If Austria loses a lot of territory, I can see Karl being seen as a martyr like Constantine, otherwise most will probably see him as a deluded idiot who chose death over survival (after all, the Hohenzollerns have fled Germany).
- 1
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Need to find google translate I see, this is probably important.- "Soldats de France, nous avons combattu avec honneur, mais nous ne pouvons pas permettre que notre nation se vide de son sang dans une guerre sans avenir. Il est temps de lui rendre sa grandeur et son destin. À Alger, pour la paix et pour la France !"
How did that coup in Liberia play out in-game? They just suddenly switched government?
If Reed's death and detainment is no longer important, Prescott has to wonder what "important" things are being kept from him and the American public. He is a journalist, it is his wont to investigate.
If Reed's death and detainment is no longer important, Prescott has to wonder what "important" things are being kept from him and the American public. He is a journalist, it is his wont to investigate.
- 1
Need to find google translate I see, this is probably important.
Soldiers of France, we have fighting with honor, but we cannot make our country bleed without future. Now we have to make France and her destiny great again.
From Alger and for the peace ! Vive la France !
If the leaders believe this tripe, they don't understand humanity.
The only people satisfied are the victors.
Ha!
One wonders if it will be carried out...
If anything captures why many of us in the Commonwealth hate the English, it's this kind of belief...
Ah.
So he has chosen death.
Not a wise choice.
And the author has the balls to call this US a 'Democracy'.
Its nothing more than a brutal police state so far. It has a long way to go to restore the Republic.
Plus, considering the state of the world today...this chapter just depressed me. Extrajudicial detentions and punishments are no joke, and pretty evil.
- 1
Chapter 31: "Let’s End the War—Not Tomorrow, Not the Day After. Let’s End It Today." (Part 2)
"The real rulers in Washington are invisible and exercise power from behind the scenes."
– Felix Frankfurter
The plane began descending through the clouds, waking Wisner up. He never got used to flying. He looked around in the darkness and saw that many soldiers of the Lafayette Legion were still asleep, leaning against each other inside that plane. There were no more than 30 of them. The only one still awake was De Gaulle, whose tall figure stood out, having to bend slightly to avoid hitting the ceiling. The "poor guy" must be suffering, about to stage a coup in his own nation. Wisner leaned back. The plan, devised by MacArthur and Hoover, was very simple. With the rural regions in open rebellion against the French and the cities as one of the few safe places, almost no one would notice this irregularity of an airplane flight. In fact, Hoover had assured Wisner that they had the support of Maurras’ monarchist faction, a former ally of De Gaulle. They also had the support of Tassigny, the new Chief of Staff after De Gaulle’s capture and the execution of Henri Mordacq. However, this did not mean it would be easy.
Wisner looked ahead at Prescott, who remained asleep. How could a Pulitzer Prize winner be so useless? Yes, he was a good biographer and war journalist. But it seemed that investigation was not his strong suit. He never went beyond the surface. However, Wisner did not blame him. They were both products of the Civil War. Without MacArthur’s coup, Prescott would have been just another journalist under Hearst’s orders, probably making a name for himself in one of the magnate’s low-tier newspapers. However, the civil war had allowed him to rise to the highest circles, to influence two presidents, and to witness firsthand events like the current one. As for Wisner, he had found himself jobless in 1934 after finishing law school and decided to enter Public Administration, where he watched in horror as chaos unfolded after Reed’s victory. Wisner was apolitical. But he like the order. So, he started to colaborate with the FBI. He was nothing more than another cog in a great oppressive machine that he considered the state to be. Thus, he became Hoover’s right-hand man. The right hand tasked with cleansing the left. Wisner handled all of Hoover’s dirty work. Both of them, Prescott and him, were part of the same new state.
Wisner was responsible, as Hoover´s dog, of eliminating the last syndicalist remnants along the U.S.-Canada border. It was not an easy job. It was a dirty, brutal war, with many deaths, chemical weapons, and indiscriminate bombings. A harsh struggle they had won... without glory. Because neither Hoover, nor MacArthur, nor even Landon wanted news of massacres and deaths in the north to overshadow the good news. They did not want the end of the Civil War to be tarnished by that madman Gus Hall, whom Wisner had been unable to capture and who was now likely hiding in northern Canada with the few men who had managed to escape the trap Wisner had set for them. There, wearing a gas mask and surrounded by the corpses of civilians, soldiers, and guerrillas, Wisner stopped sleeping. At least, without nightmares. He had also been the liaison between the three ultra-secret prisons in the military districts and Hoover. He was the one responsible for eliminating the prisoners that Hoover deemed... irredeemable. Wisner had lost count of how many prisoners he had personally executed. 50? 100? Among them, one stood out: Jack Reed himself.
At first, Wisner doubted it was him. But he could not help but ask Hoover when he returned to Washington, D.C. Hoover seemed annoyed that his "dog" would question his orders. He responded evasively but ultimately confirmed it. That old, half-toothless, hunched, and wounded man had been Jack Reed. Barely two weeks later, new orders arrived from Hoover. Jack Reed was to be executed. And so, "Hoover’s dog" carried out the order, without question. The usurper’s body was burned in a nearby forest. However, the nightmares seemed to grow worse after his death. Shortly afterward, partially medicated, Wisner saved MacArthur after the assassination attempt and was the one who led the raid on the Canadian embassy to capture Kim Philby on Hoover’s orders. And now, after personally overseeing the coup in Liberia and handling the "suicide" of the former Vice President, he was once again in charge, leading these Frenchmen to Algiers to stage a coup. He was nothing more than a dog. A loyal dog.
Wisner could not sleep without nightmares filled with blood and corpses. But he no longer cared. At last, looking at Prescott, he had understood. Prescott represented one face of MacArthur’s New America: a clean and superficial one. He would be the one to show the world, under the spotlight, what America "was" now. Meanwhile, Wisner was the other side of the coin, ensuring that the filth never stained the picture Prescott presented.
- I,- he muttered softly to himself,- am nothing more than that. A cog. A cog whose job is to make America look like what it once was. But my old America has died"
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
On the night of December 30, a lone plane landed at a military airfield on the outskirts of Algiers. With chaos gripping the city and its surroundings, it was not too difficult for de Gaulle and his 32 men, acting as a Garde du Corps, to slip into what had once been a functioning state. Alongside them were William J. Prescott, an acclaimed journalist, and Frank Winser, an FBI officer tasked with organizing the coup. Once at the airport, four trucks from General Jean de Lattre de Tassigny’s army transported them toward the center of the capital, where Marshal Pétain was facing the French National Assembly.Although it had been little more than a puppet, quasi-oligarchic body under Pétain’s rule, the Assembly had grown weary of the Marshal and President’s attitude—he hid information from them and denied them any role in decision-making. After the flight from France, the Assembly had transformed into a unicameral chamber of 250 senators, and now, under the leadership of Pétain’s former ally, Charles Maurras, it attempted a motion of no confidence against the President.
