages and the research I've done state by state (whether for primaries, Congress, or the Senate) has been fun, though it has taken quite a bit of my time.
Still, here we are: MacArthur is President. However, that doesn’t mean everything will be easy. This is not a state of emergency. MacArthur will face strong opposition from the very establishment he helped defend against Long and Reed.
Any resemblance to reality is purely coincidental... right?
No doubt. This is not an island. It is a coastal area with a large city, Lisbon, and little else. However, we still need to wait a bit longer to see what will become this tiny "country" that Landon promises Salazar.
Believe me, you're not the first to mistake this for Carnage (which, I must say, has inspired me and helped me learn about American politics). I've also had moments where I thought about a character from Carnage only to realize that I had already killed them.
Regarding neutrality, relations are tense. The International supported Reed, as we saw with the Carver Commission. At the same time, we are ideological enemies despite both fighting against the Entente. However, there are still some minor details left to reveal, but like many other things, I forget about them and have to go back and change them later.
I almost prefer not to show the map of Africa to make all of this seem more realistic. Liberia alone could have reached Algiers. I can't explain this weakness on the part of National France.
As for Patton, it all comes from an idea from @son of liberty! (or at least he inspired me)
After reading about Scipio and Hannibal, I remembered that Hannibal was exiled from Carthage and served as a military advisor to the Kingdom of Bithynia. Here, Patton—more out of realpolitik than anything else—fights alongside the Americans as a military advisor. We will talk about him soon.
As I outlined at the time, this move was due to necessity. The entire Canadian Army was in India, and I thought it would be another way to show the ineptitude of the British government to the Canadians
The good old Gus Hall! I think he's one of the characters I've written that I like the most. And you're right. Hall doesn't offer anything good. I would have liked to write more about the guerrilla warfare with chemical weapons and tanks between Wisner and him, but the two chapters I had about that ended up unfinished. So for now, I’ll just have to leave it at that. He’s the only one from Reed’s government still out there. I still have plans for him. For now, rumors have him either exiled in France or Mexico. Some say he fled north, away from civilization. There, along with his veterans, he’s planning the glorious return of the Revolution to America with his Third Continental Army. For now, it's worth noting that he is officially listed as KIA after a battle in Minnesota against Wisner.
I think I can give myself the award for creating the worst timeline in a long time. There are hardly any democracies. We only have the bad guys and the less bad ones. I love it! As for me, I’d play a Panzer General 2 set in this world. Or actually, any other game. Another thing I'm really enjoying doing is publishing, at the start, not a quote from someone, but an invented excerpt from a book. That really amuses me.
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That House Majority isn't as strong than at first glance when taking into account the MacArthur-aligned, Taft-aligned, and Dewey-aligned factions of the Republican Party. If anything, the House Majority (and a divided opposition) could encourage infighting...
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Sounds like the average tabletop miniature lore. Seriously. Something like Combat Mission set in this universe would be rad.
(OK, we need some sort of HOI4/The Operational Art of War mixture for dedicated "operational" nerds to wargame out the intricacies of operational art, HOI4 is just too "arcade-y" at times. )
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And btw mind showing how the US army is structured in this timeline? Entente is a lost cause at this rate. Portugal and Africa are of dubious value (I'd even call them brazen military adventurism). I'd even call for "super monroe doctrine" for US defense policy in this timeline. But right now what is done cannot be redone.
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But term limits haven't been established yet. MacArthur can keep going as much as he wants. At least he has the other branches to worry about. It won't be easy. And I don't think it would be acceptable if MacArthur uses executive orders for everything.
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Would that we remember this in the days to come...
...but it may already be too late.
:'(
Wishful thinking...this isn't a good plan. Pistols aren't as deadly as people think...
Heh.
The right thing to do, and comparing himself to heroes of the nation.
Very MacArthur...
Not really surprising to someone who studied the man.
The fun will be what he and the world do next...
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Sounds true to type. The game is dangerous though, not just for his opponents. One day he may press someone too hard who has the means and motivation to simply kill him off if they’re worried enough by an existential threat.
Nice classical reference there.
They’re excellent - keep ‘em coming!
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Good riddance to bad rubbish.
Ah yes, we never intervened in a Russian Civil War to learn what a bad idea this is...
Always nice to see AARs where the nation makes mistakes...
Interlude 6: A Meeting Between an Incoming President and an Outgoing One.
"People ask the difference between a leader and a boss. The leader leads, and the boss drives"
- Theodore Roosevelt.
As every Tuesday, President Landon was having his usual meeting with Robert F. Wagner, Secretary of the Treasury and his closest confidant in the absence of a Vice President, in the Oval Office. The purpose of this meeting? Playing chess and discussing political matters in Washington that couldn't be openly addressed in a cabinet meeting. At that moment, as Landon moved his knight to capture a bishop, he also gazed out the window. Little by little, the capital seemed to be recovering from the destruction of the Second Civil War. Wagner, also somewhat lost in thought, moved a pawn to support his position in the center of the board, where Landon had the advantage.
- They say the city will be fully rebuilt by next year.- Wagner remarked.- Apparently, the use of Syndicalist prisoners has significantly reduced public spending, which is something we need to discuss.
- Are we in the red?
- Quite a bit, as expected. Fortunately, military investments seem to have helped us recover our economy. But now...
- We rely too much on military spending and being at war, I know, Robert. It’s not something I like. But right now, it’s no longer our problem.
Robert smiled with a hint of sadness in his eyes. Landon moved his knight to the left, threatening Wagner's queen, forcing him to retreat it to the back of the board, away from the center of battle.
- You shouldn’t be like this, Landon.
- And how should I be, Robert?- Landon asked angrily.- Happy that everything we’ve fought for over these past two years is about to disappear?
With the initiative on the board, Landon continued pressing Wagner's queen, forcing it to retreat once again.
- You did what you could. People will remember you for that. Besides, we both know that MacArthur will have to deal with a Congress and Senate that aren’t exactly friendly. I doubt he’ll be able to do much.
- That’s what Herbert Hoover thought before they staged the coup...
