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Yes... the way I've written the Witan does make it come across as a proto-parliament. I feel like it's been given a bit more of an extensive role in matters of governance--but I suppose an argument could be made where, over the course of England's history, it's asserted its own importance in the country's administration--though I'm still fairly convinced it does little to actually create legislation. Instead, it probably convenes in most situations, as it was historically, to witness royal charters. The Witan, especially when it comes to the election of monarchs, certainly has extensive privileges, much unlike what it'd likely be in the 11th-century; especially with the election of Wulfstan in 1005. I do agree, though, if England continues on the trajectory it's currently on, it'll advance much faster politically when compared to the rest of Europe.
Yeah I’m of the opinion that the Witan should really be thought of as the ancestor of the current Privy Council of the United Kingdom and an organ more of executive than legislative authority.

If and when I ever do my Edgar Aelthing AAR, tentatively my plan is for either the full Witangemont to become the parliament analogue or an entirely separate institution (with a suitably West Germanic name like Diet or Lansraad) to develop, while the “inner witan” develops into effectively the privy council with HM’s Government as a subcommittee.

Edit: Although then again even Old English was more heavily influenced by (Ecclesiastical) Latin than other Germanic languages, so you probably could get away with Assembly like the Roman tribunes.

Even after parliament was definitely a thing, established, the place where taxation was agreed etx...it met semi-regularly only when considering the time span of an entire monarch's reign. They'd show up once every few years, or if summoned (because, again, taxation consultation), to proclaim the new monarch, and to watch him sign royal charters...and that's about it.

This witan, made up of people who run their own petty kingdoms, and assorted others who managed to get a seat, probably shows up reliably only when deciding who is going to be king, at said kings coronation, and then whenever he wants them all there (which will be rare/never, because monarchs really didn't like summoning parliament).

So it being a thing really doesn't mean the kings can't centralise, or take more powers, or evolve through time. It just makes succession a bit more focused much earlier than it ever was in OTL England (the only time it was really settled outright was, ironically, when it failed - the Stephen and matilda civil war, and Henry VIII saying Edward, then mary, then Elizabeth.

As with OTL however, the structure and precedent existing at all will become useful if a king does go too far and the nobles want their historic rights to congregate and consultation actually written down.

It'll be interesting to see how this all developes.
 
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A small yet perfectly formed update and some interesting discussion on the nature of kingship, how wonderful.

Edward is looking like a lower-middle half, mid-table mediocrity king, probably dependent on what his son does to some extent. The more revolts and problems his son faces, the worse he will look for not securing the succession. But if Rædwald does well then that doesn't matter so much, particularly if the problems happen after a few years so it is more likely to be Rædwald's fault for mishandling it rather than a bad handover.

Overall though for most people this is probably quite nice, the Kingdom is ticking over and there are no civil wars, revolts, notable Viking raids or anything. 17 years of peace and prosperity at home is nothing to sniff at in these times so, while he may not have achieved much beyond the Crusade, there are no major horrors either. This I think slots him into mid-table, there are so many monarchs who have made things worse through bad choices or just incompetence that he has to rank up above them.

Looking ahead to Rædwald I think he has to be a bit more active about running the Kingdom and taking back some powers, that or ending up a King in name only and letting the magnates run things. Assuming he does try to reassert the power of the crown he's starting from a weak position so it's going to be tricky. I hope for his sake his strategic skills extend to political strategy and not just the battlefield.
 
XIX. King at war (1087–1099) New
XIX — KING AT WAR (1087–1099)

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by James Doyle from the "Chronicle of England"

Following the reign of Edward, the House of East Anglia's control over England was tenuous. The precedent set following Wulfstan's accession in 1005 had given the king's council more responsibilities regarding succession, and had provided the Witan with an opportunity to choose potential princes from outside of the royal line. The election of Rædwald in 1087 had been recounted by scholars as hotly contested, and even minor figures being considered in the 1087 council present the idea that since the reign of Æthelred, the traditional power the monarch had over succession had waned over the course of the eleventh century, as the idea of the crown, specifically, passing from father to son was being phased out in favour of an aristocracy who could pick amongst their own numbers. For those of Edmund's line, it became a necessity to strengthen royal authority to prevent the possibility of deposition in favour of a much more liberal English elective monarchy.

