Nephew sounds rather a proto-fascist here - I wonder whether he will herald or represent more than a narrative presence in the future?
Then again they may not matter
-
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Chapter 34: The Vienna Conference (Part 3)
"When General MacArthur arrived in Vienna, he was not surprised to find Russian support. Both countries had suffered a Civil War where the "White" faction had defeated the left-wing factions, in exchange for increasing authoritarianism in the country. For this reason, both nations formed a united front against the other two great powers: the Union of Great Britain and the Commune of France (also known as the French Socialist Republic). This mutual support between the two powers and the formation of these large blocs revealed a reality that would become apparent during what we now call the First Cold War. Despite ideological differences (national populism and authoritarian democracy) or alliances, both countries shared a common goal: to destroy the Third International. And this would be what prevented the Vienna Conference from being exactly what Eric Blair had planned: "a conference that would delineate the spheres of influence of each country and, for the first time, without external pressures, allow the socialist experiment to take place."
- Max Hastings in the book: Viena, the last battle of the XIX Century, from the year 2001.
On the 25th of January, the French and British delegation crossed the provisional border separating the International's occupation zone from the Russian one. After several minutes by car, Chairman Valois and Minister of Propaganda Blair arrived at the location of the Conference, the Hofburg Palace. There, a battalion of Russian soldiers awaited them, who would escort them to the Conference room. Once introductions were made, the 12 members (3 per delegation) locked themselves in the room to discuss the items on the agenda.
First of all, all the delegates unanimously supported Chairman Valois' proposal to reopen diplomatic channels between the International powers and the Americans. Officially, the countries of the International had been forced to close their embassies and offices after the Civil War (often by force). With this reopening, both blocs ensured the ability to negotiate without having the Russians as intermediaries. However, nothing prevented the FBI from carefully investigating the embassies of the International on American soil. Nor did it stop the French or British Secret Police from monitoring potential "counterrevolutionary" agents. Secondly, the French and the Russians tried by all means (with the Americans as mediators) to establish clear post-war borders. Unfortunately, MacArthur was unable to get either side to accept the other's plan.
On one hand, the Russians presented their own plan. They wanted to divide Germany into small states aligned with each of the countries. Republics aligned with the Moscow Accord would be formed: the Republic of Silesia, the Republic of East Prussia, and the Central German Republic. On the other hand, new republics with socialist leanings would be formed, supervised by the various members of the International: the Republic of Hanover (supervised by the British and the Dutch), the Republic of Bavaria (French supervision), and the Republic of Austria (supervised by the French and Italians). These new states would have no army, and their government and reparations would be chosen by the victorious powers. As for the Balkans, these would be under Russian control and that of their allies. In addition, the Russians made a nod to the Americans by leaving Corsica, Malta, and Portugal under American control.
The Russian peace plan seemed designed to confront the syndicalists. While Savinkov gave up almost nothing, Paris and London were forced to give up several thousand square kilometers to create buffer states. Because of this, the plan was rejected, and the French immediately presented their own. According to this plan, the International would have a semi-unified Germany (without Prussia or Silesia, which would form a Prussian State under Russian control), which would also include Austria. The separation of these states would follow the Oder-Neisse rivers. On the other hand, France was unwilling to give up the foothold that its 5th Army and the 2nd Italian Army had achieved in Zagreb. Therefore, the Balkans would be divided between a socialist Croatian state and Serbia, which was an ally of the Moscow Accord.
Once again, just like with the Moscow Accord, the International had overstepped. Savinkov (recovering from a heart attack at his dacha in Omsk) rejected the plan. He had no intention of allowing a reunified (and this time socialist) Germany to threaten Mother Russia again. Because of this, MacArthur was unable to convince Minister Georgievsky to support the French plan or negociated anything else. By lunchtime, the situation was at a stalemate.
To move forward, MacArthur's delegation brought up other topics, such as the signing of a five-year Non-Aggression Pact between the powers. Eventually, three years were agreed upon. Shortly after, the situation of Corsica, Portugal, and Malta was discussed. Now it was Valois and MacArthur's turn to stall the situation, both refusing to give an inch. In their opinion, Portugal should join the New Iberian Socialist Republic, while MacArthur argued that the "occupied" European territory was now a legitimate, democratic government allied with the United States.
The same happened with Corsica, where both wanted the island for themselves. Valois considered it in itself insulting that MacArthur would even consider recognizing de Gaulle. Finally, the talks ended late at night, without a conclusion. It would be the following day when the discussions would resume. In the meantime, a cocktail party was held at night between delegations. Here, Secretary of State McNaider was approached by Propaganda minister Eric Blair, who asked him what concessions he and the Americans would be willing to make regarding Corsica and Portugal. McNaider explained that the Americans wanted a free Portugal, while Corsica could be ceded if necessary. Eric Blair left the party early.
The following morning, the British delegation presented a peace proposal which Minister of Propaganda Blair had spent the entire night working on. However, before mentioning it, it would be prudent to speak about Eric Blair. A socialist since the Revolution, Eric Blair had seen himself as one of the most influential men and right-hand of Oswald Mosley. Both believed that the only way the socialist dream could be achieved was with a strong man, a "leviathan" like Hobbes. They had seen how party politics within the Union since 1925 had only worsened the economic and social situation.
However, Blair was not entirely comfortable with the rest of the maximalists. Despite being one of the leaders of the Party, the purges following the takeover in 1936 had horrified him, with figures like Arthur Horner (former General Secretary of the Union) "disappearing" at the same time state forces dragged entire families from their homes to be relocated to labor camps in Scotland. This had led to bitter confrontations with Mosley, who was becoming increasingly paranoid. Nonetheless, the dictator allowed his propaganda minister to openly disagree with him. Blair had this strange privilege, forged after years of power struggles since 1925. Moreover, as right-hand man, he was given the opportunity to represent the dictator in Vienna (Mosley was paranoid that the French were trying to replace him. For that reason, he refused to leave the safety of the island).
Blair was not stupid, but somewhat idealistic. It had been he who had convinced Mosley and Valois to transform the Vienna peace conference into a conference to establish peace between the three blocs: the Moscow Accord, the Third International, and the American bloc, which could survive jointly if they established a just peace. Thus, he presented his peace proposal with the following points:
Blair's proposal was unusual, more fitting of the 19th century (or perhaps the 21st) than of 1940. Not only was it willing to forgo total conquest (allowing for neutral German states and even a small duchy for the Hohenzollerns), but it seemed to promote the Internationale’s power through what is now known as “soft power,” via political parties in neutral states like Yugoslavia or Portugal. With the rise of totalitarianism and war, it is easy to forget how during the interwar period, France and the Union of Britain had expanded their influence into Spain, the United States, and even South America with this method. But now, the things were diferent.
Once the proposal was presented, chaos erupted at the Conference. Not even the French themselves had expected something so bold and unorthodox. Valois himself had a bitter argument with Blair, trying to understand why the Internationale should lose control of Central Europe, which had cost them so many lives. Throughout the entire day of the 26th, Blair and his team defended their formula for peace tooth and nail. So much attention was focused on this that little else could move forward. Thus, the day ended with the teams meeting in the various embassies/residences to search for a solution.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Dwight Eisenhower hadn’t expected MacArthur to invite him to dinner. Throughout the conference, his role had been strictly military. Yet, in a gathering filled with generals, his presence was nearly redundant. Most of his time in Vienna had been spent reading in his room or engaging in sporadic conversations with various leaders. Surprisingly, he’d found some unexpected camaraderie, most notably from General Zhukov. The Russian exiled general had taken a liking to him and had arranged for a large shipment of a curious American drink, Coca-Cola, in exchange for a few crates of French wine, a luxury that had become scarce due to France’s autarkic policies. In America, the federal government had faced no such issues. With the support of the country’s wealthiest and a trove of gold reserves and seized assets, the currency had remained surprisingly stable. That, at least, was something to be thankful for.
Eisenhower had taken advantage of his time in Vienna to see the city. Unlike Berlin or Königsberg, the Austrian capital still stood proud; most of the fighting had occurred on its outskirts. He was able to enjoy a piece of the old imperial Vienna almost entirely to himself, alongside Zhukov, who insisted on joining. Ike suspected the General's interest in him was genuine, a thought that worried him. Sincere friendliness toward an American might very well get Zhukov in trouble with the Internationale's secret police.
His surprise was complete when, upon returning to the American residence, he was informed that MacArthur was waiting for him at dinner. And there he was, face to face with the Caesar himself. They’d been eating in silence for the past five minutes. Eisenhower couldn’t help but recall the nickname some had given him after War Plan White: Mark Antony. Nothing could’ve been further from the truth. Yes, he had backed MacArthur during the coup. The general had been his superior, and his motives had seemed noble. Together, they had brought peace to America. They had ensured “free” elections. But Eisenhower had been naïve. MacArthur wasn’t so noble. He had no intention of relinquishing power.
Were it not for the pressure from the Triumvirate, and from Landon and Hebert Hoover, MacArthur would likely have crowned himself absolute ruler of an American empire.But that hadn’t happened. The pressure forced MacArthur to step down. Or rather, to govern from the shadows. And that, Eisenhower knew, was far worse. Poor Landon had faced the greatest opposition any president had ever known. Eisenhower pitied him. But more than anything, he was terrified.
How do you fight a man who rules from behind the curtain?
The answer was simple: you draw him back into the spotlight.
And so, Eisenhower had spoken with Thomas Dewey. Both were moderate internationalists. Both feared what MacArthur might become if left unchecked. They made an informal pact: get MacArthur to run for president. Dewey didn’t mind waiting. He knew he had no chance of winning, not against MacArthur. And even if he somehow did, the general would haunt him from the shadows. But in Washington, with a title, MacArthur could be reined in. Officially more powerful, yes, but bound by the Constitution. A president has duties that a rogue general does not.
MacArthur broke the silence, interrupting his thoughts.
- What did you think of the capital? I’ve barely had time to see it.
- It’s beautiful. Barely touched by the war.
- And the conference? I hear Zhukov told you about the British offer.
Ike hesitated.
- I think we should accept it, sir.
- Oh? And why is that?
Eisenhower pointed to a map of Europe hanging on the wall.
- This treaty lets us step away from Europe and reallocate resources. If the French and the Russians want to claw each other to death over Germany, let them. That’s not our fight.
- And de Gaulle?
- With all due respect, Mr. President, de Gaulle can go to hell.
MacArthur smiled.
- A fair point. Besides, I’ll need room to maneuver if I’m to get my bills through Congress, especially with the three of you standing in my way.
A chill ran down Eisenhower’s spine.
- The three of us?
- Yes. Hoover, Frankfurter, and you. Your little kindergarten club.
- I don’t know what you’re talking about, Mr. President.
- Oh, come on. Of course, you do. But never mind that. I’m grateful for your support during the Republican nomination. Without you and Dewey, it would’ve been more difficult.
- You knew?- Eisenhower asked, startled.
- Of course I knew. And I know why you did it. You think I’m a potential dictator. Tell me, didn’t stepping down after the war prove I want nothing but democracy?
- We’re not fools, Mr. President. If you had no interest in power, you would’ve let Landon govern without constant interference.
MacArthur chuckled.
- How could I not interfere with that idiot? He came into office thinking it was 1910. Wanted to dismantle the FBI on day one. Even you were against that.
Eisenhower had no response. The general was right on that one.
- Your main problem, Dwight, is that you don’t know what you’re fighting for. Is it democracy without military interference?
- Yes. The military shouldn’t...
- Yet you represent a military faction that works hand in hand with the judiciary and intelligence agencies. Don’t you see how contradictory that is? You say you defend democracy, but you undermine it from the shadows, exactly as you accuse me.
- You distort the truth, MacArthur.
- No, I don’t. Have I done anything unconstitutional? Anything illegal?
- Not yet,- Eisenhower admitted.
- Then why treat me like I have? You’re the one acting outside the rules, Dwight. I’m only doing what I think is best for my country.
Neither of them spoke. Eisenhower refused to give him the satisfaction of agreement.
- You can mingle with progressives and conservatives all you like, Dwight. But if we are ever judged, by God or by country, we are equally guilty. Without your support, I never would’ve risen against Reed. Without your support, we never would’ve won the war. I won’t deny it.
- You paint me as nothing more than your... subordinate.- Eisenhower said bitterly.
- No. You’re much more. You’re a "democrat".But it wasn’t you who convinced me to step down, it was Prescott. You, on the other hand, have done nothing but provoke me. You’ve tried to bypass me, made decisions beyond your rank.
- What are you talking about?
- At least Hoover isn’t a hypocrite. He owns his choices, even in private.
- What are you talking about?- Eisenhower asked again.
MacArthur looked at him with thinly veiled contempt.
- I still respect you, General. Which is why I’ll drop it. We’ve wandered far from the original point of this meeting. Shall we discuss Blair’s proposal?
This time, Eisenhower answered more confidently than he felt.
- I despise syndicalism as much as you do, Mr. President. But I believe they’re offering us a real chance to stabilize our position in Europe. The old world has already fallen to syndicalism. It’s not our duty to save it, especially not while our own country still bears its scars. Let’s listen to Blair. Otherwise, we’ll still be fighting over some godforsaken strip of Portuguese coastline in 1984.”
Soon after, the general excused himself and left, lost in thought. MacArthur remained seated, still weighing Eisenhower’s words. His wine, French, of course, stood untouched beside his plate. A rare vintage. He muttered under his breath, almost too softly to hear:
- One day, Dwight will understand that order is not born of liberty, but of duty.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
"When General MacArthur arrived in Vienna, he was not surprised to find Russian support. Both countries had suffered a Civil War where the "White" faction had defeated the left-wing factions, in exchange for increasing authoritarianism in the country. For this reason, both nations formed a united front against the other two great powers: the Union of Great Britain and the Commune of France (also known as the French Socialist Republic). This mutual support between the two powers and the formation of these large blocs revealed a reality that would become apparent during what we now call the First Cold War. Despite ideological differences (national populism and authoritarian democracy) or alliances, both countries shared a common goal: to destroy the Third International. And this would be what prevented the Vienna Conference from being exactly what Eric Blair had planned: "a conference that would delineate the spheres of influence of each country and, for the first time, without external pressures, allow the socialist experiment to take place."
- Max Hastings in the book: Viena, the last battle of the XIX Century, from the year 2001.
On the 25th of January, the French and British delegation crossed the provisional border separating the International's occupation zone from the Russian one. After several minutes by car, Chairman Valois and Minister of Propaganda Blair arrived at the location of the Conference, the Hofburg Palace. There, a battalion of Russian soldiers awaited them, who would escort them to the Conference room. Once introductions were made, the 12 members (3 per delegation) locked themselves in the room to discuss the items on the agenda.
First of all, all the delegates unanimously supported Chairman Valois' proposal to reopen diplomatic channels between the International powers and the Americans. Officially, the countries of the International had been forced to close their embassies and offices after the Civil War (often by force). With this reopening, both blocs ensured the ability to negotiate without having the Russians as intermediaries. However, nothing prevented the FBI from carefully investigating the embassies of the International on American soil. Nor did it stop the French or British Secret Police from monitoring potential "counterrevolutionary" agents. Secondly, the French and the Russians tried by all means (with the Americans as mediators) to establish clear post-war borders. Unfortunately, MacArthur was unable to get either side to accept the other's plan.
On one hand, the Russians presented their own plan. They wanted to divide Germany into small states aligned with each of the countries. Republics aligned with the Moscow Accord would be formed: the Republic of Silesia, the Republic of East Prussia, and the Central German Republic. On the other hand, new republics with socialist leanings would be formed, supervised by the various members of the International: the Republic of Hanover (supervised by the British and the Dutch), the Republic of Bavaria (French supervision), and the Republic of Austria (supervised by the French and Italians). These new states would have no army, and their government and reparations would be chosen by the victorious powers. As for the Balkans, these would be under Russian control and that of their allies. In addition, the Russians made a nod to the Americans by leaving Corsica, Malta, and Portugal under American control.
The Russian peace plan seemed designed to confront the syndicalists. While Savinkov gave up almost nothing, Paris and London were forced to give up several thousand square kilometers to create buffer states. Because of this, the plan was rejected, and the French immediately presented their own. According to this plan, the International would have a semi-unified Germany (without Prussia or Silesia, which would form a Prussian State under Russian control), which would also include Austria. The separation of these states would follow the Oder-Neisse rivers. On the other hand, France was unwilling to give up the foothold that its 5th Army and the 2nd Italian Army had achieved in Zagreb. Therefore, the Balkans would be divided between a socialist Croatian state and Serbia, which was an ally of the Moscow Accord.
Once again, just like with the Moscow Accord, the International had overstepped. Savinkov (recovering from a heart attack at his dacha in Omsk) rejected the plan. He had no intention of allowing a reunified (and this time socialist) Germany to threaten Mother Russia again. Because of this, MacArthur was unable to convince Minister Georgievsky to support the French plan or negociated anything else. By lunchtime, the situation was at a stalemate.
To move forward, MacArthur's delegation brought up other topics, such as the signing of a five-year Non-Aggression Pact between the powers. Eventually, three years were agreed upon. Shortly after, the situation of Corsica, Portugal, and Malta was discussed. Now it was Valois and MacArthur's turn to stall the situation, both refusing to give an inch. In their opinion, Portugal should join the New Iberian Socialist Republic, while MacArthur argued that the "occupied" European territory was now a legitimate, democratic government allied with the United States.