After that remark, silence fell between them.
- Have you heard anything about...- Robert hesitated.
- Hoover? Yes, we spoke the other day. The poor man is a shadow of himself. He spends his days locked in his house, depressed. I think he’s writing his memoirs.
- Why didn’t he support you at the Convention? His backing would have been invaluable.
- You really are a Democrat, Robert. The party isn’t the same as in the days of Taft and Roosevelt. First, they turned their backs on Hoover in ‘36, and now they’ve done the same to me. With luck, they’ll do the same to MacArthur soon enough.
- Did you talk to Dewey?
- He’s young and ambitious, far more than I ever was. Right now, the liberal Republicans are backing MacArthur.
- For the moment. And I don’t think Taft will be too pleased either. No matter how much he’s been forced to support his boss, I doubt he’s happy. Besides, I highly doubt our new Vice President will agree to an increase in spending, even if it’s military.
As they spoke, Landon had continued using his knight and pawns to force Wagner to give up ground in the center of the board. Finally, Wagner fell into his trap and was forced to leave his queen exposed. Landon captured it shortly after.
- Well played there.
At that moment, an aide rushed into the Oval Office and whispered something into the President’s ear. Landon looked at Wagner in surprise. Wagner, having heard enough, began gathering the chess pieces—he knew the President didn’t want him there. Moments later, Landon opened the door to the Oval Office to let in President-elect Douglas MacArthur. Landon sat on one of the sofas, but MacArthur preferred to sit at the desk. Landon, with nothing to lose, was blunt.
- The desk isn’t yours, Douglas. I still have a couple of months here.
- Of course you do. Who said otherwise?
- I’m quite busy, in case you hadn’t noticed.
- Busy doing what, Mr. President? Packing your bags and looking for a job in the private sector?
Landon glared at him with contempt.
- Did you come here just to mock me, or do you actually have something to say?
- I have plenty to say, ‘Alf.’ We have a long history together, and I didn’t want you to leave without saying goodbye.
- I still have 1 month left.
- I don’t doubt it. But even so, I wanted to stop by. Look at us now. We’ve been President and Vice President. President and Chief of Staff. Rivals for the Republican nomination. And now, an outgoing President and an incoming one.
- Is that all you came here to tell me?
MacArthur smirked arrogantly.
-´No. I’m telling you this because I would never be here if it weren’t for you. If you had been a puppet, if you hadn’t resisted, we could have worked together—you handling domestic policy, while I took care of foreign affairs. But you decided to play with the grown-ups. You risked your presidency not only by freeing Marshall and the Pacific traitors, but also by trying to limit the FBI and the military.
- And that made you angry?
- Yes. But then you started doing things right again. We liberated Canada. We helped in the Caribbean and the East Indies. I thought we could continue working well together. Your mistake was the invasion of the Azores.
- The Joint Chiefs approved it, MacArthur!
- Of course they did!” MacArthur shouted, standing up. However, you promised me we wouldn’t have to go to Africa. You broke your word—to me, your cabinet, and the American people.
- It was the next logical step!- Landon shouted, also standing up and stepping toward MacArthur.- The French refused to negotiate, and we needed to pressure them.
- You played into the hands of the Internationale, Landon!
- Me? You were part of that too, you idiot!
Both men now stood face to face, furious, sweat running down their faces. After a few seconds, MacArthur smirked and stepped away, turning to look closely at the portrait of Washington hanging in the room.
- You’re right, Landon. I was part of it. But does it even matter now? I won. I returned to the White House with the support of 55% of Americans. And this time, I’m back with big plans.
- I’m happy for you, Douglas. -Landon said, calming down but with clear sarcasm.- Not my problem anymore.
- No, it isn’t. However, you’re right again. I overstepped, Landon. I came to make you an offer.
The President couldn’t hide his surprise and had to sit down.
- I’m listening.
- All of us live for one thing—our legacy. I’m offering you the chance to end your presidency on a high note.
- How?
- As you well know, a large part of the government and the armed forces are loyal to me and despise you.
- I’m aware.
- I’m willing to give you access to information and resources that have been denied to you until now. I offer you a presidency free of internal problems until the very end. And most importantly, I offer you the chance to negotiate peace with the Entente and end the war in less than a week.
Landon was bewildered.
- How?
- I’ll only tell you if you make a deal with me.
- And what do you get out of this?
MacArthur, now wearing his characteristic smirk, turned away from the portrait.
- It’s simple. While you’re not bad at domestic affairs, you’re terrible at foreign policy. And I need this war to end before my presidency begins. So, if you agree, we will hold a joint conference where we will present the American people with a unified plan to resolve the war. Everyone wins! The party sees us united, we both gain popularity and prestige, and you get to be the first President in decades to sign a peace treaty.”
- I need time to think about it.
- I don’t have time, Landon. You’re either in or you’re out.
Landon, the 31st President of the United States, didn’t need much time to think.
- I’m in, MacArthur. Where do we start?
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As for the Air Force, it’s quite limited (around 300 fighters) and, for now, remains under Army jurisdiction. Lastly, there are the Marines (which in my game are more like space marines, with 52,000 men per division, tank support, engineers, and LOTS of artillery). The Marines were separated from the Navy during and after the Civil War, becoming an independent corps. But we’ll talk more about this later—MacArthur is going to make a lot of changes...
We’ll talk about Africa and Portugal once we sit down at the negotiating table with Pétain. According to MacArthur, that will happen very soon. And of course, don’t worry about our US defense policy —soon we’ll have the MacArthur Doctrine.
"People ask the difference between a leader and a boss. The leader leads, and the boss drives"
- Theodore Roosevelt.
As every Tuesday, President Landon was having his usual meeting with Robert F. Wagner, Secretary of the Treasury and his closest confidant in the absence of a Vice President, in the Oval Office. The purpose of this meeting? Playing chess and discussing political matters in Washington that couldn't be openly addressed in a cabinet meeting. At that moment, as Landon moved his knight to capture a bishop, he also gazed out the window. Little by little, the capital seemed to be recovering from the destruction of the Second Civil War. Wagner, also somewhat lost in thought, moved a pawn to support his position in the center of the board, where Landon had the advantage.