The accession of Rædwald in 1087 was a peculiar one—in a moment where anyone could be elected as the next king, an elderly son of an unpopular monarch who had little to do with the current affairs of the kingdom was chosen by the most influential camp within the Witan to succeed his father. Rædwald was a skilled tactician, but had garnered little favour with the realm's aristocracy, and had been known within his father's circle as a well-mannered, albeit slothful individual—oft-times compared to the the late Sigered (r. 977 – 1004) by scholars during his reign as king. Following his coronation on 26 September, Rædwald had made a series of important moves to strengthen the position of the crown in England. Most importantly, he had written in his will that his second cousin, the seventeen-year-old Tostig—the incumbent Earl of Northumbria—would inherit all of his properties upon his death, and had visited York on three separate occasions between 1087 and 1090. During this time, Rædwald had also managed to procure the allegiance of the Kings of Scotland, with Constantine III witnessing a number of royal charters prior to March of 1090, with little contemporary explanation afforded for his attendance besides his son's marriage to Rædwald's daughter, Seaxburh on 3 November 1088.
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Gwydol ab Iago claims the throne of England, March 1090
While the Witan had ultimately accepted Rædwald's accession as King of the English, his second cousin, Gwydol ab Iago—the King of Gwynedd—disputed the decision made at the 1087 council, and had proclaimed himself as the legitimate King of England matrilineally, being the grandson of Leofric through his daughter, Ecgfrida. He had formed his own council which affirmed his claim at Cardigan in March of 1090, whereupon he invaded England with an impressive army, bolstered by a contingent of Norse-Gael mercenaries from Ireland, winning a series of battles against English fyrds along the Welsh border while Rædwald remained occupied in York. By April, Gwydol's invasion for the English throne had been afforded the necessary attention by the crown, as the king assembled an army nearing eleven thousand men, who met a comparable force at Blaenavon on 13 June, 1090, where Rædwald gained the victory over the Welsh. Further military successes were achieved beyond the border at the Battle of Four Crosses the next year in April, followed by another Battle at Hereford, capturing a number of important Welsh under-kings in the battle.

While English forces had achieved a series of victories in and around Gwynedd and its suzerainties in the first two years of the conflict, a Swedish host of comparable size to the Anglo-Saxons' had landed near Grimsby in November of 1091, and had conquered a significant portion of eastern Mercia, but were narrowly defeated at Chelmsley Wood in June, following English withdrawal from the Cardigan coast in early-1092, with many modern historians considering the battle "one of the greatest [...] in Anglo-Saxon history". Gwydol had exhausted his own kingdom's resources by July, and had opted for peace with the English, accepting Rædwald's position as overlord of the Welsh kingdoms, and witnessing English charters between 1092 and 1100. While the crown had made peace with the Welsh in 1092, the Swedish continued to occupy the land in and around the former boroughs following their defeat near Birmingham at Chelmsley Wood. Rædwald would not live to see them returned to England, as he would pass away during his visit to Brittany, in Combourg, on 5 January, 1096.
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The Holy Roman Empire and Europe, 1098. The Saxon Revolt (1096–1099) highlighted in red. Henry II and external allies highlighted in blue.

The sole inheritor of Rædwald's bookland—his second cousin and Earl of Northumbria, Tostig, had learned of his passing in early-February, and had strong-armed the Witan into proclaiming him King of the English on 25 April, hastily levying a danegeld of roughly seventy-thousand pounds of silver over the course of the year to pay off the Swedish which remained in eastern Mercia, with the host departing from England on 26 January, 1097—the last recorded use of the tax in the late Anglo-Saxon period. During this time, Tostig had betrothed his first son, Æthelberht, to Emma, the daughter of the King of the Romans Henry II. Such an agreement between Tostig and Henry demonstrates that descent from the House of East Anglia had become a source of prestige among continental monarchies, especially since the dynasty (wrongfully) claimed a lineage from the Wuffingas king Ælfwald (r. 713–749), and in turn, supposedly had a history in England beginning in the 6th century. English kings had earned a reputation among continental dynasties as (usually) successful and stable in their rule—a distinction well-regarded in the 11th-century as many European monarchies—Carolingian ones, in particular—had suffered from decades of instability as the Holy Roman Empire collapsed in Western Europe following the disastrous Cordovan Crusade in 1038.

The collapse of imperial control in France had especially damaging consequences to the new German emperors in Aachen—the empire they had fought for decades to wrangle from the French had split in two along the Rhine, and the prosperous territories traditionally governed by the Holy Roman Emperors in northern France had been lost to the nascent House of Capet in 1095. Following the election of Henry II as next monarch in 1084 and the subsequent division of the empire in the following years, there was a fear amongst the East Frankish line of Carolingian kings that those within their realm would seek the prestigious title—a fear substantiated in 1096 as French and Saxon princes crowned Sigmund of Saxony as anti-king at Mainz, with aims to depose the incumbent monarch. Some historians suggest that this was the reason why, in 1097, the German crown had arranged Emma's betrothal to the new English king's son, with Henry soon thereafter seeking military support from Tostig in suppressing the Saxon Revolt.
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Battle of Stamford Bridge by Peter Nicolai Arbo