The same happened with Corsica, where both wanted the island for themselves. Valois considered it in itself insulting that MacArthur would even consider recognizing de Gaulle. Finally, the talks ended late at night, without a conclusion. It would be the following day when the discussions would resume. In the meantime, a cocktail party was held at night between delegations. Here, Secretary of State McNaider was approached by Propaganda minister Eric Blair, who asked him what concessions he and the Americans would be willing to make regarding Corsica and Portugal. McNaider explained that the Americans wanted a free Portugal, while Corsica could be ceded if necessary. Eric Blair left the party early.
The following morning, the British delegation presented a peace proposal which Minister of Propaganda Blair had spent the entire night working on. However, before mentioning it, it would be prudent to speak about Eric Blair. A socialist since the Revolution, Eric Blair had seen himself as one of the most influential men and right-hand of Oswald Mosley. Both believed that the only way the socialist dream could be achieved was with a strong man, a "leviathan" like Hobbes. They had seen how party politics within the Union since 1925 had only worsened the economic and social situation.
However, Blair was not entirely comfortable with the rest of the maximalists. Despite being one of the leaders of the Party, the purges following the takeover in 1936 had horrified him, with figures like Arthur Horner (former General Secretary of the Union) "disappearing" at the same time state forces dragged entire families from their homes to be relocated to labor camps in Scotland. This had led to bitter confrontations with Mosley, who was becoming increasingly paranoid. Nonetheless, the dictator allowed his propaganda minister to openly disagree with him. Blair had this strange privilege, forged after years of power struggles since 1925. Moreover, as right-hand man, he was given the opportunity to represent the dictator in Vienna (Mosley was paranoid that the French were trying to replace him. For that reason, he refused to leave the safety of the island).
Blair was not stupid, but somewhat idealistic. It had been he who had convinced Mosley and Valois to transform the Vienna peace conference into a conference to establish peace between the three blocs: the Moscow Accord, the Third International, and the American bloc, which could survive jointly if they established a just peace. Thus, he presented his peace proposal with the following points:
- Creation of a North German Federation. Its army would be limited to 70,000 men and it would be prohibited from joining either of the two blocs.
- Creation of a Socialist State in Baden-Württemberg, supervised by France.
- Creation of a neutral State in Bavaria. Its army would have a maximum of 35,000 men and it would not be allowed to join either of the two blocs.
- Establishment of the Socialist Republic of Austria, supervised by the French and Italians.
- To ensure peace with the remnants of the Reichspakt (and to place a thorn in Savinkov's side), the Duchy of East Prussia would be created, with a maximum army of 25,000 men. In exchange for a controlled decolonization in Africa (which would take place in another conference), Wilhelm III would be pardoned and his son Wilhelm IV crowned as Duke. If he refused, this duchy under Russian influence would either be annexed by Russia or dealt with however Moscow saw fit.
- The Internationale's troops would withdraw from the Balkans and Serbia would be allowed to form its Federal Republic. In exchange, this Republic would exit the Moscow Accord, legalize the Socialist Party, and commit to fair treatment of minorities.
- A Polish State (a Moscow puppet) would annex the eastern German territories and expel the millions of Germans in the region to prevent future claims.
- The British, who had gained nothing in this war, would obtain permanent control of Schleswig-Holstein, Hamburg, and the Kiel Canal, in order to allow free trade between the Internationale and the Nordic syndicalist countries (Sweden and Norway).
- America would cede its Mediterranean territories to Italy (Malta) and France (Corsica) in exchange for substantial financial compensation. For its part, Portugal would be liberated as a neutral and democratic state, with the Portuguese Syndicalist Party legalized.
Blair's proposal was unusual, more fitting of the 19th century (or perhaps the 21st) than of 1940. Not only was it willing to forgo total conquest (allowing for neutral German states and even a small duchy for the Hohenzollerns), but it seemed to promote the Internationale’s power through what is now known as “soft power,” via political parties in neutral states like Yugoslavia or Portugal. With the rise of totalitarianism and war, it is easy to forget how during the interwar period, France and the Union of Britain had expanded their influence into Spain, the United States, and even South America with this method. But now, the things were diferent.
Once the proposal was presented, chaos erupted at the Conference. Not even the French themselves had expected something so bold and unorthodox. Valois himself had a bitter argument with Blair, trying to understand why the Internationale should lose control of Central Europe, which had cost them so many lives. Throughout the entire day of the 26th, Blair and his team defended their formula for peace tooth and nail. So much attention was focused on this that little else could move forward. Thus, the day ended with the teams meeting in the various embassies/residences to search for a solution.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Dwight Eisenhower hadn’t expected MacArthur to invite him to dinner. Throughout the conference, his role had been strictly military. Yet, in a gathering filled with generals, his presence was nearly redundant. Most of his time in Vienna had been spent reading in his room or engaging in sporadic conversations with various leaders. Surprisingly, he’d found some unexpected camaraderie, most notably from General Zhukov. The Russian exiled general had taken a liking to him and had arranged for a large shipment of a curious American drink, Coca-Cola, in exchange for a few crates of French wine, a luxury that had become scarce due to France’s autarkic policies. In America, the federal government had faced no such issues. With the support of the country’s wealthiest and a trove of gold reserves and seized assets, the currency had remained surprisingly stable. That, at least, was something to be thankful for.
Eisenhower had taken advantage of his time in Vienna to see the city. Unlike Berlin or Königsberg, the Austrian capital still stood proud; most of the fighting had occurred on its outskirts. He was able to enjoy a piece of the old imperial Vienna almost entirely to himself, alongside Zhukov, who insisted on joining. Ike suspected the General's interest in him was genuine, a thought that worried him. Sincere friendliness toward an American might very well get Zhukov in trouble with the Internationale's secret police.
His surprise was complete when, upon returning to the American residence, he was informed that MacArthur was waiting for him at dinner. And there he was, face to face with the Caesar himself. They’d been eating in silence for the past five minutes. Eisenhower couldn’t help but recall the nickname some had given him after War Plan White: Mark Antony. Nothing could’ve been further from the truth. Yes, he had backed MacArthur during the coup. The general had been his superior, and his motives had seemed noble. Together, they had brought peace to America. They had ensured “free” elections. But Eisenhower had been naïve. MacArthur wasn’t so noble. He had no intention of relinquishing power.
Were it not for the pressure from the Triumvirate, and from Landon and Hebert Hoover, MacArthur would likely have crowned himself absolute ruler of an American empire.But that hadn’t happened. The pressure forced MacArthur to step down. Or rather, to govern from the shadows. And that, Eisenhower knew, was far worse. Poor Landon had faced the greatest opposition any president had ever known. Eisenhower pitied him. But more than anything, he was terrified.
How do you fight a man who rules from behind the curtain?
The answer was simple: you draw him back into the spotlight.
And so, Eisenhower had spoken with Thomas Dewey. Both were moderate internationalists. Both feared what MacArthur might become if left unchecked. They made an informal pact: get MacArthur to run for president. Dewey didn’t mind waiting. He knew he had no chance of winning, not against MacArthur. And even if he somehow did, the general would haunt him from the shadows. But in Washington, with a title, MacArthur could be reined in. Officially more powerful, yes, but bound by the Constitution. A president has duties that a rogue general does not.
MacArthur broke the silence, interrupting his thoughts.
- What did you think of the capital? I’ve barely had time to see it.
- It’s beautiful. Barely touched by the war.
- And the conference? I hear Zhukov told you about the British offer.
Ike hesitated.
- I think we should accept it, sir.
- Oh? And why is that?
Eisenhower pointed to a map of Europe hanging on the wall.
- This treaty lets us step away from Europe and reallocate resources. If the French and the Russians want to claw each other to death over Germany, let them. That’s not our fight.
- And de Gaulle?
- With all due respect, Mr. President, de Gaulle can go to hell.
MacArthur smiled.
- A fair point. Besides, I’ll need room to maneuver if I’m to get my bills through Congress, especially with the three of you standing in my way.
A chill ran down Eisenhower’s spine.
- The three of us?
- Yes. Hoover, Frankfurter, and you. Your little kindergarten club.
- I don’t know what you’re talking about, Mr. President.
- Oh, come on. Of course, you do. But never mind that. I’m grateful for your support during the Republican nomination. Without you and Dewey, it would’ve been more difficult.
- You knew?- Eisenhower asked, startled.
- Of course I knew. And I know why you did it. You think I’m a potential dictator. Tell me, didn’t stepping down after the war prove I want nothing but democracy?
- We’re not fools, Mr. President. If you had no interest in power, you would’ve let Landon govern without constant interference.
MacArthur chuckled.
- How could I not interfere with that idiot? He came into office thinking it was 1910. Wanted to dismantle the FBI on day one. Even you were against that.
Eisenhower had no response. The general was right on that one.
- Your main problem, Dwight, is that you don’t know what you’re fighting for. Is it democracy without military interference?
- Yes. The military shouldn’t...
- Yet you represent a military faction that works hand in hand with the judiciary and intelligence agencies. Don’t you see how contradictory that is? You say you defend democracy, but you undermine it from the shadows, exactly as you accuse me.
- You distort the truth, MacArthur.
- No, I don’t. Have I done anything unconstitutional? Anything illegal?
- Not yet,- Eisenhower admitted.
- Then why treat me like I have? You’re the one acting outside the rules, Dwight. I’m only doing what I think is best for my country.
Neither of them spoke. Eisenhower refused to give him the satisfaction of agreement.
- You can mingle with progressives and conservatives all you like, Dwight. But if we are ever judged, by God or by country, we are equally guilty. Without your support, I never would’ve risen against Reed. Without your support, we never would’ve won the war. I won’t deny it.
- You paint me as nothing more than your... subordinate.- Eisenhower said bitterly.
- No. You’re much more. You’re a "democrat".But it wasn’t you who convinced me to step down, it was Prescott. You, on the other hand, have done nothing but provoke me. You’ve tried to bypass me, made decisions beyond your rank.
- What are you talking about?
- At least Hoover isn’t a hypocrite. He owns his choices, even in private.
- What are you talking about?- Eisenhower asked again.
MacArthur looked at him with thinly veiled contempt.
- I still respect you, General. Which is why I’ll drop it. We’ve wandered far from the original point of this meeting. Shall we discuss Blair’s proposal?
This time, Eisenhower answered more confidently than he felt.
- I despise syndicalism as much as you do, Mr. President. But I believe they’re offering us a real chance to stabilize our position in Europe. The old world has already fallen to syndicalism. It’s not our duty to save it, especially not while our own country still bears its scars. Let’s listen to Blair. Otherwise, we’ll still be fighting over some godforsaken strip of Portuguese coastline in 1984.”
Soon after, the general excused himself and left, lost in thought. MacArthur remained seated, still weighing Eisenhower’s words. His wine, French, of course, stood untouched beside his plate. A rare vintage. He muttered under his breath, almost too softly to hear:
- One day, Dwight will understand that order is not born of liberty, but of duty.
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Doug II has been, from the very beginning, an authoritarian and deeply nationalist figure, pushing alongside Hearst to keep MacArthur from stepping down as President. Now, he’s more influenced by Russia than ever and seems to have forgotten how democracy is supposed to work. And yes, MacArthur II will become much more in the future... but there’s still a long way to go.
Although nukes are still a long way off (we’re still in 1941), there’s no doubt MacArthur won’t hesitate to turn the Atlantic into a radioactive sea.
Double standards? Absolutely. But also pragmatism. Right now, there are countless territories in Africa that the Americans must control with George Marshall’s 120,000 men. Better under native governments than under colonial rule. Here, MacArthur supports rapid decolonization… purely for strategic interests.
Attachments
- 2
That's a horrifying proposal...and one that even the Internationale wouldn't condone, I suspect...
Because 'trade' is the most important thing to a Syndicalist government!
Blair really is out of step with his government.
Ah, what blessed sounds these sirens make.
This is, unfortunately, not true...a President only is reined in if he agrees to follow the rules...and Mac, won't do that.
YES! Those actions by Hoover...your subordinate, with your approval, are illegal.
One day, 'little Mac'...I hope you get to see just how many people you had a duty to serve that you failed. I hope this happens while you are still alive so there is time to repent...but I fear the truth will only dawn upon you when you are before the Great Throne.
- 1
- 1
Of course that relies on him both respecting the constitution and liking the spotlight enough to want to re-enter it. MacArthur only qualifies for one of those...
- 1
If MacArthur knows of the Triumvirate, how many others might as well? And will Eisenhower tell his allies that their position is compromised?
The conference has so far gone about as well as I expected. But at least no one has gone home yet.
The conference has so far gone about as well as I expected. But at least no one has gone home yet.
- 1
Yes, that. The original coup decision showed issues of constitionality are secondary to perceived duty for MacArthur when it comes to the crunch. Legality worn as a veneer to be maintained where convenient and popular but not adhered to as a bedrock principle.
Here we have it. He’s not completely self-deluded and is well enough informed. Which makes him even more dangerous, even as it moderates his actions somewhat. An interesting degree of complexity and ambiguity that makes the character well textured.
A fair point.
Nice literary reference.
The idea of order isn’t foundational to liberty - the more order, the less liberty. Liberty (within reason) is not necessarily antithetical to order, but will tend to swings of disorder especially in a functioning democracy that must contend with external authoritarian threats. Freedom, order, duty, liberty, control, legality, national security: things to be balanced, rather than desirable or attainable as absolutes. In the pressure cooker of this story’s setting, the friction between these various (and other) principles and concepts mean everyone feels the heat. And no one’s hands are completely clean (to mix the metaphor a little).
Sounds ominous. If MacArthur is the wind, Nephew would be the whirlwind!
- 1
Interlude 7: A Job Offer, an Extraction, and a Thoughtful President.
"Charles Smith" smiled as his captors led him along the dock, with the moon reflected in the calm waters of Lake Michigan. His two captors, armed with a pair of service pistols, had made no effort to clarify their position. They had simply caught him at that motel and pointed their standard-issue weapons at him. At first, he thought they were police officers or even Hoover’s men. Once he saw they weren’t taking him to a station or another government facility, but rather driving north, "Smith" felt real terror. This seemed more like a gangland settling of scores than a federal operation.
But now, several hours later, he was much more at ease. He had made peace with God and knew his fate was sealed. He had tried and failed. The Americans were not ready to be saved. At first, "Smith" had doubts. He thought he had been wrong to support Long and that MacArthur might be the solution to all the problems. That’s why he had no problem accepting federal arms and fighting once Long’s regime had fallen. But the "Caesar" had ultimately given in to the Jewish power of Wall Street at the end of the war. They had forced him to hand over command to Landon, another member of the Republican elite and just another one of the many establishment politicians controlled by Wall Street. And that prevented MacArthur from turning America into a grand, white, and free nation.
So "Smith" was not surprised when the feds issued a search and arrest warrant for him. He was ready to flee. However, not to the South, as many expected. Now, the network of former AUS veterans was also in the North, especially in the areas most devastated during the civil war. There, many southerners had managed to settle, enough to reclaim those northern lands and drive out the blacks, who had found that the rural countryside was no place for them. And there, in that white paradise, "Smith" felt safe enough to rest and work the land under a new identity. At least until that very morning, when those men had caught him off guard and abducted him in broad daylight. After kidnapping him, the men had taken him deep into the Military District. Luckily, no one stopped the car, not even when "Smith" could see the skyscrapers of Chicago through the window, gradually coming back to life. He had heard that the drop in labor costs had encouraged several investors to reinvest in the city. There is nothing more economically secure than a military district where workers have no labor rights.
When the moonlight struck the boat, "Smith" realized it was much more luxurious than it seemed. That old wood-and-iron vessel, more suited for tourists than smugglers, was well-painted and decorated, and in top condition. Once on board, he managed to glimpse the name before being taken inside: "The Neptune". The interior was luxurious, like an office. There were bookshelves, bottles, and paintings. "Smith" could almost forget he was on a boat. In front of him was a thin, pale man writing at a desk. He had straight, black hair and sharply defined features. "Smith" thought he might be a machine, given his thinness and gray suit. When their eyes met, "Smith" felt scrutinized.
- Mr. Pelley, do me the favor of waiting while I finish my correspondence.-said the thin man as he resumed writing.
"Smith" , or William Dudley Pelley, as the protagonist of this story was truly named, was too surprised to refuse, remaining silent for several minutes, wondering how his interlocutor had discovered who he was.
- That’s done.- said the thin man, placing a box into the drawer.- Do me the favor of sitting down.
Pelley obeyed.
- Your new identity intrigues me, Mr. Pelley. I suppose your surname comes from your former friend Gerald K. Smith. However, I still don’t understand why you chose that name.
- My… dog. My dog was named Charles.
- That seems to explain it. A factor I hadn’t considered.- said his interlocutor, studying him.
- Who are you? How do you know who I am?
- Please, Mr. Pelley, don’t get agitated. You are easy to find. I merely had to give your physical description to some of my men. You may now go by another name, but your beard and style remain the same.
- If it’s that easy, how come Hoover and his people haven’t found me? Pelley retorted. He felt small before his interlocutor.
- I don’t think they’ve tried. Your arrest is… counterproductive, at least for MacArthur’s interests.