- They say the city will be fully rebuilt by next year.- Wagner remarked.- Apparently, the use of Syndicalist prisoners has significantly reduced public spending, which is something we need to discuss.
- Are we in the red?
- Quite a bit, as expected. Fortunately, military investments seem to have helped us recover our economy. But now...
- We rely too much on military spending and being at war, I know, Robert. It’s not something I like. But right now, it’s no longer our problem.
Robert smiled with a hint of sadness in his eyes. Landon moved his knight to the left, threatening Wagner's queen, forcing him to retreat it to the back of the board, away from the center of battle.
- You shouldn’t be like this, Landon.
- And how should I be, Robert?- Landon asked angrily.- Happy that everything we’ve fought for over these past two years is about to disappear?
With the initiative on the board, Landon continued pressing Wagner's queen, forcing it to retreat once again.
- You did what you could. People will remember you for that. Besides, we both know that MacArthur will have to deal with a Congress and Senate that aren’t exactly friendly. I doubt he’ll be able to do much.
- That’s what Herbert Hoover thought before they staged the coup...
After that remark, silence fell between them.
- Have you heard anything about...- Robert hesitated.
- Hoover? Yes, we spoke the other day. The poor man is a shadow of himself. He spends his days locked in his house, depressed. I think he’s writing his memoirs.
- Why didn’t he support you at the Convention? His backing would have been invaluable.
- You really are a Democrat, Robert. The party isn’t the same as in the days of Taft and Roosevelt. First, they turned their backs on Hoover in ‘36, and now they’ve done the same to me. With luck, they’ll do the same to MacArthur soon enough.
- Did you talk to Dewey?
- He’s young and ambitious, far more than I ever was. Right now, the liberal Republicans are backing MacArthur.
- For the moment. And I don’t think Taft will be too pleased either. No matter how much he’s been forced to support his boss, I doubt he’s happy. Besides, I highly doubt our new Vice President will agree to an increase in spending, even if it’s military.
As they spoke, Landon had continued using his knight and pawns to force Wagner to give up ground in the center of the board. Finally, Wagner fell into his trap and was forced to leave his queen exposed. Landon captured it shortly after.
- Well played there.
At that moment, an aide rushed into the Oval Office and whispered something into the President’s ear. Landon looked at Wagner in surprise. Wagner, having heard enough, began gathering the chess pieces—he knew the President didn’t want him there. Moments later, Landon opened the door to the Oval Office to let in President-elect Douglas MacArthur. Landon sat on one of the sofas, but MacArthur preferred to sit at the desk. Landon, with nothing to lose, was blunt.
- The desk isn’t yours, Douglas. I still have a couple of months here.
- Of course you do. Who said otherwise?
- I’m quite busy, in case you hadn’t noticed.
- Busy doing what, Mr. President? Packing your bags and looking for a job in the private sector?
Landon glared at him with contempt.
- Did you come here just to mock me, or do you actually have something to say?
- I have plenty to say, ‘Alf.’ We have a long history together, and I didn’t want you to leave without saying goodbye.
- I still have 1 month left.
- I don’t doubt it. But even so, I wanted to stop by. Look at us now. We’ve been President and Vice President. President and Chief of Staff. Rivals for the Republican nomination. And now, an outgoing President and an incoming one.
- Is that all you came here to tell me?
MacArthur smirked arrogantly.
-´No. I’m telling you this because I would never be here if it weren’t for you. If you had been a puppet, if you hadn’t resisted, we could have worked together—you handling domestic policy, while I took care of foreign affairs. But you decided to play with the grown-ups. You risked your presidency not only by freeing Marshall and the Pacific traitors, but also by trying to limit the FBI and the military.
- And that made you angry?
- Yes. But then you started doing things right again. We liberated Canada. We helped in the Caribbean and the East Indies. I thought we could continue working well together. Your mistake was the invasion of the Azores.
- The Joint Chiefs approved it, MacArthur!
- Of course they did!” MacArthur shouted, standing up. However, you promised me we wouldn’t have to go to Africa. You broke your word—to me, your cabinet, and the American people.
- It was the next logical step!- Landon shouted, also standing up and stepping toward MacArthur.- The French refused to negotiate, and we needed to pressure them.
- You played into the hands of the Internationale, Landon!
- Me? You were part of that too, you idiot!
Both men now stood face to face, furious, sweat running down their faces. After a few seconds, MacArthur smirked and stepped away, turning to look closely at the portrait of Washington hanging in the room.
- You’re right, Landon. I was part of it. But does it even matter now? I won. I returned to the White House with the support of 55% of Americans. And this time, I’m back with big plans.
- I’m happy for you, Douglas. -Landon said, calming down but with clear sarcasm.- Not my problem anymore.
- No, it isn’t. However, you’re right again. I overstepped, Landon. I came to make you an offer.
The President couldn’t hide his surprise and had to sit down.
- I’m listening.
- All of us live for one thing—our legacy. I’m offering you the chance to end your presidency on a high note.
- How?
- As you well know, a large part of the government and the armed forces are loyal to me and despise you.
- I’m aware.
- I’m willing to give you access to information and resources that have been denied to you until now. I offer you a presidency free of internal problems until the very end. And most importantly, I offer you the chance to negotiate peace with the Entente and end the war in less than a week.
Landon was bewildered.
- How?
- I’ll only tell you if you make a deal with me.
- And what do you get out of this?
MacArthur, now wearing his characteristic smirk, turned away from the portrait.
- It’s simple. While you’re not bad at domestic affairs, you’re terrible at foreign policy. And I need this war to end before my presidency begins. So, if you agree, we will hold a joint conference where we will present the American people with a unified plan to resolve the war. Everyone wins! The party sees us united, we both gain popularity and prestige, and you get to be the first President in decades to sign a peace treaty.”
- I need time to think about it.
- I don’t have time, Landon. You’re either in or you’re out.