Imperial response to the Saxon Revolt was swift and brutal. Prior to Tostig's landing at Bruges with ten thousand men on 1 July, 1097, Sigmund had been forced out of Saxony in May by a popular revolt which supported the continued reign of Henry II, fleeing with his allies to Bar-le-Duc in late-1096. Deprived of his territory and isolated from many of his allies in the north, Sigmund and his coalition suffered a devastating defeat at the Battle of Kesslingen on 7 May 1097, with the imperial army delivering swift judgement on those who supported Sigmund's claim along the Rhine in the months prior to July. Tostig's entry into the war in July had signalled the end of the Saxon Revolt as support crumbled in the following months for those who still asserted that Sigmund was the rightful King of the Romans, with Tostig returning to England on 25 February 1099 a victor.​
 
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Hopefully the alliance with the HRE proves fruitful, good thing it's a son of the English king marrying a daughter of the Emperor, so at least there shouldn't be a Wales situation...
 
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As with OTL however, the structure and precedent existing at all will become useful if a king does go too far and the nobles want their historic rights to congregate and consultation actually written down.
While in this retelling successive English monarchs are usually portrayed as the protagonists, it may do well for England as the scope of the AAR expands and moves closer to the modern period that the nobility retain their historic rights to gather and provide counsel, eventually evolving into more modern forms of governance.

Edward is looking like a lower-middle half, mid-table mediocrity king, probably dependent on what his son does to some extent. The more revolts and problems his son faces, the worse he will look for not securing the succession. But if Rædwald does well then that doesn't matter so much, particularly if the problems happen after a few years so it is more likely to be Rædwald's fault for mishandling it rather than a bad handover.

Overall though for most people this is probably quite nice, the Kingdom is ticking over and there are no civil wars, revolts, notable Viking raids or anything. 17 years of peace and prosperity at home is nothing to sniff at in these times so, while he may not have achieved much beyond the Crusade, there are no major horrors either. This I think slots him into mid-table, there are so many monarchs who have made things worse through bad choices or just incompetence that he has to rank up above them.
While I had originally considered Edward as a 'bad' king, you're absolutely right--seventeen years of peace is quite an achievement in a time such as the 11th-century. I'm glad you're able to read through my own biases in the writing. :p

Admittedly, I'm quite curious as to how you'd rate the reign of each English king, but I understand that'd be quite a task considering one would have to comb through about thirteen chapters to come back with an answer. o_O

Hopefully the alliance with the HRE proves fruitful, good thing it's a son of the English king marrying a daughter of the Emperor, so at least there shouldn't be a Wales situation...
Should England involve itself in any future conflicts, an alliance with the German kings will prove to be quite fruitful--and Tostig promising his eldest son to the daughter of the Holy Roman Empire's ruler would (assumedly) do wonders to his dynasty's international prestige.

Wales was honestly one of the most unexpected events in the 11th century. Well, that and Redwald passing from natural causes a decade younger than previous kings. I do suppose, however, the Welsh benefitted from their claim being forgotten...
 
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The kingdom got wrecked, Wales actually threatened the Crown, and the danegeld reared its head once again, plunging the realm into debt.

The next king really does have their work cut out. Namely, cutting Wales down to size, cutting the debt and refilling the royal coffers, as well as repaying anyone who contributed to that ransom. And then making sure they never pay such a price again.

England needs a proper army.
 
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That Dangeald is sure to be unpopular. Were there just not enough forces in England, despite the victories, to force Sweden out?

But the HRE war was over quick and easily. Even if there's not many spoils for Tostig or his soldiers in such a conflict, any victory is good for his image.
 
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A double monarch chapter so two kings to rank. ;)

Alas poor Rædwald we barely knew you. Thrashing the Welsh was a strong start, probably even worth the inconvenience of the Swedes occupying Grimsby if it sets up a long term conquest of the place. Admittedly it is not clear what he was doing swanning around Brittany when parts of Mercia were occupied or indeed in the four years between peace with the Welsh and him dying, so maybe there was no potential and he was "just" a good military strategist. That said assuming the Welsh overlordship works out well he probably ranks upper middle half.

Somewhat reluctant to properly rank Tostig as his reign is not over. Paying a Danegeld is not good, but the line "last recorded use of the tax" is very promising for future developments. The rising prestige of his house and his own military victories are promising, but it is not enough to just be a warrior king, even a successful one. It will be interesting to see what, if anything, he does on the domestic front without distractions of war, assuming he gets a chance of course.
 