- Counterproductive?" Pelley nearly shouted, agitated. "I’m the most wanted man in...
The Longist fell silent when he saw his interlocutor’s serious expression, clearly displeased.
- I don’t have time to argue with you, Mr. Pelley. The reality is, if you’re tried in a Federal Court, the ex-Longist base that now supports MacArthur might demand that the court go easy on you, which wouldn’t just be poorly received by the rest of the population, it could also put MacArthur in an impossible position. It’s better for everyone that you remain free.
- For you too? I still don’t know your name.
- And I doubt you’ll know it anytime soon, Mr. Pelley.
- Can I at least know why I’m here?
His interlocutor checked his watch.
- Of course, Mr. Pelley. I have an offer for you.
- A job offer?
- You could say that. Rather, I offer you a flag under which to protect yourself from all harm. In exchange for your sword.
Pelley smiled.
- Is that flag that you represent the American flag?
- Do you suspect I’m a foreigner? I thought my accent made it clear enough.
- Jack Reed also spoke with a New York accent, and that didn’t mean he fought for America’s flag. Reed fought for Paris.
- And by the same logic, one could say Long fought for Berlin. And so did you.
Pelley couldn’t help but feel embarrassed by his interlocutor’s jab. When Long’s diaries had been published, he saw how many former Longists turned their backs on him. They were willing to forgive that Long had used money from Berlin to fight the "reds." However, they could not forgive that Pelley had received part of that money behind Long’s back to strengthen his own position. How could they not understand he only did it in case Henry Ford or his people got their way? He would never do anything against Long.
- I... I fought for America. Long was good. A good man. However, I admit I hated our alliance with Henry Ford. I was afraid they would try to control Long, and that our glorious revolution...
-Ford hated the Jews, like you - the thin man interrupted.
- Ford lied. He was one of them.
His interlocutor smiled.
- Believe me, I doubt he was Jewish.- said the man, smiling.
- Who are you? A Longist? A gangster?
- Me? I’m none of that. I fought for the Federals during the Civil War. It was the obvious choice.
- The obvious choice?
- Of course, it was. You just had to think about the factors. That’s the problem with the American people. MacArthur had the Army, a central position with food hubs in case of a long war, and the Midwest’s industry. Not to mention the federal reserves, support from the establishment, and Savinkov. He was the obvious option. But people like you... you’re sentimental. Ideological. And that ruins you.
- You say that because he won. In hindsight, everything’s clear.
- No, it’s not. It’s about factors. Data. Numbers, whether men, wheat, or oil production. Factors... -The thin man noticed he had lost his audience’s attention- . But that’s not what matters. The point is, that I supported MacArthur. My factories produced tanks and weapons for him. Often at a loss. But then, on August 12, everything changed.
Yes, Pelley also remembered August 12. He was still serving as a colonel and his unit had been relocated to Cleveland as an occupation force. Soon, however, he heard the news. MacArthur had stepped down and left Landon in charge. He wasn’t the only one who felt betrayed. Many of his comrades, who had fought for both MacArthur and Long, now saw they had fought only to reinstall the same establishment that had caused the civil war. Shortly afterward, Pelley was demobilized and went south, where he worked in a factory as a veteran of the AUS. But he would not forget.
- How could I? MacArthur is a good man. But he was wrong to step back. We weren’t ready. We needed him as the strongman to lead the country for a couple more years, until we had wiped out that red scum that now calls itself "Progressive Democrats."
- I couldn’t agree more, Mr. Pelley. I and a few others, including Hearst and MacArthur II, understood how important it was for MacArthur to remain in power. Unfortunately, the "democratic" forces were too strong. So, I decided it was time to return to the shadows. And I’ve remained here, in Chicago. You’d be surprised how much the city has changed since Reed’s fall. Under martial law, one can work in peace. It’s a shame it’s one of the few places still standing.
- But now MacArthur has returned. There’s still time.
- I’m afraid it’s too late. MacArthur has allowed the establishment machinery to return to Washington D.C. Now, every decision must be fought in Congress, in the Senate, in the courts.
- Then the Caesar will launch a coup.
- No, that time is over, Mr. Pelley. MacArthur says he’s a democrat now. He’ll try to centralize the state, that’s clear. But he’ll do it slowly, and I doubt he’ll succeed. With each day, his position of strength weakens.
Pelley shook his head.
- He’s the right man. He must bring back martial law.
- That’s one of my objectives. So I’m making you a job offer. You’ll work for me and my organization.
- And what are your objectives?
- We want a strong and united America. A homogeneous America. And for that, democracy must end. We must create an internal threat big enough for MacArthur to destroy democracy. And if he doesn’t, we will subvert it from within.
- I like the idea -Pelley nodded.
- I’ll be honest with you, Pelley. I don’t agree with some of your policies, just as you won’t agree with mine. But I offer you a cause. A cause and a new life.
- And what will be my task?
- I’m a known figure. I can’t just disappear and go where you can.
- I’m a wanted man - Pelley replied.
- Not anymore. If you swear loyalty to the cause, William Dudley Pelley dies today, and his body will be delivered to the police on Monday. If you swear loyalty, tonight you walk out that door as Charles Smith.
Pelley didn’t think too long.
- Deal.- said Charles Smith, shaking the thin man’s hand-. We’re on the same boat now, Mr...
- You can call me Mr. "Pit."
- What’s my assignment, Mr. "Pit"?
Pit pulled a few papers and a letter out of the drawer, the same ones he had filled out when Pelley... sorry, Charles Smith, walked through the door. He handed them over, and Smith was surprised to see the sender of the letter. Pit smiled and spoke to him:
- Have you ever been to Brazil?
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Wisner greeted a pair of French soldiers on patrol, dressed in a British uniform. Speaking the same language made things much easier, especially when disguises were involved. Beside him, Colonel Boris Smyslovsky (who had chosen the French alias Marcel Blum) walked silently, smoking. They had barely exchanged a word since leaving the former Russian embassy in Berlin. As they drove, Wisner remembered what Hoover had told him in Washington before he left.
- With the Conference underway and the chaos in Germany, no one will notice if you enter Berlin. You’ll go in through the Brazilian embassy. Even though our relations with Vargas aren’t the best, he’s willing to do us this favor, probably hoping we’ll support him if Argentina attacks. Your target is staying in a house near the Russo-French border. From there, you’ll drive to the village where we’re hiding him and escort him across, without incident. We need him alive.
Yes, Wisner was heading deep into a war zone. But he wouldn’t be alone.
We don’t know the terrain. That’s why this operation is coordinated with the Russians. In exchange for getting you and the package home, we’re giving the Russians access to our air base in Alaska so they can bomb the Cossack revolt in Vladivostok. Fortunately, they believe our man is just a political exile, nothing more.
And so, he was now walking beside the GRU (Main Intelligence Directorate) colonel Smyslovsky, who didn’t speak English. So they communicated in French, not only with each other but with the various French soldier posts they passed. If any of those “baguettes” were suspicious about why two colonels (one British, one French) were traveling together, they didn’t show it. The documents provided by Hoover seemed valid, at least until they reached a post just 10 kilometers from their destination. There, they were stopped by four French soldiers and what appeared to be the group's sergeant.
- Colonels, I need your identification.- said the sergeant. He was a short and slightly chubby man.
- Of course, comrade.- said Smyslovsky in French with a warm smile as he handed over both their documents.
The sergeant read through the documents in silence. After finishing, he motioned to his men. Frank and Smyslovsky got out of the car.
- I’m afraid your documents are invalid for this area, comrades. Follow me to the command post, and I’ll get you new ones.
- We’re in a hurry. We have an important task from General Koening and...
Smyslovsky couldn’t finish the sentence, Wisner had already raised his weapon at the French soldiers. With almost superhuman agility, he shot three of the four soldiers before they could react. When the last soldier finally managed to reach for his weapon, carried carelessly on his back like the others, Wisner had already kicked him in the chest, knocking him to the ground. Smyslovsky drew his own weapon and shot the sergeant in the chest before he could react. Wisner finished off the last man.
- We could’ve waited a bit to get their papers.- said Smyslovsky while trying to wipe the sergeant’s blood from his uniform.
- We don’t have time. Let’s get in the car.
- And they say the GRU are the brutes...- the Russian said sarcastically.
Both climbed into the French-made Jeep and continued down the road.
- What will the French think when they find the bodies?
- They’ll blame it on German guerrillas.- Wisner replied as he accelerated the vehicle.- It wouldn’t be the first time. The castle can’t be far now.
A little later, both agents reached a ruined castle in the town of Grano. They quickly made their way to the basement, stepping through ruins, broken dishes, and scorched books scattered across the floor. Wisner was the first to descend, but stopped when he felt the cold tip of a rifle against the back of his head.
- French?- asked a man in broken English.
- No, Americans.- Wisner avoided revealing his companion’s nationality. The Germans still hadn’t forgotten who had taken over their eastern territories. Wisely, Smyslovsky chose to remain silent. He didn’t want his Russian accent to betray him.
The man lowered the rifle. He was an older man, around sixty. He introduced himself in poor English as Count von Veiszt. Then he signaled, and another man appeared, also dressed in a French uniform. This one did speak English and extended a hand to Wisner, who shook it.
- You must be Agent Wisner. I’m Werner Heisenberg. Are you here to get me out?
- My friend- said the FBI agent, pointing to Smyslovsky- will take you to our vehicle while I thank the Count personally for his help.
The Russian led the physicist upstairs. The Count smiled at Wisner.
- Where is she?
- Where is who?- asked Wisner, aparently confused.
The old man looked at him with anger.
- You think I didn’t recognize your companion? I agreed to get this man out of Berlin and protect him because your embassy promised me the Russians would return my Magda. They promised me!
Wisner pulled a letter from his pocket without emotion and handed it to the old man.
- My boss, Mr. Hoover, told me to give you this letter. It will explain everything.
The Count opened the letter eagerly. His daughter Magda had been in Königsberg when the Russians arrived. He had heard rumors of her death, and worse. And now, finally, he would know the truth. It took him a couple of seconds to realize the letter was... completely blank. And another couple of seconds to feel the knife the American agent had plunged into his throat. The man collapsed.
If Smyslovsky noticed the blood on his sleeve when Wisner returned to the French-made vehicle, he didn’t mention it. Wisner, for his part, looked slightly disgusted, more than usual. He didn’t typically go around stabbing old German counts in cold blood. But Hoover had been clear: no witnesses. Hours later, when the agents and the physicist crossed the provisional border at Stettin, surrounded by refugees and dressed like them, the local authorities were alerted about a fire at the ruins of a nearby castle. They did nothing to stop it. Not their problem. What was their problem was the murder of five French soldiers, likely by some pro-Kaiser local militia. Many locals were locked up and tortured as the French continued searching for information. Information they never found. Finally, several days later, the military section of Project Damocles, the Internationale's nuclear project, reported to Paris that physicist Heisenberg could not be persuaded to collaborate. Apparently, he had died during the French bombing of Kaiser Wilhelm University. One more scientist they couldn’t count on.
And one more victory for MacArthur.
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William Tubman, President of Liberia, was not happy. Not happy with MacArthur.
More than with the President himself, he was angry at the Americans. Were they really unaware that they wouldn’t win this “Cold War” without forming a true bloc? Liberia was a small nation, but also a vital U.S. ally in the region. Just like Canada. And yet, despite the strong American influence in both countries, neither had direct relations.
There was no Moscow Accord. No Internationale. Both countries had to negotiate one-on-one with every other member of the American bloc. And not just that, MacArthur would defend Liberia, yes. But not Canada or the others. Nothing obligated them to.
- That has to change.- he thought to himself, sitting alone in his office.
How could he get MacArthur to wake up? He had tried to convince him just a few days earlier. Still, he knew the President couldn’t push this alone. And with Taft in the Senate, it would be hard for the initiative to come from the White House. He pressed the buzzer on his desk, and his secretary appeared quickly.
- What do you need, Mr. President?
- Let Washington D.C. know I’ll be visiting soon, within a month. And get me Congressman Thomas Dewey’s number. If he plays this right, his next campaign will have a new donor.
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Hello, I'm back, momentarily. I'm starting my final exams in a couple of days. Luckily, I think I’ll still be able to keep publishing since I have four chapters already written. Even though I wanted to continue with the Vienna Conference, I thought it would be more useful to present these interludes. It's been a while since I shared some different perspectives, and I think they could benefit the story.
First of all, I felt like talking about the old MacArthurists, those who supported MacArthur staying in power after the civil war. It didn’t seem logical to me that they would all just disappear (especially considering the Paternal Autocrat ideology still holds 30% influence). Many of them joined the new MacArthurism, the current “authoritarian democrat” version. But many others, particularly prominent figures from the business world or former Longists, aren’t entirely convinced by the return to democracy. Their numbers are dwindling... but that doesn’t mean they lack influence.
The second story, on the other hand… I’d rather not talk about it. For now, I prefer not to discuss Oppenheimer and the Manhattan Project. They’ll have their own special chapter at some point. And thirdly, we’re seeing diplomatic moves to unify the “free world”… from Liberia
).
"Charles Smith" smiled as his captors led him along the dock, with the moon reflected in the calm waters of Lake Michigan. His two captors, armed with a pair of service pistols, had made no effort to clarify their position. They had simply caught him at that motel and pointed their standard-issue weapons at him. At first, he thought they were police officers or even Hoover’s men. Once he saw they weren’t taking him to a station or another government facility, but rather driving north, "Smith" felt real terror. This seemed more like a gangland settling of scores than a federal operation.
But now, several hours later, he was much more at ease. He had made peace with God and knew his fate was sealed. He had tried and failed. The Americans were not ready to be saved. At first, "Smith" had doubts. He thought he had been wrong to support Long and that MacArthur might be the solution to all the problems. That’s why he had no problem accepting federal arms and fighting once Long’s regime had fallen. But the "Caesar" had ultimately given in to the Jewish power of Wall Street at the end of the war. They had forced him to hand over command to Landon, another member of the Republican elite and just another one of the many establishment politicians controlled by Wall Street. And that prevented MacArthur from turning America into a grand, white, and free nation.
So "Smith" was not surprised when the feds issued a search and arrest warrant for him. He was ready to flee. However, not to the South, as many expected. Now, the network of former AUS veterans was also in the North, especially in the areas most devastated during the civil war. There, many southerners had managed to settle, enough to reclaim those northern lands and drive out the blacks, who had found that the rural countryside was no place for them. And there, in that white paradise, "Smith" felt safe enough to rest and work the land under a new identity. At least until that very morning, when those men had caught him off guard and abducted him in broad daylight. After kidnapping him, the men had taken him deep into the Military District. Luckily, no one stopped the car, not even when "Smith" could see the skyscrapers of Chicago through the window, gradually coming back to life. He had heard that the drop in labor costs had encouraged several investors to reinvest in the city. There is nothing more economically secure than a military district where workers have no labor rights.
When the moonlight struck the boat, "Smith" realized it was much more luxurious than it seemed. That old wood-and-iron vessel, more suited for tourists than smugglers, was well-painted and decorated, and in top condition. Once on board, he managed to glimpse the name before being taken inside: "The Neptune". The interior was luxurious, like an office. There were bookshelves, bottles, and paintings. "Smith" could almost forget he was on a boat. In front of him was a thin, pale man writing at a desk. He had straight, black hair and sharply defined features. "Smith" thought he might be a machine, given his thinness and gray suit. When their eyes met, "Smith" felt scrutinized.
- Mr. Pelley, do me the favor of waiting while I finish my correspondence.-said the thin man as he resumed writing.
"Smith" , or William Dudley Pelley, as the protagonist of this story was truly named, was too surprised to refuse, remaining silent for several minutes, wondering how his interlocutor had discovered who he was.
- That’s done.- said the thin man, placing a box into the drawer.- Do me the favor of sitting down.
Pelley obeyed.
- Your new identity intrigues me, Mr. Pelley. I suppose your surname comes from your former friend Gerald K. Smith. However, I still don’t understand why you chose that name.
- My… dog. My dog was named Charles.
- That seems to explain it. A factor I hadn’t considered.- said his interlocutor, studying him.
- Who are you? How do you know who I am?
- Please, Mr. Pelley, don’t get agitated. You are easy to find. I merely had to give your physical description to some of my men. You may now go by another name, but your beard and style remain the same.
- If it’s that easy, how come Hoover and his people haven’t found me? Pelley retorted. He felt small before his interlocutor.
- I don’t think they’ve tried. Your arrest is… counterproductive, at least for MacArthur’s interests.
- Counterproductive?" Pelley nearly shouted, agitated. "I’m the most wanted man in...
The Longist fell silent when he saw his interlocutor’s serious expression, clearly displeased.
- I don’t have time to argue with you, Mr. Pelley. The reality is, if you’re tried in a Federal Court, the ex-Longist base that now supports MacArthur might demand that the court go easy on you, which wouldn’t just be poorly received by the rest of the population, it could also put MacArthur in an impossible position. It’s better for everyone that you remain free.
- For you too? I still don’t know your name.
- And I doubt you’ll know it anytime soon, Mr. Pelley.
- Can I at least know why I’m here?
His interlocutor checked his watch.
- Of course, Mr. Pelley. I have an offer for you.
- A job offer?
- You could say that. Rather, I offer you a flag under which to protect yourself from all harm. In exchange for your sword.