This was, of course, something the dictator would not accept. However, he allowed the vote to proceed—while simultaneously deploying a platoon of soldiers into the chamber under the pretense of security. Yet, things soon spiraled out of control during Pétain’s speech in his own defense. In it, the Lion of Verdun emphasized the importance of loyalty to the fatherland and how he had managed to reunite it after the civil war. Midway through his speech, de Gaulle’s group of soldiers, joined by another 50 men sent by de Tassigny, stormed into the chamber, rifles raised. Before anyone could react, gunfire erupted in the Assembly between the two groups of soldiers. However, after a brief exchange of shots—leaving five of Pétain’s guards and three of the coup’s soldiers out of action—the remaining soldiers either surrendered or defected to de Gaulle.
As soon as he arrived, de Gaulle shoved Pétain off the podium and delivered a histrionic speech lasting 27 minutes, emphasizing his change of allegiance and the coup d’état. He referred to the war as “Edward VIII’s War”, something the French should not concern themselves with. Thus, he was applauded and cheered by delegates across the ideological spectrum—from monarchists to liberals. Soon after, Maurras, in his capacity as President of the Chamber, initiated a motion of no confidence, which passed with unanimous approval—even from Pétain’s closest allies.
Minutes later, former soldiers of the Lafayette Expeditionary Force took the old Marshal to a safe house, where he was detained pending trial. Meanwhile, a National Salvation Government was formed, led by a military directorate under de Gaulle, which immediately communicated with the remaining military institutions of the nation to announce the unconditional surrender to the American forces on the ground. Unfortunately, the new government had little authority beyond Algiers. In Tunisia, for instance, the local population had risen against the French presence and proclaimed the Republic of Tunisia, with the veteran economic and educational reformer Abdeljelil Zaouche as President. At the same time, the Front de Libération Nationale—which encompassed anti-colonialist forces ranging from Paris-backed syndicalists to Islamic extremists—was terrorizing the white population (which, after the civil war, constituted 22% of Algeria’s inhabitants) under the leadership of Ferhat Abbas. Meanwhile, these European settlers, feeling abandoned by the government (which was consumed by its own political struggles in Algiers and Oran), formed their own self-defense organizations, igniting violent conflicts in rural areas.
If action was not taken quickly, there was a serious risk of another civil war erupting on Algerian soil—one that America could not afford. For this reason, U.S. diplomacy worked tirelessly to bring all factions to the negotiating table, eventually securing an armistice on January 7. This allowed American forces to occupy all strategic locations across the region once the Trans-Saharan Railway was finally repaired. Thus, America closed the African theater with 33,000 casualties (mostly due to disease and counterinsurgency), while the French—at least their regular army—had suffered approximately 150,000 losses. It had been a highly successful and innovative campaign, particularly due to the use of the Marines, new tank models, and advancements in aviation and logistics.
With the war in the African theater over, the fight in the Pacific still remained. This had been a secondary theater until then. Chester Nimitz was in command of the theater and led a submarine campaign to blockade Hawaii. However, this was not very effective due to the lack of submarines and limited technological advancements. Although the navy invested some resources in submarines, Ernest King's main priority was modernization and the production of new aircraft carriers. Because of this, the Pacific remained relatively quiet during the war—at least on the battlefield. However, the same could not be said for the diplomatic front.
On the island, Australian and American delegations negotiated a possible peace agreement. There, Lord Halifax (the new Prime Minister of Britain-in-exile) and Henry L. Stimson (Landon’s Secretary of State) finally reached an agreement on January 10. According to this treaty, the Entente would be dissolved, Hawaii would be reincorporated into the Union, and the Americans would retain all the territories they had gained. Additionally, Australia would recognize the governments established by the Americans in the future. In return, the Americans would cease all hostilities and release all prisoners, including Field Marshal Montgomery and former Prime Minister Winston Churchill.
"A 1964 American version of Our Finest Hour by Winston Churchill. This work of alternate history was partially written during his captivity in Los Angeles after his capture by the Americans along with the rest of the British government-in-exile. The book depicted the story of Adam Dressler, an Austrian immigrant who rises to power in an ultranationalist Germany after losing the First World War. Despite being well-loved by the public, critics always regarded it as an unrealistic fantasy, one befitting a nationalist nostalgic for the past."
Lastly, there was still the matter of the Canadian Republic, which Halifax refused to recognize—especially without royal authorization. As a result, like many other issues, both countries agreed that this would be discussed at a later time, leaving it in a state of limbo. This treaty, the Treaty of Honolulu, was signed by President Landon on January 16 and ratified by the Senate (now reshaped by the Republican victory in the 1940 election) the following day. The America-Entente War had come to an end, just under a year after Kim Philby’s attempt on President MacArthur’s life. However, this was Landon’s moment. For three days, Landon was applauded and revered across America by all. According to Gallup, his approval rating had surged from 22% before the Republican primaries to 47% following the signing of the peace treaty.
However, time had run out for Landon. Following the passage of the 20th Amendment in 1934 (which moved the presidential inauguration to January 20), MacArthur was sworn in as the 32nd President of the United States in Washington, D.C. With the experience of his first term, MacArthur knew by heart the famous words that 31 men (including Jack Reed) had recited before ascending to the supreme position of power in the United States:
"I do solemnly swear that I will faithfully execute the Office of President of the United States, and will to the best of my Ability, preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States."
As he took the oath with a Bible, MacArthur introduced the first of many changes. Since he was not married (though rumors swirled about the President having a romance), the role of First Lady fell to Miss Taft. However, she was not chosen to hold the Bible. Instead, MacArthur had none other than a military officer hold it for him. It was nothing less than a reminder to all those politicians in Washington, D.C., whom he considered complacent or incompetent. His message, which everyone interpreted in their own way, was clear: "I am not like you. I have not won any political office before coming here. I am here for one thing only: my sword. Remember this—I do not play by your rules."