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Admittedly, I'm quite curious as to how you'd rate the reign of each English king, but I understand that'd be quite a task considering one would have to comb through about thirteen chapters to come back with an answer. o_O
I limited myself to just the ones who were main character and actually King of England not a petty or minor king, so it is a very short list;

1. Leofric
2. Wulfstan
3. Edward
4. Æthelred

Wulfstan did great things before he became King, but faltered somewhat after, Æthelred was a terrible king, and Edward was mid-table average. So by a process of elimination Leofric had to be top.
 
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Thanks for the latest chapter. I liked not only the sweep and scope of this one, but the style and perspective of how you unfurled this history. The voice of the historian in this chapter truly has that substantial ring that leaves a lasting impression. Definitely liked this approach. Tales of the two military campaigns were also important and interesting.
 
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The kingdom got wrecked, Wales actually threatened the Crown, and the danegeld reared its head once again, plunging the realm into debt.

The next king really does have their work cut out. Namely, cutting Wales down to size, cutting the debt and refilling the royal coffers, as well as repaying anyone who contributed to that ransom. And then making sure they never pay such a price again.

England needs a proper army.
One of the last things I could've predicted were the Welsh quickly becoming a threat--though I understand now that, at the very least, the Welsh need to be kept from unifying. Despite the Swedish being called in to help in Gwydol's war, the grand majority of the nobility recognised Raedwald as the legitimate English king. Thankfully, the Viking Age has ended--as the last raid occurred before Edward's time as king, making the levying of such a ransom for Scandinavians unnecessary moving forward.

That Danegeald is sure to be unpopular. Were there just not enough forces in England, despite the victories, to force Sweden out?

But the HRE war was over quick and easily. Even if there's not many spoils for Tostig or his soldiers in such a conflict, any victory is good for his image.
The way I was thinking the war had played out was that England had just fought the Welsh in the west, and the Swedish in the east--and on both sides had forces comparable to the king's forces. I had leaned into the fact that the Battle of Chelmsley Wood was a great English victory, albeit very costly. By the time of Tostig, it seems that either Raedwald had exhausted his own resources attempting to dismantle Swedish control over eastern Mercia, or had let them settle into their occupation. Either way, the Danegeld had to be levied to make them leave, and quickly.

Alas poor Rædwald we barely knew you. Thrashing the Welsh was a strong start, probably even worth the inconvenience of the Swedes occupying Grimsby if it sets up a long term conquest of the place. Admittedly it is not clear what he was doing swanning around Brittany when parts of Mercia were occupied or indeed in the four years between peace with the Welsh and him dying, so maybe there was no potential and he was "just" a good military strategist. That said assuming the Welsh overlordship works out well he probably ranks upper middle half.
Raedwald seemed to have potential, but his age--like many other East Anglian kings--seemed to have cut his reign short. His victories against the Welsh princes do serve his successors well down the line, as they don't recover the military prowess they once had IIRC.

Somewhat reluctant to properly rank Tostig as his reign is not over. Paying a Danegeld is not good, but the line "last recorded use of the tax" is very promising for future developments. The rising prestige of his house and his own military victories are promising, but it is not enough to just be a warrior king, even a successful one. It will be interesting to see what, if anything, he does on the domestic front without distractions of war, assuming he gets a chance of course.
To me, it seems like Tostig was quite a good king--leagues better than some of his predecessors... but I won't spoil too much ;)

I limited myself to just the ones who were main character and actually King of England not a petty or minor king, so it is a very short list;

1. Leofric
2. Wulfstan
3. Edward
4. Æthelred

Wulfstan did great things before he became King, but faltered somewhat after, Æthelred was a terrible king, and Edward was mid-table average. So by a process of elimination Leofric had to be top.
This makes sense as a ranking. While Wulfstan didn't have the greatest run as king, if it wasn't for him, his family would never have become kings of England--and by this time, it'd be about five since his death. Leofric, despite the rather long-winded rebellion deserves the top spot--his later reign had to have made England one of the most centralised states in Europe at that time--although, it isn't a very high bar considering his direct competitor would've been the HRE in that department.

Thanks for the latest chapter. I liked not only the sweep and scope of this one, but the style and perspective of how you unfurled this history. The voice of the historian in this chapter truly has that substantial ring that leaves a lasting impression. Definitely liked this approach. Tales of the two military campaigns were also important and interesting.
Thank you! I feel like it's a comfortable middle-ground between England's own affairs and the matters of the continent. With the style of the writing, and the perspective, I think it's a much-needed improvement from the initial chapters of this AAR, and it may be to do with getting more comfortable with the history-book style of writing. I'm a bit of a perfectionist, so it's a little hard to look back on the older parts of the thread fondly (and why I re-wrote the very first chapter for a better introduction), but I believe it's a noticeable improvement.
 
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