Pelley smiled.
- Is that flag that you represent the American flag?
- Do you suspect I’m a foreigner? I thought my accent made it clear enough.
- Jack Reed also spoke with a New York accent, and that didn’t mean he fought for America’s flag. Reed fought for Paris.
- And by the same logic, one could say Long fought for Berlin. And so did you.
Pelley couldn’t help but feel embarrassed by his interlocutor’s jab. When Long’s diaries had been published, he saw how many former Longists turned their backs on him. They were willing to forgive that Long had used money from Berlin to fight the "reds." However, they could not forgive that Pelley had received part of that money behind Long’s back to strengthen his own position. How could they not understand he only did it in case Henry Ford or his people got their way? He would never do anything against Long.
- I... I fought for America. Long was good. A good man. However, I admit I hated our alliance with Henry Ford. I was afraid they would try to control Long, and that our glorious revolution...
-Ford hated the Jews, like you - the thin man interrupted.
- Ford lied. He was one of them.
His interlocutor smiled.
- Believe me, I doubt he was Jewish.- said the man, smiling.
- Who are you? A Longist? A gangster?
- Me? I’m none of that. I fought for the Federals during the Civil War. It was the obvious choice.
- The obvious choice?
- Of course, it was. You just had to think about the factors. That’s the problem with the American people. MacArthur had the Army, a central position with food hubs in case of a long war, and the Midwest’s industry. Not to mention the federal reserves, support from the establishment, and Savinkov. He was the obvious option. But people like you... you’re sentimental. Ideological. And that ruins you.
- You say that because he won. In hindsight, everything’s clear.
- No, it’s not. It’s about factors. Data. Numbers, whether men, wheat, or oil production. Factors... -The thin man noticed he had lost his audience’s attention- . But that’s not what matters. The point is, that I supported MacArthur. My factories produced tanks and weapons for him. Often at a loss. But then, on August 12, everything changed.
Yes, Pelley also remembered August 12. He was still serving as a colonel and his unit had been relocated to Cleveland as an occupation force. Soon, however, he heard the news. MacArthur had stepped down and left Landon in charge. He wasn’t the only one who felt betrayed. Many of his comrades, who had fought for both MacArthur and Long, now saw they had fought only to reinstall the same establishment that had caused the civil war. Shortly afterward, Pelley was demobilized and went south, where he worked in a factory as a veteran of the AUS. But he would not forget.
- How could I? MacArthur is a good man. But he was wrong to step back. We weren’t ready. We needed him as the strongman to lead the country for a couple more years, until we had wiped out that red scum that now calls itself "Progressive Democrats."
- I couldn’t agree more, Mr. Pelley. I and a few others, including Hearst and MacArthur II, understood how important it was for MacArthur to remain in power. Unfortunately, the "democratic" forces were too strong. So, I decided it was time to return to the shadows. And I’ve remained here, in Chicago. You’d be surprised how much the city has changed since Reed’s fall. Under martial law, one can work in peace. It’s a shame it’s one of the few places still standing.
- But now MacArthur has returned. There’s still time.
- I’m afraid it’s too late. MacArthur has allowed the establishment machinery to return to Washington D.C. Now, every decision must be fought in Congress, in the Senate, in the courts.
- Then the Caesar will launch a coup.
- No, that time is over, Mr. Pelley. MacArthur says he’s a democrat now. He’ll try to centralize the state, that’s clear. But he’ll do it slowly, and I doubt he’ll succeed. With each day, his position of strength weakens.
Pelley shook his head.
- He’s the right man. He must bring back martial law.
- That’s one of my objectives. So I’m making you a job offer. You’ll work for me and my organization.
- And what are your objectives?
- We want a strong and united America. A homogeneous America. And for that, democracy must end. We must create an internal threat big enough for MacArthur to destroy democracy. And if he doesn’t, we will subvert it from within.
- I like the idea -Pelley nodded.
- I’ll be honest with you, Pelley. I don’t agree with some of your policies, just as you won’t agree with mine. But I offer you a cause. A cause and a new life.
- And what will be my task?
- I’m a known figure. I can’t just disappear and go where you can.
- I’m a wanted man - Pelley replied.
- Not anymore. If you swear loyalty to the cause, William Dudley Pelley dies today, and his body will be delivered to the police on Monday. If you swear loyalty, tonight you walk out that door as Charles Smith.
Pelley didn’t think too long.
- Deal.- said Charles Smith, shaking the thin man’s hand-. We’re on the same boat now, Mr...
- You can call me Mr. "Pit."
- What’s my assignment, Mr. "Pit"?
Pit pulled a few papers and a letter out of the drawer, the same ones he had filled out when Pelley... sorry, Charles Smith, walked through the door. He handed them over, and Smith was surprised to see the sender of the letter. Pit smiled and spoke to him:
- Have you ever been to Brazil?
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Wisner greeted a pair of French soldiers on patrol, dressed in a British uniform. Speaking the same language made things much easier, especially when disguises were involved. Beside him, Colonel Boris Smyslovsky (who had chosen the French alias Marcel Blum) walked silently, smoking. They had barely exchanged a word since leaving the former Russian embassy in Berlin. As they drove, Wisner remembered what Hoover had told him in Washington before he left.
- With the Conference underway and the chaos in Germany, no one will notice if you enter Berlin. You’ll go in through the Brazilian embassy. Even though our relations with Vargas aren’t the best, he’s willing to do us this favor, probably hoping we’ll support him if Argentina attacks. Your target is staying in a house near the Russo-French border. From there, you’ll drive to the village where we’re hiding him and escort him across, without incident. We need him alive.
Yes, Wisner was heading deep into a war zone. But he wouldn’t be alone.
We don’t know the terrain. That’s why this operation is coordinated with the Russians. In exchange for getting you and the package home, we’re giving the Russians access to our air base in Alaska so they can bomb the Cossack revolt in Vladivostok. Fortunately, they believe our man is just a political exile, nothing more.
And so, he was now walking beside the GRU (Main Intelligence Directorate) colonel Smyslovsky, who didn’t speak English. So they communicated in French, not only with each other but with the various French soldier posts they passed. If any of those “baguettes” were suspicious about why two colonels (one British, one French) were traveling together, they didn’t show it. The documents provided by Hoover seemed valid, at least until they reached a post just 10 kilometers from their destination. There, they were stopped by four French soldiers and what appeared to be the group's sergeant.
- Colonels, I need your identification.- said the sergeant. He was a short and slightly chubby man.
- Of course, comrade.- said Smyslovsky in French with a warm smile as he handed over both their documents.
The sergeant read through the documents in silence. After finishing, he motioned to his men. Frank and Smyslovsky got out of the car.
- I’m afraid your documents are invalid for this area, comrades. Follow me to the command post, and I’ll get you new ones.
- We’re in a hurry. We have an important task from General Koening and...
Smyslovsky couldn’t finish the sentence, Wisner had already raised his weapon at the French soldiers. With almost superhuman agility, he shot three of the four soldiers before they could react. When the last soldier finally managed to reach for his weapon, carried carelessly on his back like the others, Wisner had already kicked him in the chest, knocking him to the ground. Smyslovsky drew his own weapon and shot the sergeant in the chest before he could react. Wisner finished off the last man.
- We could’ve waited a bit to get their papers.- said Smyslovsky while trying to wipe the sergeant’s blood from his uniform.
- We don’t have time. Let’s get in the car.
- And they say the GRU are the brutes...- the Russian said sarcastically.
Both climbed into the French-made Jeep and continued down the road.
- What will the French think when they find the bodies?
- They’ll blame it on German guerrillas.- Wisner replied as he accelerated the vehicle.- It wouldn’t be the first time. The castle can’t be far now.
A little later, both agents reached a ruined castle in the town of Grano. They quickly made their way to the basement, stepping through ruins, broken dishes, and scorched books scattered across the floor. Wisner was the first to descend, but stopped when he felt the cold tip of a rifle against the back of his head.
- French?- asked a man in broken English.
- No, Americans.- Wisner avoided revealing his companion’s nationality. The Germans still hadn’t forgotten who had taken over their eastern territories. Wisely, Smyslovsky chose to remain silent. He didn’t want his Russian accent to betray him.
The man lowered the rifle. He was an older man, around sixty. He introduced himself in poor English as Count von Veiszt. Then he signaled, and another man appeared, also dressed in a French uniform. This one did speak English and extended a hand to Wisner, who shook it.
- You must be Agent Wisner. I’m Werner Heisenberg. Are you here to get me out?
- My friend- said the FBI agent, pointing to Smyslovsky- will take you to our vehicle while I thank the Count personally for his help.
The Russian led the physicist upstairs. The Count smiled at Wisner.
- Where is she?
- Where is who?- asked Wisner, aparently confused.
The old man looked at him with anger.
- You think I didn’t recognize your companion? I agreed to get this man out of Berlin and protect him because your embassy promised me the Russians would return my Magda. They promised me!
Wisner pulled a letter from his pocket without emotion and handed it to the old man.
- My boss, Mr. Hoover, told me to give you this letter. It will explain everything.
The Count opened the letter eagerly. His daughter Magda had been in Königsberg when the Russians arrived. He had heard rumors of her death, and worse. And now, finally, he would know the truth. It took him a couple of seconds to realize the letter was... completely blank. And another couple of seconds to feel the knife the American agent had plunged into his throat. The man collapsed.
If Smyslovsky noticed the blood on his sleeve when Wisner returned to the French-made vehicle, he didn’t mention it. Wisner, for his part, looked slightly disgusted, more than usual. He didn’t typically go around stabbing old German counts in cold blood. But Hoover had been clear: no witnesses. Hours later, when the agents and the physicist crossed the provisional border at Stettin, surrounded by refugees and dressed like them, the local authorities were alerted about a fire at the ruins of a nearby castle. They did nothing to stop it. Not their problem. What was their problem was the murder of five French soldiers, likely by some pro-Kaiser local militia. Many locals were locked up and tortured as the French continued searching for information. Information they never found. Finally, several days later, the military section of Project Damocles, the Internationale's nuclear project, reported to Paris that physicist Heisenberg could not be persuaded to collaborate. Apparently, he had died during the French bombing of Kaiser Wilhelm University. One more scientist they couldn’t count on.
And one more victory for MacArthur.
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William Tubman, President of Liberia, was not happy. Not happy with MacArthur.
More than with the President himself, he was angry at the Americans. Were they really unaware that they wouldn’t win this “Cold War” without forming a true bloc? Liberia was a small nation, but also a vital U.S. ally in the region. Just like Canada. And yet, despite the strong American influence in both countries, neither had direct relations.
There was no Moscow Accord. No Internationale. Both countries had to negotiate one-on-one with every other member of the American bloc. And not just that, MacArthur would defend Liberia, yes. But not Canada or the others. Nothing obligated them to.
- That has to change.- he thought to himself, sitting alone in his office.
How could he get MacArthur to wake up? He had tried to convince him just a few days earlier. Still, he knew the President couldn’t push this alone. And with Taft in the Senate, it would be hard for the initiative to come from the White House. He pressed the buzzer on his desk, and his secretary appeared quickly.
- What do you need, Mr. President?
- Let Washington D.C. know I’ll be visiting soon, within a month. And get me Congressman Thomas Dewey’s number. If he plays this right, his next campaign will have a new donor.
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Hello, I'm back, momentarily. I'm starting my final exams in a couple of days. Luckily, I think I’ll still be able to keep publishing since I have four chapters already written. Even though I wanted to continue with the Vienna Conference, I thought it would be more useful to present these interludes. It's been a while since I shared some different perspectives, and I think they could benefit the story.
First of all, I felt like talking about the old MacArthurists, those who supported MacArthur staying in power after the civil war. It didn’t seem logical to me that they would all just disappear (especially considering the Paternal Autocrat ideology still holds 30% influence). Many of them joined the new MacArthurism, the current “authoritarian democrat” version. But many others, particularly prominent figures from the business world or former Longists, aren’t entirely convinced by the return to democracy. Their numbers are dwindling... but that doesn’t mean they lack influence.
The second story, on the other hand… I’d rather not talk about it. For now, I prefer not to discuss Oppenheimer and the Manhattan Project. They’ll have their own special chapter at some point. And thirdly, we’re seeing diplomatic moves to unify the “free world”… from Liberia
Yes, maybe Blair is a bit… outdated. But basically, what I meant here was the British need for Swedish steel. Without Denmark, the Nordics could easily be subjected to a naval blockade and conquered.
For now, our friend seems to be following the rules... I guess.
Not in MacArthur’s logic… nor Eisenhower’s, it seems. (Let’s also remember Hoover’s ambiguous position. On one hand, he presents himself as a loyal ally of MacArthur, and at the same time, he’s a member of the triumvirate.)
No spoilers, as Count Dooku once said: “The more pride one has, the greater the fall.” Don’t worry , MacArthur will have his ending. Even if it takes a while to get there.
Did Eisenhower’s plan backfire? We’ll see.
MacArthur knows a lot... or so it seems. I wish I had time to write a scene of the Triumvirate discussing all this. Who knows, maybe I’ll get around to it. Unfortunately, MacArthur and America are going to have a lot on their plate over the next six or seven months.
Exactly, I couldn’t have said it better. MacArthur is now playing by the rules,as long as it suits him. The question is whether he’s willing to break them again when someone stands in his way
The more I read about MacArthur, the more I understand how complex he was: egocentric, somewhat histrionic and paranoid. But at the same time, he was very intelligent, cunning, charismatic when he wanted to be... and capable of quickly changing his plans. He’s not a delusional, self-deceiving mad dictator. As you said, that’s what makes him so hard to bring down.
Later on, I have a more fully written explanation of MacArthur’s ideology. But basically, this is the main point. In real life, MacArthur was a passionate democrat, which sometimes makes it hard for me to explain his coup d’état in Kaiserreich. However, the key point of divergence is the economic crash of 1925 and all the ensuing instability. MacArthur remains a democrat… yet he places the concept of security above freedom. This is the fundamental point. MacArthur isn’t a “fascist” dictator in the historical sense. Rather, after witnessing the chaos, he believes that full democracy can be dangerous and that there must be a guardian/savior to watch over it (who, conveniently, is him
).- 1
- 1
- 1
Does Liberia have enough influence in America to get this alliance through though? (part of me thinks not - Canada or even Portugal would have a better shot, what with the racism in America)
Later on, I have a more fully written explanation of MacArthur’s ideology. But basically, this is the main point. In real life, MacArthur was a passionate democrat, which sometimes makes it hard for me to explain his coup d’état in Kaiserreich. However, the key point of divergence is the economic crash of 1925 and all the ensuing instability. MacArthur remains a democrat… yet he places the concept of security above freedom. This is the fundamental point. MacArthur isn’t a “fascist” dictator in the historical sense. Rather, after witnessing the chaos, he believes that full democracy can be dangerous and that there must be a guardian/savior to watch over it (who, conveniently, is him
A more plausible explanation is that MacArthur pretended (perhaps even to himself) that he was a passionate democrat...but his real beliefs and real actions are consistent with more dictatorial tendencies.
In your story right now, MacArthur is just another El Presidente head of an American Presidential Dictatorship...one with a thin veneer of democracy but that everyone knows is a sham.
No matter the high minded protestations of leaders...it is not what they say, but what they DO that determines who they are...
- 1
The three interludes here were very well written! The intrigue is heating up.
I see that "Charles Smith" and Mr. Pit are MacArthurists (or at least pretending to be), which is at odds with the Triumvirate. A clash is inevitable between the two shadow-groups at some point. If Wisner is feeling queasy about what Hoover is ordering him to do, perhaps he'll switch sides. The FBI losing such a competent spy will be a huge blow in this war of the shadows.
I see that "Charles Smith" and Mr. Pit are MacArthurists (or at least pretending to be), which is at odds with the Triumvirate. A clash is inevitable between the two shadow-groups at some point. If Wisner is feeling queasy about what Hoover is ordering him to do, perhaps he'll switch sides. The FBI losing such a competent spy will be a huge blow in this war of the shadows.
Thanks for giving us an update while you focus on RL priorities. Some things to worry about there for the future of the country and its Caesar.
Good luck!
Chapter 35: After Vienna
"Honestly, the Vienna Conference in 1940 was the idea of a fool. And that fool was me. I thought that now that the war against German imperialism had ended, we would be able to continue our agreements with the Russian State and with the Americans. I dreamed of a great conference where we would finally resolve all the conflicts between us (…) But I soon realized that this would be impossible. Not only because of the Russians, who were not satisfied with the provisional borders, or because of the Americans, who, although they did not yet know about Philby, still hated us for our intervention during the Civil War.
No, the main problem was us. The Americans did not want to intervene in Europe any further, and the Russians wanted to go to the Middle East and Asia. But Valois and Mosley longed for two projects that, while parallel, were different. The French wished to export the revolution abroad, to Africa and South America, to expand the Third International across the world. On the other hand, Mosley wanted to create an autarkic European Socialist State, from Lisbon to the Urals. And these two ideas could not be carried out with Russia (and indirectly the United States) on the horizon. That is why, when asked why Vienna failed, my answer is clear: neither MacArthur, nor Valois, nor Savinkov desired peace. They only wanted a truce."