Landon, the 31st President of the United States, didn’t need much time to think.
- I’m in, MacArthur. Where do we start?
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If we had problems with Landon in Congress and the Senate, with MacArthur, we're going to be in for a shock. Although, thanks to Hearst and others, he has managed to form a faction within Congress (not a very large one), in the Senate, the Republican majority consists of conservatives aligned with Taft—a Taft who is increasingly at odds with MacArthur and could cause significant problems for the MacArthur Administration.
I hope so! Besides, we’ve still seen very little of what the battlefields might have in store for us. And I agree with you. Sometimes, I feel like HoI4 is very arcade-like, but at the same time, other games are just too complicated.
Although I’d like to analyze the Army in more depth later (probably after the war ends), here’s a brief summary. There’s the Regular Army, composed of the 4 Armies. Then there’s the Navy, which has two fleets: the large one (with about 7 or 8 aircraft carriers) under Halsey, currently in the Atlantic, and Chester Nimitz’s fleet (mainly submarines) operating in the waters around Hawaii.
As for the Air Force, it’s quite limited (around 300 fighters) and, for now, remains under Army jurisdiction. Lastly, there are the Marines (which in my game are more like space marines, with 52,000 men per division, tank support, engineers, and LOTS of artillery). The Marines were separated from the Navy during and after the Civil War, becoming an independent corps. But we’ll talk more about this later—MacArthur is going to make a lot of changes...
We’ll talk about Africa and Portugal once we sit down at the negotiating table with Pétain. According to MacArthur, that will happen very soon. And of course, don’t worry about our US defense policy —soon we’ll have the MacArthur Doctrine.
Exactly! Term limits were established in 1952 in OTL, so in theory, MacArthur can run for election indefinitely.But as you said, what Eisenhower meant is that they are no longer in a state of war and Congress is no longer in disarray. Now, MacArthur will have to fight in the legislative branch and in Frankfurter’s judiciary.
Hoover is playing a very dangerous game that could cost him dearly. On one hand, he and MacArthur maintain good relations and share objectives. But at the same time, he is aware that the Triumvirate could also be beneficial to him. Hoover is only loyal to himself.
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I wonder if MacArthur is overestimating his own abilities at domestic affairs...
What use is Landon and MacArthur being on the same page for party unity, other than giving the impression that it didn't matter which of the two they picked?
"If you're as happy to be entering the Presidency as I am to be leaving it, you must be a very happy man." - reportedly what James Buchanan said to Abraham Lincoln after the inauguration.
Landon doesn't want to leave, but he doesn't have a choice. Perhaps MacArthur will find the Oval Office is more trouble than it's worth. One can hope.
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Maybe, but the average Canadian is not going to be happy to provide much support to Syndicalists...so, supplies will definitely be an issue...
Go Canadians, Go! Get rid of that damned Monarchy!
:'(
At least here it is being used in wartime...current events are...scary.
Not to mention a huge failure for the idea of the United States as well...
Chapter 30: "Let’s End the War—Not Tomorrow, Not the Day After. Let’s End It Today." (Part 1)
"In preparing for battle I have always found that plans are useless, but planning is indispensable."
- Dwight D. Eisenhower.
In the first two months following MacArthur’s election, the situation on the African Front reached a stalemate. American forces not only had to contend with insurgents and a lack of supplies but also with the scorching heat and the vastness of the Sahara. This left them facing a crucial dilemma: How do we reach northern Algeria? To address this, the French had once used their gold reserves to construct a railway system stretching from Algiers to Dakar. This network had previously enabled rapid French troop deployments during the native uprisings of 1937. However, as the Americans advanced, Marshal Pétain was forced to destroy the railway, preventing its use. In response, McNair’s General Staff ordered immediate repairs. Thousands of engineers were deployed across the Sahara, but months of work still lay ahead before the railway could be fully restored.
"Promotional poster for the Trans-Saharan Railway. Planned in 1932 and built in mid-1936, the railway represented the economic might of National France, aside from serving for the rapid deployment of troops during the Tuareg rebellion of 1937."
Faced with the inability to move forward, General Bradley ordered his forces to establish a foothold in the region and requested guidance from Washington regarding the administration of the territory. This was an unprecedented situation for the United States, which had never before been responsible for governing land it could not directly incorporate. As a result, under the direction of Senate Majority Leader Alf Landon, the U.S. Senate established the Commission on African States, tasked with determining the region’s future. Given the weight of this responsibility, an experienced senator was appointed to lead the commission—Arthur Vandenberg. Once an isolationist, Vandenberg had transitioned into an internationalist following the civil war, making him an ideal candidate for compromise.
However, the senators quickly encountered significant challenges when dealing with the Republic of Liberia. Despite the overwhelming superiority of American troops in firepower, manpower, and combat experience, temporary administration of the occupied territories legally fell under Liberia’s jurisdiction, as per an agreement between Bradley and Liberian President Edwin Barclay. Contrary to expectations in Washington, Barclay had no intention of handing over these newly conquered lands to the Americans. In his view, Liberia had a unique opportunity to reclaim the territories it had been forced to cede to the French and British during the early days of colonial expansion. This was the moment to establish Greater Liberia. As later evidence confirmed, President Barclay fully intended to announce the annexation of these territories during his Christmas dinner address. Unfortunately for him, his plans were leaked—by none other than a source within his own cabinet.
"Map with Liberia's possible claims."
As expected, neither Landon nor the Senate welcomed this news. In response, a delegation of senators arrived in Monrovia in early December. President Barclay greeted them with lavish receptions on multiple occasions. However, access to the newly conquered territories was strictly denied under the pretext of "security concerns." One evening, during a visit to the President’s residence, Senator Vandenberg, the head of the delegation, confronted Barclay about his lack of transparency, corruption, and mismanagement, warning him that the United States might cut its support for Liberia. This was too much for Barclay, who promptly ordered the senators to leave the country. Intimidated, the delegation returned to Washington, D.C., aboard a military aircraft two days later, where they were welcomed as heroes by MacArthur, Landon, and the rest of the administration. Meanwhile, President Barclay played his cards. First, he cut off supplies to American troops, forcing them to rely solely on the war-torn port of Dakar for provisions. Second, he ordered his forces to prepare for a potential confrontation with the Americans. Finally, he publicly reached out to the French government to negotiate an armistice. These moves signaled that Barclay was willing to face off against the United States to retain control over the territories under his rule.