When Felix Frankfurter finally completed the oath alongside MacArthur, some applauded. Others shouted, whether Long live the President! or Hail to the Chief! However, what shocked many was the number of men in the audience—both in civilian and military attire—who gave a military salute. It was an ominous portent that MacArthur’s victory served only to remind the establishment that he and the Army were stronger than ever.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
"Our" President is here. A new chapter begins for America.
Prescott, no matter how much I care for him, is a rookie. As Winser says, he’s nothing more than a boy to whom everything has been handed on a silver platter. Don't worry about our journalist, who now seems to be playing war correspondent again. He’ll have his own investigations very soon.
"The real rulers in Washington are invisible and exercise power from behind the scenes."
– Felix Frankfurter
The plane began descending through the clouds, waking Wisner up. He never got used to flying. He looked around in the darkness and saw that many soldiers of the Lafayette Legion were still asleep, leaning against each other inside that plane. There were no more than 30 of them. The only one still awake was De Gaulle, whose tall figure stood out, having to bend slightly to avoid hitting the ceiling. The "poor guy" must be suffering, about to stage a coup in his own nation. Wisner leaned back. The plan, devised by MacArthur and Hoover, was very simple. With the rural regions in open rebellion against the French and the cities as one of the few safe places, almost no one would notice this irregularity of an airplane flight. In fact, Hoover had assured Wisner that they had the support of Maurras’ monarchist faction, a former ally of De Gaulle. They also had the support of Tassigny, the new Chief of Staff after De Gaulle’s capture and the execution of Henri Mordacq. However, this did not mean it would be easy.
Wisner looked ahead at Prescott, who remained asleep. How could a Pulitzer Prize winner be so useless? Yes, he was a good biographer and war journalist. But it seemed that investigation was not his strong suit. He never went beyond the surface. However, Wisner did not blame him. They were both products of the Civil War. Without MacArthur’s coup, Prescott would have been just another journalist under Hearst’s orders, probably making a name for himself in one of the magnate’s low-tier newspapers. However, the civil war had allowed him to rise to the highest circles, to influence two presidents, and to witness firsthand events like the current one. As for Wisner, he had found himself jobless in 1934 after finishing law school and decided to enter Public Administration, where he watched in horror as chaos unfolded after Reed’s victory. Wisner was apolitical. But he like the order. So, he started to colaborate with the FBI. He was nothing more than another cog in a great oppressive machine that he considered the state to be. Thus, he became Hoover’s right-hand man. The right hand tasked with cleansing the left. Wisner handled all of Hoover’s dirty work. Both of them, Prescott and him, were part of the same new state.
Wisner was responsible, as Hoover´s dog, of eliminating the last syndicalist remnants along the U.S.-Canada border. It was not an easy job. It was a dirty, brutal war, with many deaths, chemical weapons, and indiscriminate bombings. A harsh struggle they had won... without glory. Because neither Hoover, nor MacArthur, nor even Landon wanted news of massacres and deaths in the north to overshadow the good news. They did not want the end of the Civil War to be tarnished by that madman Gus Hall, whom Wisner had been unable to capture and who was now likely hiding in northern Canada with the few men who had managed to escape the trap Wisner had set for them. There, wearing a gas mask and surrounded by the corpses of civilians, soldiers, and guerrillas, Wisner stopped sleeping. At least, without nightmares. He had also been the liaison between the three ultra-secret prisons in the military districts and Hoover. He was the one responsible for eliminating the prisoners that Hoover deemed... irredeemable. Wisner had lost count of how many prisoners he had personally executed. 50? 100? Among them, one stood out: Jack Reed himself.
At first, Wisner doubted it was him. But he could not help but ask Hoover when he returned to Washington, D.C. Hoover seemed annoyed that his "dog" would question his orders. He responded evasively but ultimately confirmed it. That old, half-toothless, hunched, and wounded man had been Jack Reed. Barely two weeks later, new orders arrived from Hoover. Jack Reed was to be executed. And so, "Hoover’s dog" carried out the order, without question. The usurper’s body was burned in a nearby forest. However, the nightmares seemed to grow worse after his death. Shortly afterward, partially medicated, Wisner saved MacArthur after the assassination attempt and was the one who led the raid on the Canadian embassy to capture Kim Philby on Hoover’s orders. And now, after personally overseeing the coup in Liberia and handling the "suicide" of the former Vice President, he was once again in charge, leading these Frenchmen to Algiers to stage a coup. He was nothing more than a dog. A loyal dog.
Wisner could not sleep without nightmares filled with blood and corpses. But he no longer cared. At last, looking at Prescott, he had understood. Prescott represented one face of MacArthur’s New America: a clean and superficial one. He would be the one to show the world, under the spotlight, what America "was" now. Meanwhile, Wisner was the other side of the coin, ensuring that the filth never stained the picture Prescott presented.
- I,- he muttered softly to himself,- am nothing more than that. A cog. A cog whose job is to make America look like what it once was. But my old America has died"
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
On the night of December 30, a lone plane landed at a military airfield on the outskirts of Algiers. With chaos gripping the city and its surroundings, it was not too difficult for de Gaulle and his 32 men, acting as a Garde du Corps, to slip into what had once been a functioning state. Alongside them were William J. Prescott, an acclaimed journalist, and Frank Winser, an FBI officer tasked with organizing the coup. Once at the airport, four trucks from General Jean de Lattre de Tassigny’s army transported them toward the center of the capital, where Marshal Pétain was facing the French National Assembly.Although it had been little more than a puppet, quasi-oligarchic body under Pétain’s rule, the Assembly had grown weary of the Marshal and President’s attitude—he hid information from them and denied them any role in decision-making. After the flight from France, the Assembly had transformed into a unicameral chamber of 250 senators, and now, under the leadership of Pétain’s former ally, Charles Maurras, it attempted a motion of no confidence against the President.
This was, of course, something the dictator would not accept. However, he allowed the vote to proceed—while simultaneously deploying a platoon of soldiers into the chamber under the pretense of security. Yet, things soon spiraled out of control during Pétain’s speech in his own defense. In it, the Lion of Verdun emphasized the importance of loyalty to the fatherland and how he had managed to reunite it after the civil war. Midway through his speech, de Gaulle’s group of soldiers, joined by another 50 men sent by de Tassigny, stormed into the chamber, rifles raised. Before anyone could react, gunfire erupted in the Assembly between the two groups of soldiers. However, after a brief exchange of shots—leaving five of Pétain’s guards and three of the coup’s soldiers out of action—the remaining soldiers either surrendered or defected to de Gaulle.