- Eric Blair, A Defense of the Ministry and of My Mistakes. Published in 1954
Blair's proposal was unanimously rejected by all four delegations, including the British. The French and Russians saw no benefit in a free Germany, which had been hard-won. Mosley and MacArthur disagreed with certain points, Mosley believed Blair's plan endangered his vision of a European State, while MacArthur was unwilling to renege on his promise to Salazar. Diplomacy had failed. Blair himself anticipated no further developments and immediately returned to Great Britain, being replaced by Mosley, who swiftly took command of the situation.
It was Mosley, Chairman and leader of the Union of Great Britain, who ultimately provided a solution to the Conference. He presented a plan based directly on each army's control over territory. Under this plan, each power could establish regimes based on territorial control. The borders of the new states were determined by the presence of tanks. Later, we will analyze the creation of New Europe after the war. For now, we focus on the sole agreement reached during the Conference. With Switzerland and Scandinavia falling to Syndicalism, only one neutral corner remained in Europe: Ireland. Although a former German ally, Ireland maintained strategic independence and refused to join the war. This seemed to save Michael Collins's country, as Mosley had coveted the island for years. However, with peace established, nothing prevented Mosley from sending his People's Marines to annex it. Fearing invasion, the Irish sent an embassy to the Conference, requesting that all states guarantee their independence.
In the United States, former Congressman Joseph P. Kennedy was a key supporter of this recognition. With his Irish heritage, Kennedy saw this plan as a way to return to the public eye after his role in the Democratic split and his congressional election defeat. He used his fortune to visit Ireland and influential politicians in the United States. Eventually, he secured President MacArthur's support for the plan. Soon after, the Russians also agreed. Valois, intent on thwarting Mosley, followed suit. Mosley, overwhelmed, reluctantly agreed, attempting to condition the agreement on allowing the British fleet to station in Irish ports. However, this attempt failed. Ireland would become a new Switzerland.
On January 31, Russian and French troops paraded jointly through the city, closing the conference, which was widely seen as a failure. Not only had they failed to resolve important issues (arms control, maritime limitations, joint stances on external wars), but all participants (except the United States) were dissatisfied. The French saw de Gaulle and Portugal as ongoing threats to their security. Great Britain witnessed its plans for Ireland dissolve. Savinkov saw the Internationale establish itself in Berlin and Zagreb, threatening his empire. Only MacArthur emerged as the "winner." He had neither conceded nor gained anything. However, Hearst and his associates quickly portrayed him as a diplomatic eminence who not only secured territories for the "free" world but also ensured that Ireland, a traditional U.S. ally, remained independent. Yet, the greatest victory was not one to be shared.
On the 26th, Dr. Enrico Fermi went for a walk on the outskirts of Milan. He had just finished working at the University, where he led the little-known "Project Damocles." Theoretically, this was a joint project of the Internationale, aimed at "researching sciences for the benefit of the people." However, all these scientists were working on another plan: establishing a theoretical basis for Syndicalist nuclear research. After several hours of work, Fermi went out for fresh air. He never returned to the building.
MOSCOW ACORD ZONE
Savinkov's Russia was quite benevolent toward those peoples who had allied with its anti-German cause during the war. This was evident in the Baltic, where the native population had supported the Russian advance against their German colonizers. Contrary to the opinion of many government members, Savinkov established national-populist autonomous governments in Estonia and Latvia. These governments functioned as semi-autonomous regions, theoretically controlling the country's internal policies. However, they soon began policies of Slavization, aiming for future annexation to the Motherland. Only Lithuania, which had risen before the conquest, remained relatively independent from Moscow. The Finnish border, however, was not peaceful. This small country had declared war on Sweden (a member of the Internationale) after a border skirmish, and the situation remained stagnant until the Russian 3rd Army under Chuikov crossed the border in mid-February. Finland, outnumbered, was forced to cede ground on all fronts.
Another major issue within Savinkov's government was the situation in Germany. Some radicals desired to purge what they called the "Prussian spirit." However, the more "pure" faction of the Party, formed by veterans of Savinkov's forces during the Civil War, was much more pragmatic. Thus, a German State was formed with remnants of the old regime. Marshal Erwin von Witzleben was brought out of retirement to lead it, creating a coalition government with former remnants of Kurt von Schleicher's National Front and military figures like Model.
However, Russia demanded that the new authoritarian government also include radical elements. Gregor Strasser, former leader of the "Society of Friends of New Russia," was given a position.
"Russian event in 1937."
The new government was a mix of old reactionary officers and Russian-style national-populists. They clashed on many points, such as the monarchy, nobility, economy, or simply the restoration of the Reichswehr (which was re-founded as the Wehrmacht in 1942). However, both quickly realized the need to unite Germans against a common enemy. Soon, paramilitary units and ex-veterans roamed the territory at government orders, imprisoning or executing social-democratic or liberal sympathizers. The new state could not be undermined by "democratic" influence.
Further east was the nationalist Republic of Poland. To the dismay of Polish soldiers who had fought for Savinkov against the Germans, their political aspirations (annexation of Danzig, Silesia, or other territories) were crushed by Moscow's Realpolitik, which needed a strong Germany to counter the Internationale.
Further south, Moscow annexed the territories of White Russia and Ukraine. In the former, Moscow encountered little resistance. Minsk welcomed its conquerors with open arms, and the city's industry soon began producing weapons for the Russians and their war machinery. The main problem was in Ukraine, where the population did not wish to be part of Russia. Thus, the Russian occupation faced attacks from Syndicalist groups (allegedly funded by Paris) or democrats, who had previously been repressed by the Hetman. This led to the deployment of over 30 divisions permanently on the ground, where martial law was imposed. Additionally, Russification policies soon began, further increasing unrest. Faced with the refusal to accept the Russian language and the rise in attacks, especially in the West, Savinkov sent Ivan Serov, the commissioner responsible for stopping Grigory Semyonov's Cossack forces, to Ukraine as Governor-General. There, he not only acted brutally but also carried out mass deportations of Ukrainian citizens to Siberia. Thousands perished along the way, while many others were imprisoned in labor camps once in the Siberian tundra.
In a more positive tone was the nation of Romania. Not only had it recovered all its claims (Dobruja and Transylvania), but after years of dictatorship under King Carol II and the Iron Guard, this was resolved following the king's death. His son, Michael I, then launched a purge of the nation, eliminating the National-Populist party in one stroke and establishing a liberal democracy (to Savinkov's dismay). However, the dictator could do nothing. Romania was a faithful ally, and as long as it maintained a proper foreign policy, it could continue its democracy.
Now it's time to discuss the aberration (there's no other word) created in the old territories of Austria-Hungary. Many countries expected to gain independence from Moscow. However, Savinkov had other plans. Inexplicable plans, since no one, not even some members of the Russian government, could explain this. Under the Croatian Ivo Pilar, a "Danubian Federation" was formed. It would be composed of Slovaks, Czechs, Hungarians, and a few Austrians (with its capital in Vienna). Some suggest that this change meant the new nation would depend on Russia to avoid collapse and would serve as a safeguard in the region. This supra-federation, with quasi-autonomous governments and independent armies, was unified only under the position of Ivo Pilar, who held the title of “Protector.” Beneath him stood the Council of the Four, where representatives of each ethnicity would gather to present proposals to the Protector.
INTERNATIONAL ZONE.
Western Germany, unlike its eastern counterpart, decided to destroy every trace of the old Reich. Thus, thousands of nobles and “bourgeois” were stripped of their wealth and “purged.” The few who were spared ended up fleeing eastward, where Marshal Erwin von Witzleben allowed them to settle. Others were less fortunate and ended up living in the slums of ruined cities, like Berlin. Though officially the capital of the new "Free" German Republic, the capital was de facto moved to Frankfurt, which had suffered less damage in the war. The French, the true masters of the territory, made no effort to rebuild the German metropolis. It would remain in ruins for years. A governing council composed of old syndicalists and totalists, who had fled the country after Schleicher’s rise to power, was established at the helm of the Republic. However, real authority rested with Marie-Pierre Kœnig, who had led the French forces that penetrated through Dalmatia. An apolitical man and neutral in the struggle between Valois and Gamelin, he would be tasked with destroying every remnant of old Germany and building a new one. It would not be easy. At the same time, following disputes between Mosley and Valois, Austria would remain under French military occupation, de facto also under Kœnig’s control.
The other major state formed after this war was the Croatian Socialist Republic. There, just like in other states, a purge of the “bourgeois” population took place. Despite promoting the idea of a multinational nation, the new government quickly elevated Croats and discriminated against ethnic minorities, which rapidly generated tensions in the country.
IMPERIAL/GERMAN REMNANTS
Despite the peace imposed on Europe, the struggle was not over, or so thought Kaiser Wilhelm III from Dar es-Salam with his circle of imperial officers. There, the Kaiser (who had risen to power after his father’s death on February 13, shortly after arriving in Africa) was crowned in the new African capital, proclaiming a German government in exile. However, the war was not over. In the south, the South African Socialist Union, with increasing support from Internationalist units from Europe, continued advancing northward. For now, the units had managed to halt the syndicalists at the level of Angola.
However, little by little, the situation began to deteriorate, especially the farther the territory was from the capital. With a lack of labor, many natives began to question why they should respect a Kaiser who had done nothing for them. Gradually, Dar es-Salam began to lose control over the countryside. But more on that later.
Not all Germans, however, remained loyal to the new government in Dar es-Salam. Separated by the sea, the Pacific colonies remained de facto independent. In East Asia, Governor Hellmuth von Mücke continued fighting against Japan and the Internationale. However, Paris was too far away to influence the government in Singapore. For the time being, von Mücke focused solely on responding to the Japanese threat with help from the Dutch East Indies, with whom he remained unofficially allied. Thanks to this alliance and the deep-defense strategy of Reichsmarschall Rommel, the Germans had managed to defeat two major Japanese landing forces in Indochina, one in the city of Hue and another in Hanoi. For now, the war would continue, with the Japanese dominating the seas and the remnants of the Reichspakt managing to repel Japanese attacks.
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MacArthur smiled as he read his speech at the entrance of the Capitol. Because of the Conference, the President had been forced to postpone his State of the Union address. It was his moment to take advantage of the popularity he had gained to implement reforms. For the good of the State. He hadn’t seen his VP, Taft, in days. He preferred to avoid him. If the man only knew what the speech was about… No sooner had his name been called than he entered the chamber, greeted by applause from many congressmen and senators. It was his moment:
"Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, Members of the Congress, my fellow Americans:
Tonight, I do not stand before you as a mere administrator of the nation, but as the custodian of a greater cause: the restoration of our republic. Today I do not come as a General, a President, or a Candidate. Today, I come as a citizen concerned with how America seems to be losing its way.
For years, while weak governments fought amongst themselves over political issues, the land we inherited stood on the edge of the abyss. Chaos, hunger, crime, and radicalism stole from us our cities, our families, and our hopes. But we did not yield. Under the banner of law and order, under the protection of our Armed Forces and with the support of the loyal people, we reclaimed our homeland inch by inch, and with it, we seemed to return to our path.
Today I can firmly announce: the American economy has begun its march toward recovery. The great factories of the Midwest roar once more, steel once again forges bridges and trains, and the fields of Kansas and Arkansas are beginning to feed not only our people but beyond. Our military production is growing, as are our armed forces.
On the international stage, the diplomatic victory in Vienna is proof that America is back. We have negotiated firmly, without fear and without shame. We have shown that this government, even marked by war, is capable of speaking with its own voice to the nations of the world. Peace is not a concession but a tool to redirect our strength to where we need it most: within our borders.
The State is functioning. The people are cooperating. All is well… for now.
But let us not deceive ourselves: it is not enough. Mere stability is not enough for a nation like ours. We did not fight merely to survive; we fought to prevail. We did not rise from the mud to remain still, but to walk again with heads held high among the nations of the world.
The enemies of the American people do not disappear with the signing of a decree or the surrender of a faction. Crime, poverty, corruption, and treason are not eradicated in a single winter. Some children have yet to taste warm bread in a public school. There are rural communities where electricity remains a privilege. Some veterans return without jobs, without homes, and, at times, without hope.
It is up to us, the survivors, the victors, to build a just peace that corrects past wrongs. It is now our task to ignite the machinery of progress. For the silent enemy of our time, resignation, threatens to be deadlier than any army. And I say to you: we have not come this far only to resign ourselves. (…)
It is time for America to recover its path, its course! It is time for all of us to follow the Path of America. That is why, together with Congressman White, just an hour ago, I have presented a series of bills that, along with a set of executive orders, we have called America’s Path. (…)
I ask only this of you, congressmen and senators: be aware of our reality when you cast your votes in the future. Vote with conscience.
God bless America!"
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"Honestly, the Vienna Conference in 1940 was the idea of a fool. And that fool was me. I thought that now that the war against German imperialism had ended, we would be able to continue our agreements with the Russian State and with the Americans. I dreamed of a great conference where we would finally resolve all the conflicts between us (…) But I soon realized that this would be impossible. Not only because of the Russians, who were not satisfied with the provisional borders, or because of the Americans, who, although they did not yet know about Philby, still hated us for our intervention during the Civil War.
No, the main problem was us. The Americans did not want to intervene in Europe any further, and the Russians wanted to go to the Middle East and Asia. But Valois and Mosley longed for two projects that, while parallel, were different. The French wished to export the revolution abroad, to Africa and South America, to expand the Third International across the world. On the other hand, Mosley wanted to create an autarkic European Socialist State, from Lisbon to the Urals. And these two ideas could not be carried out with Russia (and indirectly the United States) on the horizon. That is why, when asked why Vienna failed, my answer is clear: neither MacArthur, nor Valois, nor Savinkov desired peace. They only wanted a truce."
- Eric Blair, A Defense of the Ministry and of My Mistakes. Published in 1954
Blair's proposal was unanimously rejected by all four delegations, including the British. The French and Russians saw no benefit in a free Germany, which had been hard-won. Mosley and MacArthur disagreed with certain points, Mosley believed Blair's plan endangered his vision of a European State, while MacArthur was unwilling to renege on his promise to Salazar. Diplomacy had failed. Blair himself anticipated no further developments and immediately returned to Great Britain, being replaced by Mosley, who swiftly took command of the situation.
It was Mosley, Chairman and leader of the Union of Great Britain, who ultimately provided a solution to the Conference. He presented a plan based directly on each army's control over territory. Under this plan, each power could establish regimes based on territorial control. The borders of the new states were determined by the presence of tanks. Later, we will analyze the creation of New Europe after the war. For now, we focus on the sole agreement reached during the Conference. With Switzerland and Scandinavia falling to Syndicalism, only one neutral corner remained in Europe: Ireland. Although a former German ally, Ireland maintained strategic independence and refused to join the war. This seemed to save Michael Collins's country, as Mosley had coveted the island for years. However, with peace established, nothing prevented Mosley from sending his People's Marines to annex it. Fearing invasion, the Irish sent an embassy to the Conference, requesting that all states guarantee their independence.
In the United States, former Congressman Joseph P. Kennedy was a key supporter of this recognition. With his Irish heritage, Kennedy saw this plan as a way to return to the public eye after his role in the Democratic split and his congressional election defeat. He used his fortune to visit Ireland and influential politicians in the United States. Eventually, he secured President MacArthur's support for the plan. Soon after, the Russians also agreed. Valois, intent on thwarting Mosley, followed suit. Mosley, overwhelmed, reluctantly agreed, attempting to condition the agreement on allowing the British fleet to station in Irish ports. However, this attempt failed. Ireland would become a new Switzerland.
On January 31, Russian and French troops paraded jointly through the city, closing the conference, which was widely seen as a failure. Not only had they failed to resolve important issues (arms control, maritime limitations, joint stances on external wars), but all participants (except the United States) were dissatisfied. The French saw de Gaulle and Portugal as ongoing threats to their security. Great Britain witnessed its plans for Ireland dissolve. Savinkov saw the Internationale establish itself in Berlin and Zagreb, threatening his empire. Only MacArthur emerged as the "winner." He had neither conceded nor gained anything. However, Hearst and his associates quickly portrayed him as a diplomatic eminence who not only secured territories for the "free" world but also ensured that Ireland, a traditional U.S. ally, remained independent. Yet, the greatest victory was not one to be shared.
On the 26th, Dr. Enrico Fermi went for a walk on the outskirts of Milan. He had just finished working at the University, where he led the little-known "Project Damocles." Theoretically, this was a joint project of the Internationale, aimed at "researching sciences for the benefit of the people." However, all these scientists were working on another plan: establishing a theoretical basis for Syndicalist nuclear research. After several hours of work, Fermi went out for fresh air. He never returned to the building.
MOSCOW ACORD ZONE
Savinkov's Russia was quite benevolent toward those peoples who had allied with its anti-German cause during the war. This was evident in the Baltic, where the native population had supported the Russian advance against their German colonizers. Contrary to the opinion of many government members, Savinkov established national-populist autonomous governments in Estonia and Latvia. These governments functioned as semi-autonomous regions, theoretically controlling the country's internal policies. However, they soon began policies of Slavization, aiming for future annexation to the Motherland. Only Lithuania, which had risen before the conquest, remained relatively independent from Moscow. The Finnish border, however, was not peaceful. This small country had declared war on Sweden (a member of the Internationale) after a border skirmish, and the situation remained stagnant until the Russian 3rd Army under Chuikov crossed the border in mid-February. Finland, outnumbered, was forced to cede ground on all fronts.
