American Caesar: An United States AAR in Kaiserreich

[Bloodfelt]

Interlude 5 :TRANSCRIPT OF THE WAR CABINET MEETING​

Location: Cabinet Room, The White House, Washington D.C.
Date: February 26, 1940
Time: 09:30 AM

Attendees:​

• President Alf Landon
• Chief of the General Staff General Douglas MacArthur
• General Dwight D. Eisenhower
• Secretary of the Treasury and Commerce Robert F. Wagner
• FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover

"It is easy to know when a government wishes for peace by observing the character of the person sent to negotiate for it."
- Napoleon Bonaparte.

Chief of the General Staff General Douglas MacArthur: Welcome, Hoover. Take a seat. The President will be here shortly.

(Minutes later, the doors swing open, and President Alf Landon strides into the room. He takes a moment to shake hands with each of the attendees. Once he reaches the head of the table, he sits down and gets straight to business.)

President Alf Landon: Gentlemen, before we begin, let me congratulate all of you. In less than a month, we have dismantled one of the Entente’s primary powers. Canada’s collapse has been swift—far swifter than even our most optimistic projections anticipated.

Chief of the General Staff General Douglas MacArthur: With all due respect, Mr. President, while our success has been undeniable, we must acknowledge that the Canadians themselves played a role in their own downfall. Their will to resist was minimal, at least among the civilian population. As of now, our forces have sustained fewer than 10,000 casualties in total—a remarkably low figure considering the scale of the campaign.

President Alf Landon: And what of enemy casualties?

FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover: According to our latest intelligence reports, Canadian forces have suffered over 70,000 casualties, including approximately 5,000 civilians. However, there are still regions where the situation remains unstable. We have not achieved total control over the country. There are still pockets of resistance—particularly in Quebec, the Yukon, and parts of the Maritimes.
President Alf Landon: Thank you, Director Hoover. I expect a detailed report on these problem areas at our next meeting. Now, General Eisenhower, what is the current status of our forces on the front lines?

(MacArthur looks as if he is about to respond, but Eisenhower leans forward slightly, speaking before he can.)

General Dwight D. Eisenhower: Overall, our troops remain in high spirits. The swift victory has prevented a prolonged conflict, and most of our units have performed exceptionally well. However, our main concern now is logistics. We are deep into winter, and despite our best efforts, supply lines are starting to strain. The further north we push, the more difficult it becomes to maintain an uninterrupted flow of supplies.

President Alf Landon: Is this affecting the siege of Quebec?

General Dwight D. Eisenhower: Not yet significantly, but if the siege drags on, it could become critical before spring arrives.

FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover: The siege could end much sooner if the Army were willing to employ more aggressive counterinsurgency tactics. The methods we refined during the Civil War in Washington and Chicago proved highly effective. Our men are wasting too much time clearing buildings that other units had already declared secured. If we take harsher measures, we can break the back of the resistance within days.

General Douglas MacArthur: I disagree, Hoover. Our current strategy is the correct one. We cannot afford to further alienate the civilian population. Winning over the hearts and minds of the Canadian people is critical. Already, nearly half of them opposed their own government. If we resort to indiscriminate bombings or summary executions, all we will do is turn them against us. That is why I have insisted on deploying the Red Cross and ensuring our medical teams provide assistance to civilians.

FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover: With all due respect, General, those supplies would be better used on our own soldiers.

General Douglas MacArthur: And they are being used. But we must think beyond immediate military gains. A defeated enemy can become an ally if we handle them correctly.

FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover: That was not our position when we fought the Civil War.

General Douglas MacArthur: The Civil War was an entirely different matter. We were dealing with traitors who had risen against their own country. Here, we are dealing with foreign citizens—citizens who, if treated properly, could become collaborators rather than rebels.

President Alf Landon: General Eisenhower, do you believe Quebec will fall before the end of the month?

General Dwight D. Eisenhower: It’s difficult to say with certainty, Mr. President. We are making gradual progress through the city’s outskirts, but resistance remains fierce in key sectors. General Bradley is leading the operation and making tactical decisions based on conditions on the ground.

President Alf Landon: Why is Bradley not here?

General Douglas MacArthur: He sends his apologies, Mr. President. He believes his presence is required in Quebec to oversee the siege directly.

President Alf Landon: Understood. And what is his strategy?

General Douglas MacArthur: During the planning of Operation Fallen Crown, we identified King Edward VIII as the linchpin of the Canadian regime. Without him, the monarchy will collapse. That is why we have encircled Quebec and severed the railway lines connecting the city to the north. Without access to that rail network, the King’s armored train is trapped. He cannot escape south, east, or west. His only options are surrender—or a desperate last stand.

President Alf Landon: Do we have updated intelligence on his location?

FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover: The train remains stationary in the north, outside the reach of our bombers. However, we are tightening the noose. Eventually, he will have no way out. The only question is how long he will hold out before accepting the inevitable.

President Alf Landon: We must ensure that no escape route remains open for them by sea. If the monarchy intends to evacuate its leadership or bring in reinforcements, we need to cut them off entirely. How is the Navy handling the situation?

General Douglas MacArthur: From the latest reports, Admiral Halsey has effectively sealed off all major Canadian ports, preventing the arrival of reinforcements or supplies from the rest of the Entente. Over the past month alone, we've intercepted and sunk several enemy convoys attempting to slip through the blockade. As it stands, their access to external support has been severely crippled.

President Alf Landon: And what about the Royal Navy? I haven't seen any concrete intelligence on their movements. If they choose to engage us directly, we need to be prepared for that possibility.

FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover: Our latest intelligence suggests that the bulk of the Royal Navy’s remaining forces are docked in Halifax. Montgomery has reportedly ordered his sailors to take up arms in preparation for a last stand to defend the city. That said, their ability to mount any meaningful naval resistance is practically nonexistent at this point. We hold complete supremacy at sea.

(President Landon rises from his seat and walks to a side table where a pot of coffee sits. He pours himself a cup, taking a moment to reflect as he sips. Finally, he turns to Robert F. Wagner, who has been reviewing a stack of documents.)

President Alf Landon: Wagner, let’s move on to the next topic.

Secretary of Treasury and Commerce Robert F. Wagner: Yes, Mr. President. This morning, we received an official communiqué from the German embassy here in Washington.

(Wagner pulls out a document from his folder and distributes copies to those present. It is the peace proposal sent by Churchill.)

President Alf Landon: Very well. Let’s take a thirty-minute recess to review this proposal.

President Alf Landon: All right, gentlemen. We've all had time to review Churchill’s proposal. Before we make a decision, I want to hear your opinions.

Secretary of Treasury and Commerce Robert F. Wagner:Mr. President, from an economic standpoint, this offer does have some appealing aspects. Reparations and preferential access to Canadian resources could provide a significant boost to our economy, especially as we are still recovering from the devastation of the Civil War. Many industries remain fragile, and securing a favorable trade agreement could ensure long-term stability and economic growth.

FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover: With all due respect, Secretary Wagner, I find these economic incentives wholly insufficient. We cannot base our strategy on agreements with an exiled government on the verge of collapse. The reality is that this treaty guarantees us nothing. In the long run, it is an empty proposal. Who's to say the Windsors will still rule Canada once we withdraw?

President Landon: I agree with Hoover on this, Robert. Given the current situation, I fail to see how a trade or economic agreement would be of much use.

General Dwight D. Eisenhower: Today it's Edward, tomorrow it could be King. Who knows? The nationalists might take power next. Or worse, the syndicalists.

President Landon: My intelligence suggests that the syndicalists have little to no real influence in Canada. They have no tangible power over protests or demonstrations.

FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover: That’s exactly what they said about the syndicalists in France before the revolution…"

Secretary of Treasury and Commerce Robert F. Wagner: We’re getting off-topic, Director Hoover. I’m here to advise the President on the economic implications of this matter. Personally, I still believe that peace with the Entente is the best solution. However, as much as I value economic agreements over territorial expansion, I do not believe this deal benefits us. I would push for better terms.

General Dwight D. Eisenhower: I want to make it clear that we are not here to discuss conquests. No one in the General Staff has proposed occupying Canada. That would be a strategic and political disaster. If the Canadian people hate the Windsors, they despise the idea of American occupation even more. If we want a stable Canada in the future, we cannot treat it as spoils of war. Our objective is to free Canada from Edward—unless, of course, we sign a peace deal.

President Landon: And this is precisely where I see the problem. What they are offering is insignificant compared to what they are asking for. Releasing prisoners of war is reasonable; I have no issue with that. But why should I hand over Kim Philby? Are we seriously expected to let them judge a man who was acting under their own orders? It makes no sense.

Secretary of the Treasury and Commerce Robert F. Wagner: The Canadians continue to deny involvement in the assassination attempt. They claim Philby acted alone.

President Alf Landon: Hoover, did you find him guilty?

FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover: Yes, Mr. President. He has confessed to the attack.

President Alf Landon: Then interrogate him again. Where are you keeping him?

(Hoover hesitates.)

FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover: I cannot disclose that information, Mr. President.

President Alf Landon: Are you joking, Hoover? I am the President of the United States. Are you seriously telling me that I don’t have the right to know the whereabouts of a captured foreign spy under my administration?

(A tense silence fills the room.)

FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover: He is being held in a secure location, Mr. President. If you wish, I can show you after the meeting, but I do not believe this is the appropriate place to discuss it. Regarding the agent, I doubt he has much more to reveal.