As soon as he arrived, de Gaulle shoved Pétain off the podium and delivered a histrionic speech lasting 27 minutes, emphasizing his change of allegiance and the coup d’état. He referred to the war as “Edward VIII’s War”, something the French should not concern themselves with. Thus, he was applauded and cheered by delegates across the ideological spectrum—from monarchists to liberals. Soon after, Maurras, in his capacity as President of the Chamber, initiated a motion of no confidence, which passed with unanimous approval—even from Pétain’s closest allies.
Minutes later, former soldiers of the Lafayette Expeditionary Force took the old Marshal to a safe house, where he was detained pending trial. Meanwhile, a National Salvation Government was formed, led by a military directorate under de Gaulle, which immediately communicated with the remaining military institutions of the nation to announce the unconditional surrender to the American forces on the ground. Unfortunately, the new government had little authority beyond Algiers. In Tunisia, for instance, the local population had risen against the French presence and proclaimed the Republic of Tunisia, with the veteran economic and educational reformer Abdeljelil Zaouche as President. At the same time, the Front de Libération Nationale—which encompassed anti-colonialist forces ranging from Paris-backed syndicalists to Islamic extremists—was terrorizing the white population (which, after the civil war, constituted 22% of Algeria’s inhabitants) under the leadership of Ferhat Abbas. Meanwhile, these European settlers, feeling abandoned by the government (which was consumed by its own political struggles in Algiers and Oran), formed their own self-defense organizations, igniting violent conflicts in rural areas.
If action was not taken quickly, there was a serious risk of another civil war erupting on Algerian soil—one that America could not afford. For this reason, U.S. diplomacy worked tirelessly to bring all factions to the negotiating table, eventually securing an armistice on January 7. This allowed American forces to occupy all strategic locations across the region once the Trans-Saharan Railway was finally repaired. Thus, America closed the African theater with 33,000 casualties (mostly due to disease and counterinsurgency), while the French—at least their regular army—had suffered approximately 150,000 losses. It had been a highly successful and innovative campaign, particularly due to the use of the Marines, new tank models, and advancements in aviation and logistics.
With the war in the African theater over, the fight in the Pacific still remained. This had been a secondary theater until then. Chester Nimitz was in command of the theater and led a submarine campaign to blockade Hawaii. However, this was not very effective due to the lack of submarines and limited technological advancements. Although the navy invested some resources in submarines, Ernest King's main priority was modernization and the production of new aircraft carriers. Because of this, the Pacific remained relatively quiet during the war—at least on the battlefield. However, the same could not be said for the diplomatic front.
On the island, Australian and American delegations negotiated a possible peace agreement. There, Lord Halifax (the new Prime Minister of Britain-in-exile) and Henry L. Stimson (Landon’s Secretary of State) finally reached an agreement on January 10. According to this treaty, the Entente would be dissolved, Hawaii would be reincorporated into the Union, and the Americans would retain all the territories they had gained. Additionally, Australia would recognize the governments established by the Americans in the future. In return, the Americans would cease all hostilities and release all prisoners, including Field Marshal Montgomery and former Prime Minister Winston Churchill.
"A 1964 American version of Our Finest Hour by Winston Churchill. This work of alternate history was partially written during his captivity in Los Angeles after his capture by the Americans along with the rest of the British government-in-exile. The book depicted the story of Adam Dressler, an Austrian immigrant who rises to power in an ultranationalist Germany after losing the First World War. Despite being well-loved by the public, critics always regarded it as an unrealistic fantasy, one befitting a nationalist nostalgic for the past."
Lastly, there was still the matter of the Canadian Republic, which Halifax refused to recognize—especially without royal authorization. As a result, like many other issues, both countries agreed that this would be discussed at a later time, leaving it in a state of limbo. This treaty, the Treaty of Honolulu, was signed by President Landon on January 16 and ratified by the Senate (now reshaped by the Republican victory in the 1940 election) the following day. The America-Entente War had come to an end, just under a year after Kim Philby’s attempt on President MacArthur’s life. However, this was Landon’s moment. For three days, Landon was applauded and revered across America by all. According to Gallup, his approval rating had surged from 22% before the Republican primaries to 47% following the signing of the peace treaty.
However, time had run out for Landon. Following the passage of the 20th Amendment in 1934 (which moved the presidential inauguration to January 20), MacArthur was sworn in as the 32nd President of the United States in Washington, D.C. With the experience of his first term, MacArthur knew by heart the famous words that 31 men (including Jack Reed) had recited before ascending to the supreme position of power in the United States:
"I do solemnly swear that I will faithfully execute the Office of President of the United States, and will to the best of my Ability, preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States."
As he took the oath with a Bible, MacArthur introduced the first of many changes. Since he was not married (though rumors swirled about the President having a romance), the role of First Lady fell to Miss Taft. However, she was not chosen to hold the Bible. Instead, MacArthur had none other than a military officer hold it for him. It was nothing less than a reminder to all those politicians in Washington, D.C., whom he considered complacent or incompetent. His message, which everyone interpreted in their own way, was clear: "I am not like you. I have not won any political office before coming here. I am here for one thing only: my sword. Remember this—I do not play by your rules."
When Felix Frankfurter finally completed the oath alongside MacArthur, some applauded. Others shouted, whether Long live the President! or Hail to the Chief! However, what shocked many was the number of men in the audience—both in civilian and military attire—who gave a military salute. It was an ominous portent that MacArthur’s victory served only to remind the establishment that he and the Army were stronger than ever.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
"Our" President is here. A new chapter begins for America.
The fate of Austria and the Hohenzollern dynasty will be seen very soon. But as you said, or an idiot or a saint.
Need to find google translate I see, this is probably important.
Oops, I thought I had answered it. My translation (I don't know French, so it might be wrong) is this: "Soldiers of France, we have fought with honor, but we cannot allow our nation to bleed itself dry in a war without a future. It is time to restore its greatness and its destiny. To Algiers, for peace and for France!"
I had to modify the Liberia part in the game. Every time my army crossed the Sahara, they signed a separate peace with the Entente, leaving my army surrounded and without supplies. Therefore, since it was unrealistic (just like the idea of my army reaching Tunisia), I decided to "stage a coup," turning Liberia into my puppet. As for de Gaulle's coup, it’s just a narrative device to explain why National France was so weak.
Prescott, no matter how much I care for him, is a rookie. As Winser says, he’s nothing more than a boy to whom everything has been handed on a silver platter. Don't worry about our journalist, who now seems to be playing war correspondent again. He’ll have his own investigations very soon.