Another major issue within Savinkov's government was the situation in Germany. Some radicals desired to purge what they called the "Prussian spirit." However, the more "pure" faction of the Party, formed by veterans of Savinkov's forces during the Civil War, was much more pragmatic. Thus, a German State was formed with remnants of the old regime. Marshal Erwin von Witzleben was brought out of retirement to lead it, creating a coalition government with former remnants of Kurt von Schleicher's National Front and military figures like Model.
However, Russia demanded that the new authoritarian government also include radical elements. Gregor Strasser, former leader of the "Society of Friends of New Russia," was given a position.
"Russian event in 1937."
The new government was a mix of old reactionary officers and Russian-style national-populists. They clashed on many points, such as the monarchy, nobility, economy, or simply the restoration of the Reichswehr (which was re-founded as the Wehrmacht in 1942). However, both quickly realized the need to unite Germans against a common enemy. Soon, paramilitary units and ex-veterans roamed the territory at government orders, imprisoning or executing social-democratic or liberal sympathizers. The new state could not be undermined by "democratic" influence.
Further east was the nationalist Republic of Poland. To the dismay of Polish soldiers who had fought for Savinkov against the Germans, their political aspirations (annexation of Danzig, Silesia, or other territories) were crushed by Moscow's Realpolitik, which needed a strong Germany to counter the Internationale.
Further south, Moscow annexed the territories of White Russia and Ukraine. In the former, Moscow encountered little resistance. Minsk welcomed its conquerors with open arms, and the city's industry soon began producing weapons for the Russians and their war machinery. The main problem was in Ukraine, where the population did not wish to be part of Russia. Thus, the Russian occupation faced attacks from Syndicalist groups (allegedly funded by Paris) or democrats, who had previously been repressed by the Hetman. This led to the deployment of over 30 divisions permanently on the ground, where martial law was imposed. Additionally, Russification policies soon began, further increasing unrest. Faced with the refusal to accept the Russian language and the rise in attacks, especially in the West, Savinkov sent Ivan Serov, the commissioner responsible for stopping Grigory Semyonov's Cossack forces, to Ukraine as Governor-General. There, he not only acted brutally but also carried out mass deportations of Ukrainian citizens to Siberia. Thousands perished along the way, while many others were imprisoned in labor camps once in the Siberian tundra.
In a more positive tone was the nation of Romania. Not only had it recovered all its claims (Dobruja and Transylvania), but after years of dictatorship under King Carol II and the Iron Guard, this was resolved following the king's death. His son, Michael I, then launched a purge of the nation, eliminating the National-Populist party in one stroke and establishing a liberal democracy (to Savinkov's dismay). However, the dictator could do nothing. Romania was a faithful ally, and as long as it maintained a proper foreign policy, it could continue its democracy.
Now it's time to discuss the aberration (there's no other word) created in the old territories of Austria-Hungary. Many countries expected to gain independence from Moscow. However, Savinkov had other plans. Inexplicable plans, since no one, not even some members of the Russian government, could explain this. Under the Croatian Ivo Pilar, a "Danubian Federation" was formed. It would be composed of Slovaks, Czechs, Hungarians, and a few Austrians (with its capital in Vienna). Some suggest that this change meant the new nation would depend on Russia to avoid collapse and would serve as a safeguard in the region. This supra-federation, with quasi-autonomous governments and independent armies, was unified only under the position of Ivo Pilar, who held the title of “Protector.” Beneath him stood the Council of the Four, where representatives of each ethnicity would gather to present proposals to the Protector.
INTERNATIONAL ZONE.
Western Germany, unlike its eastern counterpart, decided to destroy every trace of the old Reich. Thus, thousands of nobles and “bourgeois” were stripped of their wealth and “purged.” The few who were spared ended up fleeing eastward, where Marshal Erwin von Witzleben allowed them to settle. Others were less fortunate and ended up living in the slums of ruined cities, like Berlin. Though officially the capital of the new "Free" German Republic, the capital was de facto moved to Frankfurt, which had suffered less damage in the war. The French, the true masters of the territory, made no effort to rebuild the German metropolis. It would remain in ruins for years. A governing council composed of old syndicalists and totalists, who had fled the country after Schleicher’s rise to power, was established at the helm of the Republic. However, real authority rested with Marie-Pierre Kœnig, who had led the French forces that penetrated through Dalmatia. An apolitical man and neutral in the struggle between Valois and Gamelin, he would be tasked with destroying every remnant of old Germany and building a new one. It would not be easy. At the same time, following disputes between Mosley and Valois, Austria would remain under French military occupation, de facto also under Kœnig’s control.
The other major state formed after this war was the Croatian Socialist Republic. There, just like in other states, a purge of the “bourgeois” population took place. Despite promoting the idea of a multinational nation, the new government quickly elevated Croats and discriminated against ethnic minorities, which rapidly generated tensions in the country.
IMPERIAL/GERMAN REMNANTS
Despite the peace imposed on Europe, the struggle was not over, or so thought Kaiser Wilhelm III from Dar es-Salam with his circle of imperial officers. There, the Kaiser (who had risen to power after his father’s death on February 13, shortly after arriving in Africa) was crowned in the new African capital, proclaiming a German government in exile. However, the war was not over. In the south, the South African Socialist Union, with increasing support from Internationalist units from Europe, continued advancing northward. For now, the units had managed to halt the syndicalists at the level of Angola.
However, little by little, the situation began to deteriorate, especially the farther the territory was from the capital. With a lack of labor, many natives began to question why they should respect a Kaiser who had done nothing for them. Gradually, Dar es-Salam began to lose control over the countryside. But more on that later.
Not all Germans, however, remained loyal to the new government in Dar es-Salam. Separated by the sea, the Pacific colonies remained de facto independent. In East Asia, Governor Hellmuth von Mücke continued fighting against Japan and the Internationale. However, Paris was too far away to influence the government in Singapore. For the time being, von Mücke focused solely on responding to the Japanese threat with help from the Dutch East Indies, with whom he remained unofficially allied. Thanks to this alliance and the deep-defense strategy of Reichsmarschall Rommel, the Germans had managed to defeat two major Japanese landing forces in Indochina, one in the city of Hue and another in Hanoi. For now, the war would continue, with the Japanese dominating the seas and the remnants of the Reichspakt managing to repel Japanese attacks.
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MacArthur smiled as he read his speech at the entrance of the Capitol. Because of the Conference, the President had been forced to postpone his State of the Union address. It was his moment to take advantage of the popularity he had gained to implement reforms. For the good of the State. He hadn’t seen his VP, Taft, in days. He preferred to avoid him. If the man only knew what the speech was about… No sooner had his name been called than he entered the chamber, greeted by applause from many congressmen and senators. It was his moment:
"Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, Members of the Congress, my fellow Americans:
Tonight, I do not stand before you as a mere administrator of the nation, but as the custodian of a greater cause: the restoration of our republic. Today I do not come as a General, a President, or a Candidate. Today, I come as a citizen concerned with how America seems to be losing its way.
For years, while weak governments fought amongst themselves over political issues, the land we inherited stood on the edge of the abyss. Chaos, hunger, crime, and radicalism stole from us our cities, our families, and our hopes. But we did not yield. Under the banner of law and order, under the protection of our Armed Forces and with the support of the loyal people, we reclaimed our homeland inch by inch, and with it, we seemed to return to our path.
Today I can firmly announce: the American economy has begun its march toward recovery. The great factories of the Midwest roar once more, steel once again forges bridges and trains, and the fields of Kansas and Arkansas are beginning to feed not only our people but beyond. Our military production is growing, as are our armed forces.
On the international stage, the diplomatic victory in Vienna is proof that America is back. We have negotiated firmly, without fear and without shame. We have shown that this government, even marked by war, is capable of speaking with its own voice to the nations of the world. Peace is not a concession but a tool to redirect our strength to where we need it most: within our borders.
The State is functioning. The people are cooperating. All is well… for now.
But let us not deceive ourselves: it is not enough. Mere stability is not enough for a nation like ours. We did not fight merely to survive; we fought to prevail. We did not rise from the mud to remain still, but to walk again with heads held high among the nations of the world.
The enemies of the American people do not disappear with the signing of a decree or the surrender of a faction. Crime, poverty, corruption, and treason are not eradicated in a single winter. Some children have yet to taste warm bread in a public school. There are rural communities where electricity remains a privilege. Some veterans return without jobs, without homes, and, at times, without hope.
It is up to us, the survivors, the victors, to build a just peace that corrects past wrongs. It is now our task to ignite the machinery of progress. For the silent enemy of our time, resignation, threatens to be deadlier than any army. And I say to you: we have not come this far only to resign ourselves. (…)
It is time for America to recover its path, its course! It is time for all of us to follow the Path of America. That is why, together with Congressman White, just an hour ago, I have presented a series of bills that, along with a set of executive orders, we have called America’s Path. (…)
I ask only this of you, congressmen and senators: be aware of our reality when you cast your votes in the future. Vote with conscience.
God bless America!"
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This will be discussed in the next chapter, but I can tell you in advance that Tubman doesn't have to convince the people... only MacArthur.
That's a good point, and it's undeniable. However, I refuse to consider the United States a tradicional "dictatorship" in the traditional sense. The closest comparison that comes to mind is an authoritarian democracy like Pinochet's (with his "controlled democracy"). I'm actually drawing more from figures like Perón and others. But I think I’ll refer back to what you said later on. You’re absolutely right — it's not words, but actions that judge a man
Yes, Mr. Pitt and Smith are not so much MacArthurists as people who believe that the only way to stabilize the United States is through strong power. And they will achieve that through MacArthur. But make no mistake, the Triumvirate and Mr. Pitt will not be friends.
Thank U!
Attachments
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In the end, nobody was satisfied. That means more war on the horizon! But will MacArthur's America be ready for it? It won't be just some expedition in France and Portugal, it will be a GP-on-GP fight.
And I'm guessing Fermi has been "recruited" by the Americans? Or taken out of the picture entirely if he refused to come quietly?
And I'm guessing Fermi has been "recruited" by the Americans? Or taken out of the picture entirely if he refused to come quietly?
:'(
Man, even socialists are prone to petty and destructive vendettas.
:'(
Chapter 36: "America’s Path" and Other Little Problems.
"Political power grows out of the barrel of a gun."
- Mao Zedong
MacArthur’s “America’s Path” was probably the most ambitious policy package in the entire history of the United States. MacArthur and his team had had time, since 1938, to flesh out these plans. Now, we will detail them to allow the reader to fully understand what MacArthur was planning with all this.
EXECUTIVE ORDERS:
Executive Order 7005: National Council for Science and Progress
An advisory council in technology and sciences from different fields is created to advance scientific reconstruction. Scientists from abroad would be invited, but under strict ethical and security supervision.
Executive Order 7006: National Initiative for Civic Education and Renewal (NICER)
A non-mandatory (but highly recommended) program of civic education and job training in reconstruction zones, aimed at youth between the ages of 16 and 25. It teaches national history, constitutional principles, and technical skills. It would be managed by the Army.
"NICER propaganda poster. Despite its reputation for being tough, demanding, and authoritarian, the reality is that the program did an excellent job rebuilding the economy of the North and allowing young people to explore new job opportunities... and also to "de-syndicalizated" them."
Executive Order 7007: Nationalization/Administration of Strategic Assets of German, Austro-Hungarian or "eliminated" countries’ origin in the postwar new world order.
Under this executive order, President MacArthur aimed to deal with all German companies that remained on American territory after the Civil War. With the German financial collapse (the Second Black Monday) and the so-called German-American Friendship Agreement, many German companies were encouraged by the Landon Government to invest in the nation, founding their own branches. Now, however, with the Fall of Vienna and Berlin, these companies were left directionless, with neither Savinkov nor Valois/Mosley attempting to claim them. Therefore, MacArthur took the following measures:
For its part, the education offered by NICER was somewhat more controversial. However, since it was presented as an opportunity for military districts, it could not be declared invalid. This initiative not only provided jobs and enabled the reconstruction of northern cities, but also managed to “de-syndicalizated” the youth population of the former CSA, more prone to falling into radicalism. This was only one of the first steps President MacArthur would take towards the “Second Reconstruction.”
Finally, the temporary nationalization of Reichspakt assets was a fairly controversial measure. However, MacArthur defended it as necessary for American interests. Some of the affected entities were IG Farben, Bayer, AEG, Siemens, Krupp, Daimler-Benz, and Deutsche Bank. Additionally, assets from other countries eliminated with the birth of the new European order were also nationalized: Škoda Works and Creditanstalt (Austria-Hungary’s great investment bank), and the recently created factory in Chicago of Państwowe Zakłady Inżynierii (PZInż), from Poland.
BILLS:
Creation of the House Committee on Un-American Activities (HCUA)
Although there had been intellectual predecessors to this idea, MacArthur finally enacted it to permanently establish this committee. This 9-member committee would investigate alleged threats of subversion or propaganda that attacked “the form of government guaranteed by our Constitution.” In this way, the HCUA would ensure that what happened in 1936 would not happen again, when congressmen and senators had no problem admitting they wanted to eliminate the Constitution. Thus, MacArthur ensured the creation of an official body in charge of eliminating or highlighting possible subversive elements.
Technological Progress Act
Somewhat related to Executive Order 7005, this bill aimed to increase technological progress in the nation and offset the small delay caused by the Civil War. There were two main measures:
Creation of a "National Security and Defense Council"
To clearly coordinate the actions of MacArthur’s Cabinet, high-level meetings would be held with the objective of assessing "internal and external threats and advising the President on high-level matters." Although each President could create one at their discretion, MacArthur arranged his as follows:
Bill for the Reactivation of the National Public Works Plan
This bill aimed to reduce the American unemployment rate. After the civil war, it had increased with the demobilization of soldiers. Therefore, MacArthur sought to lower unemployment from 14% to 6% by remobilizing the population. The plan was to spend public money on job creation (with priority employability of veterans, unemployed workers, and residents of military districts) through the construction of roads, bridges, military installations, power plants, and emergency housing in devastated areas. This would also help rebuild infrastructure destroyed during the war. This Plan will also work with NICER (having NICER workers priority to get asigments)
National Strategic Resources Control Act
(Probably the most ambitious and contradictory project, it contained many fundamental points for what would later be known as “MacArthureconomics”)
National Regulation and Promotion of Labor Unions Act (NRUL)
(Second pillar of the “MacArthureconomics”)
These two bills were controversial for several reasons. On the one hand, the government's intent to control strategic industries was not something that conservative and liberal Republicans or business magnates liked. This measure seemed to violate the Fifth Amendment, attacking private property. Many conservative Republicans were horrified by the project and realized that labeling MacArthur as a conservative Republican President of their own was not entirely accurate. Moreover, the indirect influence of Huey Long’s Longists was evident through MacArthur’s Secretary of the Treasury, Baruch.
On the other hand, liberal Republicans and progressives did not view the policies regarding unions favorably. Although at first the law on unions did not appear to violate the Constitution, in reality, the measure violated the First Amendment, infringing on the right to strike and freedom of association. However, the MacArthur Administration defended it as a necessary measure in the post-Civil War environment.
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When MacArthur presented America’s Path, he decided to introduce it as a common package of measures, a Consolidated Act. At first, this seemed like an unintelligent move. MacArthur was risking two votes, one in the House and another in the Senate. However, MacArthur and his cabinet were trying to ensure that congressmen couldn’t debate the bill point by point every time but instead had to vote yes or no directly. In this way, it was easier for pro-bill advocates to portray opponents as senseless. Didn’t they want to create jobs and restore the North?
The law was introduced in the House on February 3rd, while MacArthur publicly promised that he would pass the legislative package before the end of the month. Thus, the President and his team participated publicly in the debates, even using radio to win over the public. Hearst launched a public campaign to support the law, defending it as a necessary path toward prosperity. These campaigns, combined with MacArthur’s popularity and the recent Vienna Conference, made the law popular, even in the Military Districts.
For its part, the debate in Congress was more complicated. Both liberal and conservative Republicans refused to vote in favor. As already stated, liberals and conservatives opposed the possible state control of strategic industries as well as the increase of executive power in the Presidency. Thus, MacArthur was limited to the support of only 47 Congressmen, the so-called MacArthurists. MacArthur needed 140 votes in favor. Naturally, the Progressive Democrats opposed the law, calling it dictatorial and contrary to American values. Thus, MacArthur entered negotiations with Southern Democrats.
The conservative "Southern" faction totaled 65 Democrats (plus another five from the North, particularly from the Kennedy stronghold) and supported MacArthur’s policies, including state intervention and union policy. However, they weren’t willing to yield without something in return. It was Secretary of Commerce Jesse H. Jones who served as the link between the Democrats and MacArthur. Finally, after lengthy meetings, MacArthur promised the South to continue the policy of segregation, to give priority to the South in the Reactivation of the National Public Works Plan, and to later reduce taxes for large Southern landowners (this segregationist policy led to bitter conflicts with Baruch and other "progressives" in the Cabinet). With that, MacArthur had secured 117 of the 140 congressmen needed to pass the bill. He only needed 23 more.