This placed Landon in a severe predicament. On one hand, Liberia was an ally that the U.S. depended on and could not afford to betray. But at the same time, its territorial ambitions directly contradicted the American mission in Africa, and Barclay’s threats to withdraw from the war posed a significant risk.As tensions escalated, General Bradley, commander of the battle-hardened First Army, took action. He ordered his troops to prepare for resistance and, if necessary, seize local food supplies to survive. He also sent an urgent telegram to the General Staff, requesting orders. In his assessment, his forces could march south and reach the Liberian capital within a week, ready to overthrow Barclay. However, such a move would expose the northern front, allowing French and native forces to reclaim lost ground. Landon faced a fateful choice—until MacArthur made him an offer. On the night of December 20, MacArthur approached Landon with a proposal. As an early Christmas gift, Landon, for the first time in his presidency, wielded the full authority and control that an American president traditionally held.Thus, on December 21, before a crowd of national and international journalists, MacArthur and Landon announced a joint plan to end the war before the transition of power.
In MacArthur’s words: “We did not start this war. However, we will finish it. Let’s end the war—not tomorrow, not the day after. Let’s end it today.”The press, of course, received no details about what this new MacArthur-Landon coalition intended to do next. First, MacArthur met with Hoover, who presented him with a plan to topple Barclay’s government—and it would not be difficult. Barclay had barely survived an attempted coup in 1938, thanks only to the intervention of General Patton and the FBI. Barclay was corrupt, authoritarian, and despised by the native majority. Now, without American support, he was left to face all his enemies alone. And so he did. On the 24th, just four days after MacArthur presented the plan to Landon, units of the Liberian Army in the city of Greenville stopped transmitting communications to the government in Monrovia. Although in the first few hours this seemed normal, reports soon reached the President that the city's forces were moving northward. Barclay, as expected, panicked. It was the second coup d'état he had faced in less than three years. Just like the first time, he looked for someone who could help him.
First, he called the American embassy, where he was informed that the ambassador was in the north, visiting General Bradley, and was unavailable. Shortly after, he tried to contact the General Staff of General Patton, who had been appointed head of the Liberian Army after the previous coup attempt. Unfortunately for him, he was also unable to reach him and realized that the telephone lines of the presidential office had been cut. Because of this, he attempted to flee north, probably towards Robertsport. We will never know for sure.
What is known is that on December 24th, at approximately 4:32 in the afternoon, the cannon of a U.S.-manufactured M2 light tank fired upon the small presidential convoy, killing President Barclay on impact. Although it has been impossible to prove afterward, it is believed that this shot was fired by a small American battalion that had moved south on Bradley's orders. However, at the time, the shot was attributed to the Liberian armored unit "Patton." Regardless of whether it was the Americans or not, the coup had succeeded. As soon as the news of President Barclay’s death arrived, the search began for the Vice President, James Skivring Smith Jr. Unfortunately, he had committed suicide in his room. With two shots to the back of the head. Because of this, the Liberian Congress convened urgently to proclaim a new government. Under the auspices of Patton, who once again swore loyalty to the new government, and with the support of various landowners, William Tubman was proclaimed the 19th President of the Republic of Liberia.
"William Tubman, 19th President of the Republic of Liberia in 1940 and known as the "Father of modern Liberia." Having worked as a legal advisor to President Barclay and as one of the main proponents of the 1933 anti-slavery reforms, Tubman gained the support of the old guard and the reformists, along with the backing of Patton and Hearst. Despite being likely involved in the coup, Tubman earned the sympathy of Liberians, as he achieved economic improvements, as well as implementing numerous social and political reforms, such as recognizing the right to vote and property for women over 21, allowing indigenous tribes to participate in governmental tasks, and striving to establish a universal public education system."
On the 25th, he was visited by General Bradley, who welcomed him as the President’s successor after an "unfortunate attack committed by syndicalist guerrillas." Naturally, none of this served to hide the truth from the Liberian people. However, Barclay’s corruption and the immediate political and economic reforms of the new President were enough to calm the population and avoid many headaches. After this coup d'état, the United States once again received supplies in the north, and the African States Commission was able to travel to the field once more and conduct the studies needed for conclusions that would be broadcast after the Christmas recess. At the same time, Liberia traded its freedom for large American investments, especially from Hearst, who was mockingly called the "King of Liberia" by rival newspapers.
Back in Europe, the situation was at its breaking point. On one hand, the French and English advanced from Bavaria and Bohemia towards Vienna, with only the remnants of Kesselring’s armies and a few Austrian paramilitary units opposing them. By November 22nd, the forces of the Internationale were crossing the Danube, preparing for what would be the final battle of the war, while Salzburg had fallen and all of Western Austria seemed on the verge of falling into the hands of the Internationale. Further south, the Italians, Swiss, and the French Mountain Corps fought to enter Austria, primarily being held back by the remnants of the Venetian government, the last stronghold of the Italian Coalition for Unification.
Lastly, there was the siege of Budapest, where Marshal Wrangel’s Russian forces fought against the remnants of the Federal Armies. However, the Hungarian troops were unable to hold the city, which was taken on the 28th, while their government surrendered unconditionally to the Russians. Meanwhile, the French entered a Vienna without resistance, just as Napoleonic troops did in 1805. The fighting in the city center, brief but intense, had left around 10,000 dead and 60,000 captured. Among the dead was Emperor Karl I, who had decided to share the fate of his city and, like Constantine XI, fight to his last breath for the imperial dream.Shortly after, the remnants of the Austrian government surrendered unconditionally to Wrangel’s Russian forces.
The war in Europe was over.