- 3
He wouldn't have been much of a dictator if he accepted, would he?...
- 1
Gus Hall is in a desperate situation. And beware what desperate men will do when there's no way out...
But will this dog bite the hand that feeds him? Maybe. It depends what Wisner is pushed to do.
A new Gilded Age.
And what a Presidency it is sure to be. Twists, turns, drama, and war await!
- 1
It's not very far from reality. In the real history line, De Gaulle was called to govern France because of an (the ?) Algerian crisis. It was called by some people as a coup d'Etat, because it was not the most constitutional thing a French guy make. And during his rule, he make a new republic (the Vème), granting him the president a lot of power.
If Douglas Mac Arthur is an alternativ César, De Gaulle was one
- 1
Ike remaining the master of politics here...
...though I do think it hilarious that Hoover would accept without comment the bold claim of the US being a Democracy.
It is not...yet.
Plus, the goal seems to be to restore the Republic, not morph to something the US has never been.
I did wonder at whether Ike and Hoover understand that the usual end of a triumvirate is that one of the members seizes power for themselves. That or it fails and all the members get executed for treason...
It would be fascinating to watch the maneuverings WITHIN this group as well as it's actions to the rest of the nation / world.
One hopes that some Canadians will support this, though they would need pretty strong assurances that actual liberation is at the other end of the war.
Replacing the abuses of the crown with the abuses of an American Caesar won't be very attractive...
What next? Why...your head on a pike outside the White House, Churchill...take heed...
I think this is a typo. West of Lake Michigan is Wisconsin and Illinois, not Canada...
Huzzah, actually a sane peace.
Though, I see most Americans remain as willfully ignorant of actual governing reality as now.
Ha! <Sobs quietly>
- 1
Epigraph 1: The MacArthur Administration
Vice President Robert Taft
A contender in the 1940 primaries, Taft ultimately withdrew to back MacArthur. Socially and fiscally conservative, his views frequently clashed with those of the President, who was more pragmatic and less ideologically rigid. Their differences extended to foreign policy—Taft firmly believed America should isolate itself from global affairs, whereas MacArthur was convinced that the United States needed to assert its role on the world stage. The growing government spending and MacArthur’s controversial legislative initiatives only deepened the divide between them, both ideologically and personally. However, MacArthur had to tread carefully—Taft wasn’t called Mr. Republican for nothing. If Taft’s conservative faction withdrew its support, MacArthur would face serious legislative hurdles, particularly in the Senate, where Taft’s influence was strongest.
Chief of Staff: Hugh S. Johnson
Nicknamed Iron Pants, Hugh S. Johnson was unlike any Chief of Staff before him. A decorated veteran and MacArthur’s campaign director, he shared the President’s militaristic vision and deep-seated resentment toward the political establishment. Known for his relentless work ethic and sharp negotiating skills, Johnson was also described by his peers as domineering, abrasive, and blunt—someone who struggled to collaborate on equal footing with others.
Secretary of State: Hanford MacNider
MacArthur’s decision to appoint a loyal military officer as Secretary of State made it clear that he saw the department primarily through a wartime lens. By choosing a trusted ally with no diplomatic experience, MacArthur ensured that he himself would dictate foreign policy. MacNider was a veteran of the 1898 Cuba campaign and later served as National Commander of the American Legion from 1921 to 1924. That year, President Calvin Coolidge appointed him Secretary of War, where he worked closely with his executive assistant, Dwight Eisenhower. He later became U.S. ambassador to Canada under President Herbert Hoover. In 1937, he joined MacArthur’s administration, acting as the liaison between the government and Eisenhower’s Second Army. Now, he would be MacArthur´s right hand in foreing matters.
Secretary of the Treasury: Bernard Baruch
Baruch’s appointment was one of the cabinet’s biggest surprises. Having recently returned to politics, he had been associated with Huey Long’s Share Our Wealth movement—an unusual alliance given his Jewish heritage and his background as a self-made Wall Street investor. His nomination sparked fierce opposition, forcing the administration to spend considerable political capital securing his confirmation—especially given Taft’s vocal disapproval. Baruch was convinced that improving workers’ conditions would have weakened public support for the SPA and Long. Additionally, he was a strong advocate for centralizing the economy, particularly in key industries, which put him at odds with Taft and the more economically liberal faction of the party. His social liberalism only widened the rift.
Secretary of War: John J. Pershing
John J. Pershing was one of the most prominent military figures in the administration. He fought in the Spanish-American War and took part in the 1916 expedition to Mexico. He also served as a military observer during the Russo-Japanese War and the Balkan Wars of the 1910s. From 1921 to 1924, he was the Army Chief of Staff, overseeing George Marshall, whom he later defended in written correspondence during the Denver trials, pushing back against MacArthur’s accusations. However, his most significant contribution came during the Civil War, where he led the Yankee Rebellion against the Canadian occupation. Alongside Hoover, he was instrumental in purging the movement of unreliable elements and later commanded pro-American irregular forces during the war against Canada. Now, he served as a highly respected Secretary of War. However, his support for desegregating the military—both for strategic and humanitarian reasons—was met with strong resistance from conservatives.
Secretary of the Interior: Frank Knox
Knox was another necessary concession MacArthur had to make to secure support from various factions within the Republican Party. He had been the vice-presidential candidate alongside Landon in 1936 and was previously a newspaper editor. After returning to politics in 1939, he became one of Thomas Dewey’s most senior advisors. So when Dewey declined a position in the administration, he made sure to recommend Knox. To many people’s surprise, Knox ended up aligning with MacArthur on several repressive measures targeting what he saw as the Fifth Column. He became one of the strongest advocates for the Internal Security Act.
Secretary of Agriculture: Ezra Taft Benson
Unlike other appointments, MacArthur never intended to name Benson as Secretary of Agriculture. Instead, he initially sought to appoint Henry Wallace, believing it would help secure progressive Democratic support. MacArthur was convinced this was the right move—though Hugh Johnson strongly disagreed. When Wallace rejected the offer on ethical and political grounds, MacArthur was forced to find a replacement at the last minute. He eventually settled on Benson, who was then serving as Executive Secretary of the National Council of Farmer Cooperatives. After consulting with leaders of the Latter-day Saints Church—given his deep religious convictions—Benson ultimately accepted the position. A rather unconventional figure in an already unusual cabinet.