Meanwhile, the world kept turning. New developments were taking place in Panama since the New Year. After the war with Costa Rica, the country had remained stable under the dictatorship of Colonel Manuel Pino, with the only notable event being the return of the Canal in exchange for a large sum of money. However, the problem was that the money provided by the Americans was quickly hoarded by the dictator for his own general use. And that was the last straw for many, especially for students and workers, who were tired of their government's corruption. Finally, riots broke out in the capital at the beginning of January, being brutally suppressed by the National Police (Panama had no Army).
So brutally that the protesters were forced to hide in the Canal Zone and gained the support of part of the population. There, they were protected by the American garrison, to the dictator’s dismay. However, he realized he could not compete with the Americans and that any attempt to capture the students would be interpreted as an attack. Therefore, he simply cordoned off the area and let the matter be forgotten. That is, until the end of the month, when the students crossed the Canal border and marched into the city, this time armed with Brazilian and American weapons. Shortly after, the dictator was forced to flee to the Central American Republic while the city proclaimed the formation of a national unity government with the support of the National Police, which had deserted the dictator en masse.
Although sources to this day debate MacArthur’s involvement in the Revolution, there is no doubt that American troops on the ground supported it, through the use of plainclothes soldiers and the sale of weapons to the protesters. Initially, MacArthur himself was too busy with his legislative package to pay much attention to the events in the country during February. What is certain, however, is the American influence over the new republican government. Fearing a syndicalist revolution in Central America that could strengthen an already dangerous Mexico, MacArthur sent his Secretary of State, Hanford MacNider, to Panama City to strengthen relations between the two countries. With his support (and that of the American garrison, which dealt with those “revolutionaries” who refused to accept democracy), the democratic faction won in the country, and shortly afterward, Juan Demóstenes Arosemena was sworn in as the 1st President of the 2nd Republic of Panama. He would not visit Washington until April. However, everyone was aware of the growing American influence in the nation.
Back in the United States, it was MacArthur’s turn to renegotiate with his own party if he wanted to fulfill his promise of having the bill signed before March 1st. Dewey received him and refused to support it unless the clause for partial nationalization and the new executive powers were removed. Taft said the same. MacArthur was just as stubborn and refused to give in. Negotiations seemed to have stalled.
That was when events began to favor the President. After the Federalist victory, the unions had been dissolved, still haunted by the trauma caused during the Civil War. Therefore, unions had existed informally since 1938, acting together but being very careful not to be accused of syndicalism. Already in 1938, out of fear, a bill by Robert Wagner to legalize unions had been rejected. It was still too soon, and the informal unions too weak. This changed after the war with Canada, where workers once again became aware of their importance, being key in the production of military materiel. Despite this, workers remained calm during the conflict. It was afterward, once peace arrived, that workers began to grow assertive and protest their labor conditions. And this happened at a Ford Motor Company plant built on the outskirts of Sacramento. After trying to negotiate with the administration for fair working conditions and the company’s leadership refusing to speak with them, the employees had no choice but to go on strike. However, the management always tried to keep their protests peaceful to avoid retaliation.
The Governor of California at that time was none other than George J. Hatfield, the man who had been second-in-command to Frank Merriam and the Pacific States. Despite having played a key role during California’s secession, Merriam’s decision to appoint another VP allowed Hatfield to later take on powerful roles in the administration of the Pacific Military District. Once the state rejoined the country in 1940, Hatfield was able to inherit Merriam’s political machine and use it to deliver the state to Dewey in the Republican primaries. Later, he was among the first liberal Republicans to support MacArthur’s candidacy. Upon hearing that the Ford plant (responsible for tank production) was having problems with its workers, Hatfield had no intention of letting the situation continue. Soon after, the Governor sent the National Guard to the plant under the pretense of allowing workers who wanted to work to enter. However, the police knew they had the upper hand in the situation and could do whatever they wanted. Although accounts differ slightly, nearly all witnesses say that the mounted police charged the protesters on horseback, leaving many injured and causing a general stampede of the workers.
"Photo taken by the Chicago Tribune the day before the factory incident. Although newspapers shaped public perception at the time, recent historiography is making an effort to present the events as they truly happened."
This incident made the difference. The protesters had been peaceful, and their cause (a pay raise) had been just. However, Hearst and his propaganda machine completely transformed the story. That immoral police charge was turned into a necessary defense against the attacks of a brutal mob of violent workers. The peaceful protesters were turned into violent syndicalists chanting the Internationale and insulting the Constitution. The police officers, once violent repressors, were portrayed as knights in shining armor who defended not only the patriotic workers but also the American way of life. And this strike was presented as clear evidence that, as long as the unions were not regulated, problems like this could continue to exist.
Thanks to Hearst’s media machinery, many conservative Republicans began to look more favorably on the legislative packages. As much as they opposed the idea of government oversight of essential industries, they preferred to sacrifice some economic freedom in exchange for security. As such, the vote was finally scheduled for February 20. Despite all of Taft’s efforts (obviously not publicly) to convince conservatives to vote against the law, it passed with 129 votes against and 149 in favor.
Now all that remained was the vote in the Senate for the "MacArthur Act" to be approved.
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McNider and MacArthur were walking quickly through the White House halls as the staff stepped aside.
- How long has he been in the office?- the President asked grumpily.
- About ten minutes.
- I don’t like surprises, Harold.
- It’s not my fault, Mr. President. His visit was a surprise, and the moment he landed at the airport, he came straight here and demanded to see you.
They turned a corner, drawing ever closer to the Oval Office.
- No one should be demanding anything from me. I’m the President.
- Well, Tubman did it, Sir. Johnson had to let him in. It wasn’t a good idea to keep a Head of State waiting.
- That Tubman is in that position thanks to us,- said MacArthur, increasingly irritated.- Without us, he’d be just another unknown Liberian politician... What does he want?
- More American investment?
- No, Hearst is making a killing there. It must be his plan again to form an Alliance between us.- said MacArthur, half to himself.
- Us?
- Yes, Tubman is obsessed with us forming a global Alliance against the Internationale and Japan.
- Like the Holy Alliance?
MacArthur came to a sudden stop.
-The what?
-The Holy Alliance.- said MacNider.-. The one they told us about in Vienna. That Alliance formed by the Coalition powers after Napoleon’s defeat… Seems like you weren’t listening to the Russian speech.
- Honestly, I wasn’t.
They finally arrived at the door to the Oval Office, where Hugh S. Johnson, MacArthur’s Chief of Staff, was waiting.
- He’s inside, Mr. President.
- I thought I’d made myself clear, Johnson. I don’t like people entering the Oval Office unless I’m there.
- I apologize, Mr. President. I didn’t anticipate this arrival. Tubman wrote about twenty days ago saying he would come, but he didn’t specify when.
- Don’t let it happen again, Johnson. I’m not sure what I even have a Chief of Staff for if this kind of thing happens. Now go and keep courting that group of senators. Entertain them until MacNider and I finish with this 'President.
Shortly afterward, once the introductions were done and the three of them (MacNider, MacArthur, and Tubman) were seated in the chairs, President MacArthur got straight to the point.
- We weren’t expecting you here today, Mr. Tubman. If you wanted to see me, you should’ve spoken with Johnson, not just come in here like this was your house.
Tubman was not intimidated by MacArthur.
-I apologize for disturbing you. But with all your… current commitments, it’s been hard for the State Department to give me a date to come.
- You and I met a month ago, and yet here we are. I thought our conversation had been productive.
- It had been, Mr. MacArthur—or so I thought. Let me ask you something, Mr. MacArthur.- said the Liberian President as he adjusted his suit.- What compels Canada to join a war in Europe?
- Nothing. But they’ll do it anyway.
- Oh? And what compels the Portuguese to fight in the event of a syndicalist invasion of Africa?
- I see you’re back on the same track, President Tubman.
- I thought it was obvious, Mr. President. We need a global Alliance. A military Alliance.
- And how do you want to do that, President Tubman?
- Gather us all here, in Washington. For a Conference.
MacArthur scoffed.
- Another one? Haven’t we had enough with Vienna?
- Apparently not, Mr President.-said Tubman with a smile.- Vienna was a failure. The Internationale and the Russians tried to establish a postwar international order after this European war. They failed, and both sides are dissatisfied. There will be another war.
- We have no interest in that "war".
- Yes, we all do. Because we all know it’s better to have Russians in Paris than Frenchmen in Moscow. And that’s not all. Japan is still at war in the East. A stalemate, winning at sea, losing on land. How long do you think it’ll take them to realize that the exiled Germans are firing cartridges manufactured in the United States and imported at low cost? How long before they attack Hawaii?
MacArthur grew serious.
- You assume too much. Japan would never dare.
- Yeah… that’s what they said before they attacked the Germans. I’m not asking for much, Mr. President. I’m asking you to host a Conference where America’s allies gather to unite against external threats.
MacArthur paused to think.
- What do you think, Mr. Secretary of State?- Tubman asked.
- Although I don’t wish to contradict the President, I agree with Mr. Tubman. I believe it’s a great opportunity to advance our foreign policy.
- I’m not the only one behind this.- said the Liberian President.- Dewey has already started informal talks with various Republican leaders and would support the President if he agrees to this.
- And what’s Dewey getting out of it?- asked MacArthur bluntly.
-Well, I’ve offered to donate to his campaign.
- Does Dewey know that might be… illegal?
- My team has checked, Mr. MacArthur. It may be considered unethical, but not illegal under American law.
A few minutes later, the visiting head of state took his leave. He still had a scheduled tour of Washington D.C. After he left, MacArthur got up from his chair and approached the presidential desk, where he pressed a button. A secretary entered shortly afterward.
- Bring in Prescott.- said the President, leaning on the desk.
William J. Prescott, White House Press Secretary and friend of the President, entered the room minutes later. He had dark bags under his eyes and messy hair, a stark contrast to the elegance of the President and the Secretary of State. He was struggling with his new role and hadn’t yet adjusted to this kind of work.
- You called for me, Mr. President?
- Yes, Prescott. Call a press conference in thirty minutes. Tell the press that we plan to convene a Conference in the capital with our allies to discuss the creation of a Grand Alliance.
- Sir,- interrupted the Secretary of State- don’t you think that’s a bit premature?
- We’ve been wanting to do this for months, MacNider.
- Yes, Mr. President, but you know what the Chief of Staff thinks…
- I don’t care what Johnson thinks! If he wanted to stop this, he should have spoken to Tubman himself. This will help distract from the issues we’re having with our legislative package.
- But sir, what about Vice President Taft?
- Taft can go to hell! Prescott, do as I say.
When both men had left, MacArthur sat back down at the presidential desk, feeling a bit calmer. How could they be so blind? Couldn’t MacNider and Johnson see that Taft was his Vice President? He had heard rumors that Taft had tried to block the vote in Congress. Would he dare to oppose him publicly now, discrediting him? MacArthur knew he wouldn’t. Maybe he could find some use for the ex-senator from Ohio.
He summoned Taft to his office. That man craved the presidency more than anything. And MacArthur knew that his only chance, with his isolationist conservative faction fading, was to cling to MacArthur. He hoped to convince him with that. If Taft resisted publicly, MacArthur would remove him from office, or better yet, let him have it. Taft had been nothing more than a useless Vice President in a role that was already useless.
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I'm back. With only one exam left, I've decided to take advantage of some free time to finish polishing the chapter, which turned out to be quite tricky. Not only did I have to come up with laws and check their constitutionality (with Frankfurter on the Supreme Court, I can already tell you that,unless my plans change, MacArthur will face his toughest battle yet), but the chapter has also been rewritten more than six times. This is because events in the game... turned out differently. They're only minor changes (I replaced the war Panama declared on me with an internal coup), but even so, it’s been a challenge. I’m sorry (or not) that this chapter is longer than usual, but it didn’t make sense to split it.
P.S. I hope you like the new propaganda posters!
For now... let's not talk about it.
"Political power grows out of the barrel of a gun."
- Mao Zedong
MacArthur’s “America’s Path” was probably the most ambitious policy package in the entire history of the United States. MacArthur and his team had had time, since 1938, to flesh out these plans. Now, we will detail them to allow the reader to fully understand what MacArthur was planning with all this.
EXECUTIVE ORDERS:
Executive Order 7005: National Council for Science and Progress
An advisory council in technology and sciences from different fields is created to advance scientific reconstruction. Scientists from abroad would be invited, but under strict ethical and security supervision.
Executive Order 7006: National Initiative for Civic Education and Renewal (NICER)
A non-mandatory (but highly recommended) program of civic education and job training in reconstruction zones, aimed at youth between the ages of 16 and 25. It teaches national history, constitutional principles, and technical skills. It would be managed by the Army.
"NICER propaganda poster. Despite its reputation for being tough, demanding, and authoritarian, the reality is that the program did an excellent job rebuilding the economy of the North and allowing young people to explore new job opportunities... and also to "de-syndicalizated" them."
Executive Order 7007: Nationalization/Administration of Strategic Assets of German, Austro-Hungarian or "eliminated" countries’ origin in the postwar new world order.
Under this executive order, President MacArthur aimed to deal with all German companies that remained on American territory after the Civil War. With the German financial collapse (the Second Black Monday) and the so-called German-American Friendship Agreement, many German companies were encouraged by the Landon Government to invest in the nation, founding their own branches. Now, however, with the Fall of Vienna and Berlin, these companies were left directionless, with neither Savinkov nor Valois/Mosley attempting to claim them. Therefore, MacArthur took the following measures:
- Establish the Strategic Assets Administration (SAA), under the direct supervision of the President.
- All assets, properties, shares, rights, and patents of total or partial German (or Reichspakt) ownership, or under the administration of German/Reichspakt citizens or entities as of May 3rd, 1941, are immediately subject to provisional federal trusteeship.
- The Agency is authorized to: investigate and register said assets, take administrative, operational, and financial control over them, and guarantee the continuity of operations for the benefit of the American people.
- This seizure will be temporary until Congress determines the final disposition of the assets in question.
For its part, the education offered by NICER was somewhat more controversial. However, since it was presented as an opportunity for military districts, it could not be declared invalid. This initiative not only provided jobs and enabled the reconstruction of northern cities, but also managed to “de-syndicalizated” the youth population of the former CSA, more prone to falling into radicalism. This was only one of the first steps President MacArthur would take towards the “Second Reconstruction.”
Finally, the temporary nationalization of Reichspakt assets was a fairly controversial measure. However, MacArthur defended it as necessary for American interests. Some of the affected entities were IG Farben, Bayer, AEG, Siemens, Krupp, Daimler-Benz, and Deutsche Bank. Additionally, assets from other countries eliminated with the birth of the new European order were also nationalized: Škoda Works and Creditanstalt (Austria-Hungary’s great investment bank), and the recently created factory in Chicago of Państwowe Zakłady Inżynierii (PZInż), from Poland.
BILLS:
Creation of the House Committee on Un-American Activities (HCUA)
Although there had been intellectual predecessors to this idea, MacArthur finally enacted it to permanently establish this committee. This 9-member committee would investigate alleged threats of subversion or propaganda that attacked “the form of government guaranteed by our Constitution.” In this way, the HCUA would ensure that what happened in 1936 would not happen again, when congressmen and senators had no problem admitting they wanted to eliminate the Constitution. Thus, MacArthur ensured the creation of an official body in charge of eliminating or highlighting possible subversive elements.
Technological Progress Act
Somewhat related to Executive Order 7005, this bill aimed to increase technological progress in the nation and offset the small delay caused by the Civil War. There were two main measures:
- Reform of the Immigration Act to Prioritize the Arrival of Strategic Scientists and Technicians
- Creation of a National Fund for Research in High-Tech Weapons
Creation of a "National Security and Defense Council"
To clearly coordinate the actions of MacArthur’s Cabinet, high-level meetings would be held with the objective of assessing "internal and external threats and advising the President on high-level matters." Although each President could create one at their discretion, MacArthur arranged his as follows:
- President of the United States: Douglas MacArthur
- Secretary of War: John J. Pershing
- Secretary of the Navy: William D. Leahy
- FBI Director: Edgar Hoover
- Chief of the Joint Chiefs of Staff: Lesley McNair
- Secretary of State: Hanford MacNider
- Chief of Staff: Hugh S. Johnson
- Secretary of the Interior: Frank Knox
Bill for the Reactivation of the National Public Works Plan
This bill aimed to reduce the American unemployment rate. After the civil war, it had increased with the demobilization of soldiers. Therefore, MacArthur sought to lower unemployment from 14% to 6% by remobilizing the population. The plan was to spend public money on job creation (with priority employability of veterans, unemployed workers, and residents of military districts) through the construction of roads, bridges, military installations, power plants, and emergency housing in devastated areas. This would also help rebuild infrastructure destroyed during the war. This Plan will also work with NICER (having NICER workers priority to get asigments)
National Strategic Resources Control Act
(Probably the most ambitious and contradictory project, it contained many fundamental points for what would later be known as “MacArthureconomics”)
- Declaration of strategic sectors: Oil, steel, coal, railroads, electricity, chemicals, automotive, naval, and aviation are declared “strategic” (Any new sector can be added by presidential decree without requiring Congressional approval).
- Companies that fail to meet production quotas or government contract prices may be temporarily intervened or nationalized by the federal government. The Office of National Production, a new subdivision of the Treasury Department, will be in charge of all this.
- All strategic companies must periodically declare their levels of production, reserves, capital movements, and third-party contracts. (Omission or falsification of data is punishable by up to 25 years in prison or even state intervention).