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Just two weeks earlier, William had married the woman he believed to be the love of his life. A sober wedding in times of war. However, this had not prevented great personalities from accompanying him on that special day. Eisenhower was there, having just returned from Liberia. So was Robert F. Wagner, whom William had met when he was Secretary of the Treasury during the civil war. They both shared a fondness for poker and good wine. Naturally, his former boss, Hearst, also attended. He gifted him a gold pistol with his name engraved on it—somewhat ostentatious. Eisenhower, on his part, gave the young couple a fine set of tableware, which his wife appreciated. Wagner gifted them a good bottle of wine. The poor man would have to start saving now that MacArthur would likely choose another Secretary of the Treasury. His wife, Helen, well aware of his adventures and contacts, was equally surprised by the presence of so many important people at their wedding.
Another important person who attended was Mike Caulfield, the veteran captain with whom William had fought in Washington, D.C and Indonesia. He managed to get leave and, in the absence of family, served as William’s best man. Naturally, William had invited MacArthur to his wedding, whom he had not seen since the assassination attempt. Unfortunately, the General and future President had been unable to attend. However, an orderly handed him a note:
"Congratulations, Prescott. Ufrat-5 Airfield at 12:00 AM on Tuesday the 26th. Bring a change of clothes for four days. Good luck with your article."
Thus, he had shown up at the airfield what would have been three days ago. Afterward, he was put aboard a military plane, which, after a stopover in the Azores, landed somewhere in the African desert. Now, he rested in what had once been the house of a French village orplantation, trying to keep the mosquitoes at bay and avoid the sun. For better or worse, he was not alone. Since his arrival, he had shared a bed with a familiar face: Frank Wisner. The FBI agent, known in journalistic circles as Hoover’s dog (a nickname that, interestingly, had also been given to President MacArthur in 1933, referring to Herbert Hoover), had a reputation as a cruel, pragmatic man dedicated solely to his work. And William had discovered that the description given by others was entirely accurate. Wisner had spent the past three days either sleeping or reading a small notebook.
- What are you reading?- William asked.
- Jack Reed's diary.
William looked at him curiously, not believing him.
- That’s Jack Reed’s diary?
- We took it from the ruins of Chicago. There were three there. In his New York home, we found dozens.
- And are they interesting?
- Not really. At least the early ones. The later ones are much more intriguing. Thanks to them, we were able to arrest many traitorous officials during the Denver trials. They are very well written. Reed was very ill at the end of his life, which allowed the totalist faction to dominate the war's leadership.
- A faction that killed him when he was no longer useful.
Wisner quickly erased his smile.
- Don’t believe everything you read in the press.
- Did we kill him?
- No, he died of natural causes in November.
William jumped up from his bed.
- We had him captured?
- Since the end of the war. We held him in a facility south of Chicago.
- Why didn’t I know anything about this?
- Because you’re a journalist. No matter how much of a friend you are to MacArthur, it doesn’t mean you know everything. - Wisner argued, returning to his reading.- However, now that he’s dead, I don’t really care that you know. You were going to find out sooner or later.
- Are there many more things I don’t know?"
Wisner smiled behind his book.
- Plenty. But I suppose you’ll find out in time.
At that moment, a soldier entered the cabin and saluted.
- The flight leaves in ten minutes, Agent.
-Thank you very much, Sergeant Perez.
The soldier saluted again and left the room. Shortly after, with his bags packed and armed with a Colt M1911 he had carried since the civil war, William boarded the plane alongside Wisner. The aircraft was scorching hot under the sun and completely filled with armed men, all in complete silence. Prescott quickly realized they were not Americans, but... French? Wisner noticed his confusion.
- They’re soldiers of the Lafayette Legion. We’re in this together now.
At that moment, a tall man stepped onto the plane, dressed in a French Army uniform. He was tall, with a prominent nose, a long face, and high cheekbones. As soon as he boarded, the soldiers either saluted or bowed to the General. Like a light bulb switching on in his brain, William suddenly realized who he was. He looked at Wisner in shock.
- What is he doing here?
Wisner simply smiled and said nothing. The General de Gaulle, however, looked at his soldiers and shouted:
- "Soldats de France, nous avons combattu avec honneur, mais nous ne pouvons pas permettre que notre nation se vide de son sang dans une guerre sans avenir. Il est temps de lui rendre sa grandeur et son destin. À Alger, pour la paix et pour la France !"
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"In preparing for battle I have always found that plans are useless, but planning is indispensable."
- Dwight D. Eisenhower.
In the first two months following MacArthur’s election, the situation on the African Front reached a stalemate. American forces not only had to contend with insurgents and a lack of supplies but also with the scorching heat and the vastness of the Sahara. This left them facing a crucial dilemma: How do we reach northern Algeria? To address this, the French had once used their gold reserves to construct a railway system stretching from Algiers to Dakar. This network had previously enabled rapid French troop deployments during the native uprisings of 1937. However, as the Americans advanced, Marshal Pétain was forced to destroy the railway, preventing its use. In response, McNair’s General Staff ordered immediate repairs. Thousands of engineers were deployed across the Sahara, but months of work still lay ahead before the railway could be fully restored.
"Promotional poster for the Trans-Saharan Railway. Planned in 1932 and built in mid-1936, the railway represented the economic might of National France, aside from serving for the rapid deployment of troops during the Tuareg rebellion of 1937."
Faced with the inability to move forward, General Bradley ordered his forces to establish a foothold in the region and requested guidance from Washington regarding the administration of the territory. This was an unprecedented situation for the United States, which had never before been responsible for governing land it could not directly incorporate. As a result, under the direction of Senate Majority Leader Alf Landon, the U.S. Senate established the Commission on African States, tasked with determining the region’s future. Given the weight of this responsibility, an experienced senator was appointed to lead the commission—Arthur Vandenberg. Once an isolationist, Vandenberg had transitioned into an internationalist following the civil war, making him an ideal candidate for compromise.