Secretary of Health, Education, and Welfare: Arthur Vandenberg
Vandenberg’s nomination caught many by surprise, given his background in foreign policy. However, for MacArthur and Johnson, it was a logical choice. Not only did MacArthur secure a loyal ally—one who had lost his Senate seat—but also a staunch interventionist and a progressive on several key issues. Additionally, by elevating Vandenberg, MacArthur effectively split the support of the Republican Party’s liberal wing between him and Dewey. As the first-ever Secretary of Education, Vandenberg took on the ambitious task of reforming educational laws and centralizing the system.
Director of the FBI: J. Edgar Hoover
Unsurprisingly, MacArthur kept Hoover in his position, maintaining him as a loyal ally against both internal and external threats. However, Hoover found himself far more constrained under MacArthur than he had been under Landon. To ensure this, MacArthur arranged for Clyde Tolson—Hoover’s longtime deputy (and rumored lover)—to be appointed as head of intelligence in Portugal. In Tolson’s place, MacArthur pressured Hoover to name Charles A. Willoughby, the First Army’s military intelligence chief and a devoted MacArthur loyalist. Authoritarian, ruthless, and fiercely loyal, Willoughby gradually began chipping away at Hoover’s influence.
Attorney General: Patrick J. Hurley
Like many in MacArthur’s cabinet, Hurley had a military background, having served as a military judge advocate during the Denver trials. However, he was also deeply tied to one of MacArthur’s most controversial moments before the coup: the suppression of the Bonus Army veterans in 1932. As Hoover’s Secretary of War, it was Hurley who persuaded the president to deploy MacArthur, fearing widespread unrest. A staunch advocate of a strong executive government capable of handling internal threats, Hurley was the ideal man for MacArthur’s vision.
Secretary of the Navy: William D. Leahy
Given MacArthur’s unique relationship with the Navy, the position of Secretary of the Navy required a man of exceptional skill, experience, and the president’s respect. That man was William D. Leahy. Having served in the Spanish-American War, the Philippine-American War, the Boxer Rebellion in China, the Banana Wars in Central America, and as MacArthur’s naval advisor during the Civil War, Leahy was an apolitical figure and a perfect fit for the job. He was also the only man who managed to convince MacArthur not to cancel aircraft carrier production—something the president initially deemed useless—and even secured an increase in their numbers.
Secretary of Commerce: Jesse H. Jones
For this role, MacArthur made a bipartisan gesture by appointing Jesse H. Jones, a Texas businessman, philanthropist, and prominent conservative Democrat. Jones had played a key role in securing Texas for Garner in the 1936 election but had retired from public life after the Civil War. Though he had previously declined the position in 1915, his old friend Garner persuaded him to join the administration to influence national economic policy. As a major associate of the late J.P. Morgan and a key inheritor of his business empire, Jones was determined to secure more influence within the administration—perhaps even more than Hearst himself.
White House Press Secretary: William J. Prescott
In a somewhat unexpected move, MacArthur personally insisted that Prescott be named his new Press Secretary. Though vastly unqualified for the role, MacArthur believed his longtime friend could handle attacks from the press. And those defenses would be sorely needed—particularly in the administration’s first 100 days, during which the former general pursued an unorthodox and highly aggressive legislative agenda.
Key Figures Aligned with the Administration
Senate Majority Leader: Charles L. McNary
If MacArthur lacked anything, it was strong legislative support. That made it all the more surprising that he managed to secure an ally in the Senate, where Taft’s conservatives held significant power. McNary had previously served as an Oregon Supreme Court justice and Senate Majority Leader from 1933 to 1936, holding progressive (yet staunchly anti-homosexual) views. However, the Civil War reshaped his politics, leading him to align with MacArthur’s increasingly authoritarian vision. McNary proved to be a critical figure in pushing the administration’s legislative agenda.
Leader of the MacArthurist Faction in the House: Dudley A. White
To solidify his legislative strategy, MacArthur agreed to let Joseph W. Martin Jr., a staunch Taft conservative, take the role of House Majority Leader. However, Dudley A. White—backed by media mogul William Randolph Hearst—quickly emerged as MacArthur’s primary voice in Congress. A former commander of the American Legion in Ohio, White was persuaded by Hearst to move south to secure a congressional seat. Once in office, he revealed himself as a calm, composed, yet deeply uncompromising figure—one who was notoriously difficult to negotiate with. More than once, it fell to Hugh S. Johnson to step in and smooth over White’s missteps in legislative dealings.
William Randolph Hearst
Former Secretary of Information, media mogul, and the man largely responsible for MacArthur’s rise to the White House, Hearst made it clear from the outset that he intended to have a say in the administration’s direction. While he knew he wouldn’t be given a cabinet position—something he had deemed unnecessary during the Civil War—he used his influence over senators and congressmen to ensure that his vision, increasingly shaped by MacArthur’s authoritarian tendencies, would be enacted.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Well, here we have a summary of the key figures in the MacArthur Administration. In short, it’s a mix of party concessions, anti-economic liberalism progressives, old-school authoritarians, and military figures. A lot of military figures. MacArthur—and especially Johnson—will have to be very careful in balancing these factions. The cabinet selection process has taken me the last three weeks, during which I’ve scoured Wikipedia and official pages for every Republican and Democratic administration from 1930 to 1960. One of the biggest challenges has been the lack of proto-fascist authoritarians, as most of them are either dead or aligned with Huey Long. I also can’t use the fervent anti-communists of the 1950s—figures like McCarthy or… Nixon?—since they haven’t had their chance to rise to prominence yet.
Even though the Civil War caused an upheaval in the legislative chambers, allowing younger politicians to emerge, they’re still not influential enough. McCarthy was elected as a judge in 1936 but enlisted in the Federal Army in 1937, taking part in the Siege of Paris alongside Douglas MacArthur II and Ridgway. As for Nixon, he applied to join the FBI in 1936 (as in OTL). While I initially considered making that a historical twist (in fact, the agent in the Oppenheimer chapter was originally him), I ultimately decided that, for now, Nixon will remain at his law firm, where he’s been practicing since 1937. His moment will come—or maybe it won’t.
Vice President Robert Taft
A contender in the 1940 primaries, Taft ultimately withdrew to back MacArthur. Socially and fiscally conservative, his views frequently clashed with those of the President, who was more pragmatic and less ideologically rigid. Their differences extended to foreign policy—Taft firmly believed America should isolate itself from global affairs, whereas MacArthur was convinced that the United States needed to assert its role on the world stage. The growing government spending and MacArthur’s controversial legislative initiatives only deepened the divide between them, both ideologically and personally. However, MacArthur had to tread carefully—Taft wasn’t called Mr. Republican for nothing. If Taft’s conservative faction withdrew its support, MacArthur would face serious legislative hurdles, particularly in the Senate, where Taft’s influence was strongest.