- All forms of strikes, work stoppages, or labor protests in strategic sectors are expressly prohibited in case of strategic sector status or threat risk. Employer lockouts or suspension of operations without the authorization of the Office of National Production are also prohibited.
- “Production Courts” are established to resolve disputes between workers and employers, under the direct jurisdiction of the Department of the Interior
National Regulation and Promotion of Labor Unions Act (NRUL)
(Second pillar of the “MacArthureconomics”)
- Workers’ right to organize into unions is recognized. However, they must be registered in the National Union Registry, under the Secretary of the Treasury.
- Unions will be structured by economic sectors (metallurgy, transport, agriculture, defense, energy, etc.) and states, each with a Supervisory Union Board (e.g., Chicago Steel Union) composed of representatives of workers, government, and business. The agreements reached will have the force of law during their duration and will be reviewed every 3 years by a state technical commission.
- Unions linked to syndicalist, anarchist, or groups declared enemies of the constitutional order are dissolved and banned. Their leaders will be investigated by the State.
- All union leaders must attend an annual training course in constitutional civics, labor relations, and the principles of American Capitalism, coordinated by NICER (see Executive Order 7006).
These two bills were controversial for several reasons. On the one hand, the government's intent to control strategic industries was not something that conservative and liberal Republicans or business magnates liked. This measure seemed to violate the Fifth Amendment, attacking private property. Many conservative Republicans were horrified by the project and realized that labeling MacArthur as a conservative Republican President of their own was not entirely accurate. Moreover, the indirect influence of Huey Long’s Longists was evident through MacArthur’s Secretary of the Treasury, Baruch.
On the other hand, liberal Republicans and progressives did not view the policies regarding unions favorably. Although at first the law on unions did not appear to violate the Constitution, in reality, the measure violated the First Amendment, infringing on the right to strike and freedom of association. However, the MacArthur Administration defended it as a necessary measure in the post-Civil War environment.
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When MacArthur presented America’s Path, he decided to introduce it as a common package of measures, a Consolidated Act. At first, this seemed like an unintelligent move. MacArthur was risking two votes, one in the House and another in the Senate. However, MacArthur and his cabinet were trying to ensure that congressmen couldn’t debate the bill point by point every time but instead had to vote yes or no directly. In this way, it was easier for pro-bill advocates to portray opponents as senseless. Didn’t they want to create jobs and restore the North?
The law was introduced in the House on February 3rd, while MacArthur publicly promised that he would pass the legislative package before the end of the month. Thus, the President and his team participated publicly in the debates, even using radio to win over the public. Hearst launched a public campaign to support the law, defending it as a necessary path toward prosperity. These campaigns, combined with MacArthur’s popularity and the recent Vienna Conference, made the law popular, even in the Military Districts.
For its part, the debate in Congress was more complicated. Both liberal and conservative Republicans refused to vote in favor. As already stated, liberals and conservatives opposed the possible state control of strategic industries as well as the increase of executive power in the Presidency. Thus, MacArthur was limited to the support of only 47 Congressmen, the so-called MacArthurists. MacArthur needed 140 votes in favor. Naturally, the Progressive Democrats opposed the law, calling it dictatorial and contrary to American values. Thus, MacArthur entered negotiations with Southern Democrats.
The conservative "Southern" faction totaled 65 Democrats (plus another five from the North, particularly from the Kennedy stronghold) and supported MacArthur’s policies, including state intervention and union policy. However, they weren’t willing to yield without something in return. It was Secretary of Commerce Jesse H. Jones who served as the link between the Democrats and MacArthur. Finally, after lengthy meetings, MacArthur promised the South to continue the policy of segregation, to give priority to the South in the Reactivation of the National Public Works Plan, and to later reduce taxes for large Southern landowners (this segregationist policy led to bitter conflicts with Baruch and other "progressives" in the Cabinet). With that, MacArthur had secured 117 of the 140 congressmen needed to pass the bill. He only needed 23 more.
Meanwhile, the world kept turning. New developments were taking place in Panama since the New Year. After the war with Costa Rica, the country had remained stable under the dictatorship of Colonel Manuel Pino, with the only notable event being the return of the Canal in exchange for a large sum of money. However, the problem was that the money provided by the Americans was quickly hoarded by the dictator for his own general use. And that was the last straw for many, especially for students and workers, who were tired of their government's corruption. Finally, riots broke out in the capital at the beginning of January, being brutally suppressed by the National Police (Panama had no Army).
So brutally that the protesters were forced to hide in the Canal Zone and gained the support of part of the population. There, they were protected by the American garrison, to the dictator’s dismay. However, he realized he could not compete with the Americans and that any attempt to capture the students would be interpreted as an attack. Therefore, he simply cordoned off the area and let the matter be forgotten. That is, until the end of the month, when the students crossed the Canal border and marched into the city, this time armed with Brazilian and American weapons. Shortly after, the dictator was forced to flee to the Central American Republic while the city proclaimed the formation of a national unity government with the support of the National Police, which had deserted the dictator en masse.
Although sources to this day debate MacArthur’s involvement in the Revolution, there is no doubt that American troops on the ground supported it, through the use of plainclothes soldiers and the sale of weapons to the protesters. Initially, MacArthur himself was too busy with his legislative package to pay much attention to the events in the country during February. What is certain, however, is the American influence over the new republican government. Fearing a syndicalist revolution in Central America that could strengthen an already dangerous Mexico, MacArthur sent his Secretary of State, Hanford MacNider, to Panama City to strengthen relations between the two countries. With his support (and that of the American garrison, which dealt with those “revolutionaries” who refused to accept democracy), the democratic faction won in the country, and shortly afterward, Juan Demóstenes Arosemena was sworn in as the 1st President of the 2nd Republic of Panama. He would not visit Washington until April. However, everyone was aware of the growing American influence in the nation.
Back in the United States, it was MacArthur’s turn to renegotiate with his own party if he wanted to fulfill his promise of having the bill signed before March 1st. Dewey received him and refused to support it unless the clause for partial nationalization and the new executive powers were removed. Taft said the same. MacArthur was just as stubborn and refused to give in. Negotiations seemed to have stalled.
That was when events began to favor the President. After the Federalist victory, the unions had been dissolved, still haunted by the trauma caused during the Civil War. Therefore, unions had existed informally since 1938, acting together but being very careful not to be accused of syndicalism. Already in 1938, out of fear, a bill by Robert Wagner to legalize unions had been rejected. It was still too soon, and the informal unions too weak. This changed after the war with Canada, where workers once again became aware of their importance, being key in the production of military materiel. Despite this, workers remained calm during the conflict. It was afterward, once peace arrived, that workers began to grow assertive and protest their labor conditions. And this happened at a Ford Motor Company plant built on the outskirts of Sacramento. After trying to negotiate with the administration for fair working conditions and the company’s leadership refusing to speak with them, the employees had no choice but to go on strike. However, the management always tried to keep their protests peaceful to avoid retaliation.
The Governor of California at that time was none other than George J. Hatfield, the man who had been second-in-command to Frank Merriam and the Pacific States. Despite having played a key role during California’s secession, Merriam’s decision to appoint another VP allowed Hatfield to later take on powerful roles in the administration of the Pacific Military District. Once the state rejoined the country in 1940, Hatfield was able to inherit Merriam’s political machine and use it to deliver the state to Dewey in the Republican primaries. Later, he was among the first liberal Republicans to support MacArthur’s candidacy. Upon hearing that the Ford plant (responsible for tank production) was having problems with its workers, Hatfield had no intention of letting the situation continue. Soon after, the Governor sent the National Guard to the plant under the pretense of allowing workers who wanted to work to enter. However, the police knew they had the upper hand in the situation and could do whatever they wanted. Although accounts differ slightly, nearly all witnesses say that the mounted police charged the protesters on horseback, leaving many injured and causing a general stampede of the workers.
"Photo taken by the Chicago Tribune the day before the factory incident. Although newspapers shaped public perception at the time, recent historiography is making an effort to present the events as they truly happened."
This incident made the difference. The protesters had been peaceful, and their cause (a pay raise) had been just. However, Hearst and his propaganda machine completely transformed the story. That immoral police charge was turned into a necessary defense against the attacks of a brutal mob of violent workers. The peaceful protesters were turned into violent syndicalists chanting the Internationale and insulting the Constitution. The police officers, once violent repressors, were portrayed as knights in shining armor who defended not only the patriotic workers but also the American way of life. And this strike was presented as clear evidence that, as long as the unions were not regulated, problems like this could continue to exist.
Thanks to Hearst’s media machinery, many conservative Republicans began to look more favorably on the legislative packages. As much as they opposed the idea of government oversight of essential industries, they preferred to sacrifice some economic freedom in exchange for security. As such, the vote was finally scheduled for February 20. Despite all of Taft’s efforts (obviously not publicly) to convince conservatives to vote against the law, it passed with 129 votes against and 149 in favor.
Now all that remained was the vote in the Senate for the "MacArthur Act" to be approved.
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McNider and MacArthur were walking quickly through the White House halls as the staff stepped aside.
- How long has he been in the office?- the President asked grumpily.
- About ten minutes.
- I don’t like surprises, Harold.
- It’s not my fault, Mr. President. His visit was a surprise, and the moment he landed at the airport, he came straight here and demanded to see you.
They turned a corner, drawing ever closer to the Oval Office.
- No one should be demanding anything from me. I’m the President.
- Well, Tubman did it, Sir. Johnson had to let him in. It wasn’t a good idea to keep a Head of State waiting.
- That Tubman is in that position thanks to us,- said MacArthur, increasingly irritated.- Without us, he’d be just another unknown Liberian politician... What does he want?
- More American investment?
- No, Hearst is making a killing there. It must be his plan again to form an Alliance between us.- said MacArthur, half to himself.
- Us?
- Yes, Tubman is obsessed with us forming a global Alliance against the Internationale and Japan.
- Like the Holy Alliance?
MacArthur came to a sudden stop.
-The what?
-The Holy Alliance.- said MacNider.-. The one they told us about in Vienna. That Alliance formed by the Coalition powers after Napoleon’s defeat… Seems like you weren’t listening to the Russian speech.
- Honestly, I wasn’t.
They finally arrived at the door to the Oval Office, where Hugh S. Johnson, MacArthur’s Chief of Staff, was waiting.
- He’s inside, Mr. President.
- I thought I’d made myself clear, Johnson. I don’t like people entering the Oval Office unless I’m there.
- I apologize, Mr. President. I didn’t anticipate this arrival. Tubman wrote about twenty days ago saying he would come, but he didn’t specify when.
- Don’t let it happen again, Johnson. I’m not sure what I even have a Chief of Staff for if this kind of thing happens. Now go and keep courting that group of senators. Entertain them until MacNider and I finish with this 'President.
Shortly afterward, once the introductions were done and the three of them (MacNider, MacArthur, and Tubman) were seated in the chairs, President MacArthur got straight to the point.
- We weren’t expecting you here today, Mr. Tubman. If you wanted to see me, you should’ve spoken with Johnson, not just come in here like this was your house.
Tubman was not intimidated by MacArthur.
-I apologize for disturbing you. But with all your… current commitments, it’s been hard for the State Department to give me a date to come.
- You and I met a month ago, and yet here we are. I thought our conversation had been productive.
- It had been, Mr. MacArthur—or so I thought. Let me ask you something, Mr. MacArthur.- said the Liberian President as he adjusted his suit.- What compels Canada to join a war in Europe?
- Nothing. But they’ll do it anyway.
- Oh? And what compels the Portuguese to fight in the event of a syndicalist invasion of Africa?
- I see you’re back on the same track, President Tubman.
- I thought it was obvious, Mr. President. We need a global Alliance. A military Alliance.
- And how do you want to do that, President Tubman?
- Gather us all here, in Washington. For a Conference.
MacArthur scoffed.
- Another one? Haven’t we had enough with Vienna?
- Apparently not, Mr President.-said Tubman with a smile.- Vienna was a failure. The Internationale and the Russians tried to establish a postwar international order after this European war. They failed, and both sides are dissatisfied. There will be another war.
- We have no interest in that "war".
- Yes, we all do. Because we all know it’s better to have Russians in Paris than Frenchmen in Moscow. And that’s not all. Japan is still at war in the East. A stalemate, winning at sea, losing on land. How long do you think it’ll take them to realize that the exiled Germans are firing cartridges manufactured in the United States and imported at low cost? How long before they attack Hawaii?
MacArthur grew serious.
- You assume too much. Japan would never dare.
- Yeah… that’s what they said before they attacked the Germans. I’m not asking for much, Mr. President. I’m asking you to host a Conference where America’s allies gather to unite against external threats.
MacArthur paused to think.
- What do you think, Mr. Secretary of State?- Tubman asked.
- Although I don’t wish to contradict the President, I agree with Mr. Tubman. I believe it’s a great opportunity to advance our foreign policy.
- I’m not the only one behind this.- said the Liberian President.- Dewey has already started informal talks with various Republican leaders and would support the President if he agrees to this.
- And what’s Dewey getting out of it?- asked MacArthur bluntly.
-Well, I’ve offered to donate to his campaign.
- Does Dewey know that might be… illegal?
- My team has checked, Mr. MacArthur. It may be considered unethical, but not illegal under American law.
A few minutes later, the visiting head of state took his leave. He still had a scheduled tour of Washington D.C. After he left, MacArthur got up from his chair and approached the presidential desk, where he pressed a button. A secretary entered shortly afterward.
- Bring in Prescott.- said the President, leaning on the desk.
William J. Prescott, White House Press Secretary and friend of the President, entered the room minutes later. He had dark bags under his eyes and messy hair, a stark contrast to the elegance of the President and the Secretary of State. He was struggling with his new role and hadn’t yet adjusted to this kind of work.
- You called for me, Mr. President?
- Yes, Prescott. Call a press conference in thirty minutes. Tell the press that we plan to convene a Conference in the capital with our allies to discuss the creation of a Grand Alliance.
- Sir,- interrupted the Secretary of State- don’t you think that’s a bit premature?
- We’ve been wanting to do this for months, MacNider.
- Yes, Mr. President, but you know what the Chief of Staff thinks…
- I don’t care what Johnson thinks! If he wanted to stop this, he should have spoken to Tubman himself. This will help distract from the issues we’re having with our legislative package.
- But sir, what about Vice President Taft?
- Taft can go to hell! Prescott, do as I say.
When both men had left, MacArthur sat back down at the presidential desk, feeling a bit calmer. How could they be so blind? Couldn’t MacNider and Johnson see that Taft was his Vice President? He had heard rumors that Taft had tried to block the vote in Congress. Would he dare to oppose him publicly now, discrediting him? MacArthur knew he wouldn’t. Maybe he could find some use for the ex-senator from Ohio.
He summoned Taft to his office. That man craved the presidency more than anything. And MacArthur knew that his only chance, with his isolationist conservative faction fading, was to cling to MacArthur. He hoped to convince him with that. If Taft resisted publicly, MacArthur would remove him from office, or better yet, let him have it. Taft had been nothing more than a useless Vice President in a role that was already useless.
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I'm back. With only one exam left, I've decided to take advantage of some free time to finish polishing the chapter, which turned out to be quite tricky. Not only did I have to come up with laws and check their constitutionality (with Frankfurter on the Supreme Court, I can already tell you that,unless my plans change, MacArthur will face his toughest battle yet), but the chapter has also been rewritten more than six times. This is because events in the game... turned out differently. They're only minor changes (I replaced the war Panama declared on me with an internal coup), but even so, it’s been a challenge. I’m sorry (or not) that this chapter is longer than usual, but it didn’t make sense to split it.
P.S. I hope you like the new propaganda posters!
Are we ready for war? The Army is strong, the Navy (even if MacArthur doesn't like it) keeps building new ships, and the Air Force... well, it's a work in progress. However, the real question is... Is the American people ready for war?
For now... let's not talk about it.
A propaganda victory is always nice, isn't it?
That's the downside of all (ALL!) the major countries having embraced the most extreme forms of totalitarianism. So, for now, Germany will have to pray not to suffer any further under the French boot.
Attachments
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Taft's efforts may have been more public than he hoped...
Ugh. MacArthur Youth organizations building a new crop of fascists...
Ugh. So the dream of a Republic truly is dead.
The US is definitely not a free country with this kind of stuff crushing the people...
And so, decades of efforts to halt oppression of the common man is reversed at a stroke, and the common man has returned to being an abusable labor force for the rich and powerful.
Jefferson and company would roll in their graves.
One wonders how bad the emigration problems to Canada would be under this nightmare of a dystopian government...
And it gets even worse!
At this rate, I'm going to be a stark raving mad socialist held in a secret prison and tortured for my views by the FBI secret police within the week!
What a mess of my home...
:'(
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He’s been busy at home and abroad - it’s ‘little green men’ at work in Panama.
Forming a faction is a good idea though. Why did it take Tubman to force it? It’s a ‘lay down misere’.
The only way to fight propaganda is with more propaganda.
Nice poster by the way! How'd you make it?
"Necessary."
MacArthur is defining what that means today. But who will define it tomorrow?
Not good.
MacArthur is playing things smart. He knows he needs to compromise now and can break those promises later. All the while more power is being gathered under him.
They deserve neither and will lose both.
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