However, the senators quickly encountered significant challenges when dealing with the Republic of Liberia. Despite the overwhelming superiority of American troops in firepower, manpower, and combat experience, temporary administration of the occupied territories legally fell under Liberia’s jurisdiction, as per an agreement between Bradley and Liberian President Edwin Barclay. Contrary to expectations in Washington, Barclay had no intention of handing over these newly conquered lands to the Americans. In his view, Liberia had a unique opportunity to reclaim the territories it had been forced to cede to the French and British during the early days of colonial expansion. This was the moment to establish Greater Liberia. As later evidence confirmed, President Barclay fully intended to announce the annexation of these territories during his Christmas dinner address. Unfortunately for him, his plans were leaked—by none other than a source within his own cabinet.
"Map with Liberia's possible claims."
As expected, neither Landon nor the Senate welcomed this news. In response, a delegation of senators arrived in Monrovia in early December. President Barclay greeted them with lavish receptions on multiple occasions. However, access to the newly conquered territories was strictly denied under the pretext of "security concerns." One evening, during a visit to the President’s residence, Senator Vandenberg, the head of the delegation, confronted Barclay about his lack of transparency, corruption, and mismanagement, warning him that the United States might cut its support for Liberia. This was too much for Barclay, who promptly ordered the senators to leave the country. Intimidated, the delegation returned to Washington, D.C., aboard a military aircraft two days later, where they were welcomed as heroes by MacArthur, Landon, and the rest of the administration. Meanwhile, President Barclay played his cards. First, he cut off supplies to American troops, forcing them to rely solely on the war-torn port of Dakar for provisions. Second, he ordered his forces to prepare for a potential confrontation with the Americans. Finally, he publicly reached out to the French government to negotiate an armistice. These moves signaled that Barclay was willing to face off against the United States to retain control over the territories under his rule.
This placed Landon in a severe predicament. On one hand, Liberia was an ally that the U.S. depended on and could not afford to betray. But at the same time, its territorial ambitions directly contradicted the American mission in Africa, and Barclay’s threats to withdraw from the war posed a significant risk.As tensions escalated, General Bradley, commander of the battle-hardened First Army, took action. He ordered his troops to prepare for resistance and, if necessary, seize local food supplies to survive. He also sent an urgent telegram to the General Staff, requesting orders. In his assessment, his forces could march south and reach the Liberian capital within a week, ready to overthrow Barclay. However, such a move would expose the northern front, allowing French and native forces to reclaim lost ground. Landon faced a fateful choice—until MacArthur made him an offer. On the night of December 20, MacArthur approached Landon with a proposal. As an early Christmas gift, Landon, for the first time in his presidency, wielded the full authority and control that an American president traditionally held.Thus, on December 21, before a crowd of national and international journalists, MacArthur and Landon announced a joint plan to end the war before the transition of power.
In MacArthur’s words: “We did not start this war. However, we will finish it. Let’s end the war—not tomorrow, not the day after. Let’s end it today.”The press, of course, received no details about what this new MacArthur-Landon coalition intended to do next. First, MacArthur met with Hoover, who presented him with a plan to topple Barclay’s government—and it would not be difficult. Barclay had barely survived an attempted coup in 1938, thanks only to the intervention of General Patton and the FBI. Barclay was corrupt, authoritarian, and despised by the native majority. Now, without American support, he was left to face all his enemies alone. And so he did. On the 24th, just four days after MacArthur presented the plan to Landon, units of the Liberian Army in the city of Greenville stopped transmitting communications to the government in Monrovia. Although in the first few hours this seemed normal, reports soon reached the President that the city's forces were moving northward. Barclay, as expected, panicked. It was the second coup d'état he had faced in less than three years. Just like the first time, he looked for someone who could help him.
First, he called the American embassy, where he was informed that the ambassador was in the north, visiting General Bradley, and was unavailable. Shortly after, he tried to contact the General Staff of General Patton, who had been appointed head of the Liberian Army after the previous coup attempt. Unfortunately for him, he was also unable to reach him and realized that the telephone lines of the presidential office had been cut. Because of this, he attempted to flee north, probably towards Robertsport. We will never know for sure.
What is known is that on December 24th, at approximately 4:32 in the afternoon, the cannon of a U.S.-manufactured M2 light tank fired upon the small presidential convoy, killing President Barclay on impact. Although it has been impossible to prove afterward, it is believed that this shot was fired by a small American battalion that had moved south on Bradley's orders. However, at the time, the shot was attributed to the Liberian armored unit "Patton." Regardless of whether it was the Americans or not, the coup had succeeded. As soon as the news of President Barclay’s death arrived, the search began for the Vice President, James Skivring Smith Jr. Unfortunately, he had committed suicide in his room. With two shots to the back of the head. Because of this, the Liberian Congress convened urgently to proclaim a new government. Under the auspices of Patton, who once again swore loyalty to the new government, and with the support of various landowners, William Tubman was proclaimed the 19th President of the Republic of Liberia.
"William Tubman, 19th President of the Republic of Liberia in 1940 and known as the "Father of modern Liberia." Having worked as a legal advisor to President Barclay and as one of the main proponents of the 1933 anti-slavery reforms, Tubman gained the support of the old guard and the reformists, along with the backing of Patton and Hearst. Despite being likely involved in the coup, Tubman earned the sympathy of Liberians, as he achieved economic improvements, as well as implementing numerous social and political reforms, such as recognizing the right to vote and property for women over 21, allowing indigenous tribes to participate in governmental tasks, and striving to establish a universal public education system."
On the 25th, he was visited by General Bradley, who welcomed him as the President’s successor after an "unfortunate attack committed by syndicalist guerrillas." Naturally, none of this served to hide the truth from the Liberian people. However, Barclay’s corruption and the immediate political and economic reforms of the new President were enough to calm the population and avoid many headaches. After this coup d'état, the United States once again received supplies in the north, and the African States Commission was able to travel to the field once more and conduct the studies needed for conclusions that would be broadcast after the Christmas recess. At the same time, Liberia traded its freedom for large American investments, especially from Hearst, who was mockingly called the "King of Liberia" by rival newspapers.