Chief of Staff: Hugh S. Johnson
Nicknamed Iron Pants, Hugh S. Johnson was unlike any Chief of Staff before him. A decorated veteran and MacArthur’s campaign director, he shared the President’s militaristic vision and deep-seated resentment toward the political establishment. Known for his relentless work ethic and sharp negotiating skills, Johnson was also described by his peers as domineering, abrasive, and blunt—someone who struggled to collaborate on equal footing with others.
Secretary of State: Hanford MacNider
MacArthur’s decision to appoint a loyal military officer as Secretary of State made it clear that he saw the department primarily through a wartime lens. By choosing a trusted ally with no diplomatic experience, MacArthur ensured that he himself would dictate foreign policy. MacNider was a veteran of the 1898 Cuba campaign and later served as National Commander of the American Legion from 1921 to 1924. That year, President Calvin Coolidge appointed him Secretary of War, where he worked closely with his executive assistant, Dwight Eisenhower. He later became U.S. ambassador to Canada under President Herbert Hoover. In 1937, he joined MacArthur’s administration, acting as the liaison between the government and Eisenhower’s Second Army. Now, he would be MacArthur´s right hand in foreing matters.
Secretary of the Treasury: Bernard Baruch
Baruch’s appointment was one of the cabinet’s biggest surprises. Having recently returned to politics, he had been associated with Huey Long’s Share Our Wealth movement—an unusual alliance given his Jewish heritage and his background as a self-made Wall Street investor. His nomination sparked fierce opposition, forcing the administration to spend considerable political capital securing his confirmation—especially given Taft’s vocal disapproval. Baruch was convinced that improving workers’ conditions would have weakened public support for the SPA and Long. Additionally, he was a strong advocate for centralizing the economy, particularly in key industries, which put him at odds with Taft and the more economically liberal faction of the party. His social liberalism only widened the rift.
Secretary of War: John J. Pershing
John J. Pershing was one of the most prominent military figures in the administration. He fought in the Spanish-American War and took part in the 1916 expedition to Mexico. He also served as a military observer during the Russo-Japanese War and the Balkan Wars of the 1910s. From 1921 to 1924, he was the Army Chief of Staff, overseeing George Marshall, whom he later defended in written correspondence during the Denver trials, pushing back against MacArthur’s accusations. However, his most significant contribution came during the Civil War, where he led the Yankee Rebellion against the Canadian occupation. Alongside Hoover, he was instrumental in purging the movement of unreliable elements and later commanded pro-American irregular forces during the war against Canada. Now, he served as a highly respected Secretary of War. However, his support for desegregating the military—both for strategic and humanitarian reasons—was met with strong resistance from conservatives.
Secretary of the Interior: Frank Knox
Knox was another necessary concession MacArthur had to make to secure support from various factions within the Republican Party. He had been the vice-presidential candidate alongside Landon in 1936 and was previously a newspaper editor. After returning to politics in 1939, he became one of Thomas Dewey’s most senior advisors. So when Dewey declined a position in the administration, he made sure to recommend Knox. To many people’s surprise, Knox ended up aligning with MacArthur on several repressive measures targeting what he saw as the Fifth Column. He became one of the strongest advocates for the Internal Security Act.
Secretary of Agriculture: Ezra Taft Benson
Unlike other appointments, MacArthur never intended to name Benson as Secretary of Agriculture. Instead, he initially sought to appoint Henry Wallace, believing it would help secure progressive Democratic support. MacArthur was convinced this was the right move—though Hugh Johnson strongly disagreed. When Wallace rejected the offer on ethical and political grounds, MacArthur was forced to find a replacement at the last minute. He eventually settled on Benson, who was then serving as Executive Secretary of the National Council of Farmer Cooperatives. After consulting with leaders of the Latter-day Saints Church—given his deep religious convictions—Benson ultimately accepted the position. A rather unconventional figure in an already unusual cabinet.
Secretary of Health, Education, and Welfare: Arthur Vandenberg
Vandenberg’s nomination caught many by surprise, given his background in foreign policy. However, for MacArthur and Johnson, it was a logical choice. Not only did MacArthur secure a loyal ally—one who had lost his Senate seat—but also a staunch interventionist and a progressive on several key issues. Additionally, by elevating Vandenberg, MacArthur effectively split the support of the Republican Party’s liberal wing between him and Dewey. As the first-ever Secretary of Education, Vandenberg took on the ambitious task of reforming educational laws and centralizing the system.
Director of the FBI: J. Edgar Hoover
Unsurprisingly, MacArthur kept Hoover in his position, maintaining him as a loyal ally against both internal and external threats. However, Hoover found himself far more constrained under MacArthur than he had been under Landon. To ensure this, MacArthur arranged for Clyde Tolson—Hoover’s longtime deputy (and rumored lover)—to be appointed as head of intelligence in Portugal. In Tolson’s place, MacArthur pressured Hoover to name Charles A. Willoughby, the First Army’s military intelligence chief and a devoted MacArthur loyalist. Authoritarian, ruthless, and fiercely loyal, Willoughby gradually began chipping away at Hoover’s influence.
Attorney General: Patrick J. Hurley
Like many in MacArthur’s cabinet, Hurley had a military background, having served as a military judge advocate during the Denver trials. However, he was also deeply tied to one of MacArthur’s most controversial moments before the coup: the suppression of the Bonus Army veterans in 1932. As Hoover’s Secretary of War, it was Hurley who persuaded the president to deploy MacArthur, fearing widespread unrest. A staunch advocate of a strong executive government capable of handling internal threats, Hurley was the ideal man for MacArthur’s vision.
Secretary of the Navy: William D. Leahy
Given MacArthur’s unique relationship with the Navy, the position of Secretary of the Navy required a man of exceptional skill, experience, and the president’s respect. That man was William D. Leahy. Having served in the Spanish-American War, the Philippine-American War, the Boxer Rebellion in China, the Banana Wars in Central America, and as MacArthur’s naval advisor during the Civil War, Leahy was an apolitical figure and a perfect fit for the job. He was also the only man who managed to convince MacArthur not to cancel aircraft carrier production—something the president initially deemed useless—and even secured an increase in their numbers.
Secretary of Commerce: Jesse H. Jones
For this role, MacArthur made a bipartisan gesture by appointing Jesse H. Jones, a Texas businessman, philanthropist, and prominent conservative Democrat. Jones had played a key role in securing Texas for Garner in the 1936 election but had retired from public life after the Civil War. Though he had previously declined the position in 1915, his old friend Garner persuaded him to join the administration to influence national economic policy. As a major associate of the late J.P. Morgan and a key inheritor of his business empire, Jones was determined to secure more influence within the administration—perhaps even more than Hearst himself.
White House Press Secretary: William J. Prescott
In a somewhat unexpected move, MacArthur personally insisted that Prescott be named his new Press Secretary. Though vastly unqualified for the role, MacArthur believed his longtime friend could handle attacks from the press. And those defenses would be sorely needed—particularly in the administration’s first 100 days, during which the former general pursued an unorthodox and highly aggressive legislative agenda.
Key Figures Aligned with the Administration
Senate Majority Leader: Charles L. McNary
If MacArthur lacked anything, it was strong legislative support. That made it all the more surprising that he managed to secure an ally in the Senate, where Taft’s conservatives held significant power. McNary had previously served as an Oregon Supreme Court justice and Senate Majority Leader from 1933 to 1936, holding progressive (yet staunchly anti-homosexual) views. However, the Civil War reshaped his politics, leading him to align with MacArthur’s increasingly authoritarian vision. McNary proved to be a critical figure in pushing the administration’s legislative agenda.
Leader of the MacArthurist Faction in the House: Dudley A. White
To solidify his legislative strategy, MacArthur agreed to let Joseph W. Martin Jr., a staunch Taft conservative, take the role of House Majority Leader. However, Dudley A. White—backed by media mogul William Randolph Hearst—quickly emerged as MacArthur’s primary voice in Congress. A former commander of the American Legion in Ohio, White was persuaded by Hearst to move south to secure a congressional seat. Once in office, he revealed himself as a calm, composed, yet deeply uncompromising figure—one who was notoriously difficult to negotiate with. More than once, it fell to Hugh S. Johnson to step in and smooth over White’s missteps in legislative dealings.
William Randolph Hearst
Former Secretary of Information, media mogul, and the man largely responsible for MacArthur’s rise to the White House, Hearst made it clear from the outset that he intended to have a say in the administration’s direction. While he knew he wouldn’t be given a cabinet position—something he had deemed unnecessary during the Civil War—he used his influence over senators and congressmen to ensure that his vision, increasingly shaped by MacArthur’s authoritarian tendencies, would be enacted.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Well, here we have a summary of the key figures in the MacArthur Administration. In short, it’s a mix of party concessions, anti-economic liberalism progressives, old-school authoritarians, and military figures. A lot of military figures. MacArthur—and especially Johnson—will have to be very careful in balancing these factions. The cabinet selection process has taken me the last three weeks, during which I’ve scoured Wikipedia and official pages for every Republican and Democratic administration from 1930 to 1960. One of the biggest challenges has been the lack of proto-fascist authoritarians, as most of them are either dead or aligned with Huey Long. I also can’t use the fervent anti-communists of the 1950s—figures like McCarthy or… Nixon?—since they haven’t had their chance to rise to prominence yet.
Even though the Civil War caused an upheaval in the legislative chambers, allowing younger politicians to emerge, they’re still not influential enough. McCarthy was elected as a judge in 1936 but enlisted in the Federal Army in 1937, taking part in the Siege of Paris alongside Douglas MacArthur II and Ridgway. As for Nixon, he applied to join the FBI in 1936 (as in OTL). While I initially considered making that a historical twist (in fact, the agent in the Oppenheimer chapter was originally him), I ultimately decided that, for now, Nixon will remain at his law firm, where he’s been practicing since 1937. His moment will come—or maybe it won’t.
Let's leave "poor" Gus Hall freezing up north. I don't think he'll try to bother us.
As I've said many times, Wisner is an interesting figure, and thanks to him, we'll have a perspective on the world of espionage that we otherwise wouldn't have
It´s MacArthur! I asure you that we will have A LOT of wars.
Yeah, I know. Honestly, I have a love-hate relationship with de Gaulle. And soon, MacArthur will have one too.
Currently, the Triumvirate is an informal association, barely known by the general public. Not even MacArthur himself knows its name. As for the general public, they don't see it either. And the maneuvers within the group are very simple: meetings when something happens and figuring out how to influence it. That's it. That’s what makes it so fragile.
Ups! Sorry.
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This cabinet is a strange mash-up of military veterans, career politicians, business executives and MacArthur yesmen...
There's no guarantee it'll last.
There's no guarantee it'll last.
There is a lot of eerie parallells to RL modern politics in this story. Yet, also very different.
Chapter 29:
That sounds interesting - will soon find out what is proposed when I get to Ch 30.
Whoa! That’s HUGE.
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D'aww....
A moment of joy.
Oof....this whole thought process lies on top of a pile of justification philosophy that makes me shiver with foreboding. Tying concepts of national honor to geographic contexts is a pathway to some exceptionally tragic actions...
Ah, the naivety of Prescott.
There are literal millions of people in these now United States who would want to see MacArthur dead...
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But...why?
It doesn't benefit Canada to assassinate MacArthur.
Something else has gone on...was Philby acting as an agent of the Internationale?
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There are a lot of ambitious egos in MacArthur's cabinet. Way too many for it to run smoothly.
I am interested to see what Prescott gets up to as Press Secretary. He'll have access to a lot of information...
I am interested to see what Prescott gets up to as Press Secretary. He'll have access to a lot of information...
Indeed.
Ordinary Canadians would not be highly loyal to the Royals even if the Entente hadn't just botched a massive war...with that recent massive loss of Canadian lives coupled with what appears to be suicidal foreign policy of the House of Windsor...
Canadians would be most unhappy with the Royals rather than the Americans.
Churchill remains completely out of touch. Most Canadians wouldn't accept that peace offer, to say nothing of the US.
When your defensive plan consists of using your population centers as an attrition zone and you focus your best forces on securing a landing zone for foreign intervention...
...that is not a strong signal to play to the population you need to have resisting.
This is why good governance is essential for national defense...and the British Empire hasn't had good governance for the outlying areas for going on centuries now.
Washington should go on and make Canada a puppet state. Annexing it would be just an invitation for an endless military occupation and having to deal with partisans forever.
While backing Mackenzie King seems to be a no brainer.