Back in Europe, the situation was at its breaking point. On one hand, the French and English advanced from Bavaria and Bohemia towards Vienna, with only the remnants of Kesselring’s armies and a few Austrian paramilitary units opposing them. By November 22nd, the forces of the Internationale were crossing the Danube, preparing for what would be the final battle of the war, while Salzburg had fallen and all of Western Austria seemed on the verge of falling into the hands of the Internationale. Further south, the Italians, Swiss, and the French Mountain Corps fought to enter Austria, primarily being held back by the remnants of the Venetian government, the last stronghold of the Italian Coalition for Unification.
Lastly, there was the siege of Budapest, where Marshal Wrangel’s Russian forces fought against the remnants of the Federal Armies. However, the Hungarian troops were unable to hold the city, which was taken on the 28th, while their government surrendered unconditionally to the Russians. Meanwhile, the French entered a Vienna without resistance, just as Napoleonic troops did in 1805. The fighting in the city center, brief but intense, had left around 10,000 dead and 60,000 captured. Among the dead was Emperor Karl I, who had decided to share the fate of his city and, like Constantine XI, fight to his last breath for the imperial dream.Shortly after, the remnants of the Austrian government surrendered unconditionally to Wrangel’s Russian forces.
The war in Europe was over.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Just two weeks earlier, William had married the woman he believed to be the love of his life. A sober wedding in times of war. However, this had not prevented great personalities from accompanying him on that special day. Eisenhower was there, having just returned from Liberia. So was Robert F. Wagner, whom William had met when he was Secretary of the Treasury during the civil war. They both shared a fondness for poker and good wine. Naturally, his former boss, Hearst, also attended. He gifted him a gold pistol with his name engraved on it—somewhat ostentatious. Eisenhower, on his part, gave the young couple a fine set of tableware, which his wife appreciated. Wagner gifted them a good bottle of wine. The poor man would have to start saving now that MacArthur would likely choose another Secretary of the Treasury. His wife, Helen, well aware of his adventures and contacts, was equally surprised by the presence of so many important people at their wedding.
Another important person who attended was Mike Caulfield, the veteran captain with whom William had fought in Washington, D.C and Indonesia. He managed to get leave and, in the absence of family, served as William’s best man. Naturally, William had invited MacArthur to his wedding, whom he had not seen since the assassination attempt. Unfortunately, the General and future President had been unable to attend. However, an orderly handed him a note:
"Congratulations, Prescott. Ufrat-5 Airfield at 12:00 AM on Tuesday the 26th. Bring a change of clothes for four days. Good luck with your article."
Thus, he had shown up at the airfield what would have been three days ago. Afterward, he was put aboard a military plane, which, after a stopover in the Azores, landed somewhere in the African desert. Now, he rested in what had once been the house of a French village orplantation, trying to keep the mosquitoes at bay and avoid the sun. For better or worse, he was not alone. Since his arrival, he had shared a bed with a familiar face: Frank Wisner. The FBI agent, known in journalistic circles as Hoover’s dog (a nickname that, interestingly, had also been given to President MacArthur in 1933, referring to Herbert Hoover), had a reputation as a cruel, pragmatic man dedicated solely to his work. And William had discovered that the description given by others was entirely accurate. Wisner had spent the past three days either sleeping or reading a small notebook.
- What are you reading?- William asked.
- Jack Reed's diary.
William looked at him curiously, not believing him.
- That’s Jack Reed’s diary?
- We took it from the ruins of Chicago. There were three there. In his New York home, we found dozens.
- And are they interesting?
- Not really. At least the early ones. The later ones are much more intriguing. Thanks to them, we were able to arrest many traitorous officials during the Denver trials. They are very well written. Reed was very ill at the end of his life, which allowed the totalist faction to dominate the war's leadership.
- A faction that killed him when he was no longer useful.
Wisner quickly erased his smile.
- Don’t believe everything you read in the press.
- Did we kill him?
- No, he died of natural causes in November.
William jumped up from his bed.
- We had him captured?
- Since the end of the war. We held him in a facility south of Chicago.
- Why didn’t I know anything about this?
- Because you’re a journalist. No matter how much of a friend you are to MacArthur, it doesn’t mean you know everything. - Wisner argued, returning to his reading.- However, now that he’s dead, I don’t really care that you know. You were going to find out sooner or later.
- Are there many more things I don’t know?"
Wisner smiled behind his book.
- Plenty. But I suppose you’ll find out in time.
At that moment, a soldier entered the cabin and saluted.
- The flight leaves in ten minutes, Agent.
-Thank you very much, Sergeant Perez.
The soldier saluted again and left the room. Shortly after, with his bags packed and armed with a Colt M1911 he had carried since the civil war, William boarded the plane alongside Wisner. The aircraft was scorching hot under the sun and completely filled with armed men, all in complete silence. Prescott quickly realized they were not Americans, but... French? Wisner noticed his confusion.
- They’re soldiers of the Lafayette Legion. We’re in this together now.
At that moment, a tall man stepped onto the plane, dressed in a French Army uniform. He was tall, with a prominent nose, a long face, and high cheekbones. As soon as he boarded, the soldiers either saluted or bowed to the General. Like a light bulb switching on in his brain, William suddenly realized who he was. He looked at Wisner in shock.
- What is he doing here?
Wisner simply smiled and said nothing. The General de Gaulle, however, looked at his soldiers and shouted:
- "Soldats de France, nous avons combattu avec honneur, mais nous ne pouvons pas permettre que notre nation se vide de son sang dans une guerre sans avenir. Il est temps de lui rendre sa grandeur et son destin. À Alger, pour la paix et pour la France !"
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Probably yes.
Well, it sounded better in my head when I wrote it... Let's think that MacArthur has no idea about party unity or politics to excuse me
Landon doesn't want to leave because he feels he hasn't been able to accomplish everything he wanted. He has governed for only half the term of any other president and probably with twice the difficulties and enemies. On his part, we'll see how MacArthur takes to his presidency.
No. As we can see, we are at peace with France and Britain, becouse we are at war with the Entente. However, this doesn´t change that France suport Reed... So, we have bad relations
- 3