General Dwight D. Eisenhower: I find that hard to believe, considering how desperate Churchill is to get him back. If he wasn’t valuable, they wouldn’t be demanding him so insistently.

FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover: You might be right. Besides, what message would we be sending if we hand him over? That they can attempt to assassinate our government officials and face no serious consequences?

President Alf Landon: Precisely. And even more so, we cannot abandon Mackenzie King and his republican movement. To betray them now would be dishonorable, and I doubt anyone in this room is willing to do that. Personally, I believe our best course of action is to support them and establish a Canadian Republic under their leadership. But I want to hear everyone’s thoughts before we proceed.

Secretary of the Treasury and Commerce Robert F. Wagner: I believe we could negotiate better terms, but this current offer is unacceptable. Churchill knows he has limited options, and he needs us just as much as we might need stability in the north. I oppose accepting these conditions.

General Dwight D. Eisenhower: I agree. I want this war to end, but this peace deal does not benefit us. We cannot abandon our allies, nor accept conditions that will bind us politically in the future. I don’t want us to be forced to intervene in Canada six months from now to stop a civil war.

FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover: I concur. The most stable future for Canada involves us and the republican movement. That being said, the FBI will follow whatever orders the President gives.

General Dwight D. Eisenhower: The Army as well. But what about Congress?

President Alf Landon: Once we finalize our decision, I will speak with the Democrats. However, Taft and Dewey have already made it abundantly clear that the Republicans oppose this agreement.

General Dwight D. Eisenhower: Even a staunch isolationist like Senator Taft is willing to continue the war?

President Alf Landon: In Taft’s own words: "Canada is North America." That alone ensures we will have enough support in Congress to continue the war. But he has also made it clear that the Caribbean is the limit. No American soldier should die far from home for a foreign cause. Our fight is a response to an attack, and our goal remains the liberation of the Canadian people.

Chief of the General Staff, General Douglas MacArthur: I have stayed quiet because I wanted to hear every perspective before speaking. But I believe we must remember why we started this war. It wasn’t for territorial ambitions, nor economic gain, nor even revenge. A member of the U.S. government was attacked on American soil by officers of an enemy nation. That alone is a casus belli. However, it has now become clear to me that this war cannot end without the complete removal of the British monarchy from North America. We must aid the Canadian people in overthrowing this decadent and authoritarian regime. We cannot afford to simply restore the old order with a signature and pretend none of this happened. The time has come to bring Edward’s rule to an end."

(Silence in the room)

Chief of the General Staff, General Douglas MacArthur: As much as I wish to end the bloodshed and destruction, America cannot remain secure with a warmonger on its northern border. This conflict will not be resolved through a fragile peace dictated by an exiled government. We must liberate Canada and begin establishing a republican government in the territories under our control—one that is aligned with Washington. We must reject Churchill’s proposal outright.

President Alf Landon: I was already leaning toward this conclusion before the meeting, but now I am certain. We will reject Churchill’s offer. We cannot end this war with an agreement that weakens us and leaves the door open for future threats. We will wait for the Entente to fall and negotiate with its remnants on our terms. We must rescue Mackenzie King from his prison outside Ottawa and form a provisional cabinet. We will finish what we failed to do in 1812.

(President Landon leans back in his chair and exhales)

Chief of the General Staff, General Douglas MacArthur: But remember, Mr. President. We do not want to intervene beyond North America. On that, I agree with Taft.

President Alf Landon: This war is about America and the security of our continent. I will never order our troops to fight beyond our limits.
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The war is not over!

We are getting closer to the Democrat and Republican National Conventions on June and July! Some of the primaries had already begun! I have some surprises for them.

Uh oh, are the Canadian people going to give the Windsors the Romanov treatment?

Maybe... The Canadians are very angry at them.

Churchill is a pathetic fool. Any real American would never accept those terms, especially at the loss of American lives and Entente's delusions of grandeur and imperialism.

Time to teach Eddie and his Imperialists a lesson that will never be forgotten. Up with the Stars!

Landon should push for an unconditional victory, it's his best chance of securing re-election.
As for the others, I don't know what would be the best result for them.

Washington has the momentum, they have the right to force their own terms upon Canada. Churchill's proposal is going to be rejected by all factions I think. A fellow republican government in Canada is more friendly to the US than an autocratic one.

This is, without a doubt, a terrible deal—both in terms of gameplay and within the timeline. You can’t bargain with something that’s no longer yours to give. Canada is already on its last legs, its government in disarray, and its ability to resist effectively shattered. It’s only a matter of time before it fully falls under American influence, not as an adversary, but as a loyal ally of this new United States . Accepting such terms... would be foolish or naive.

And Julius Caesar is said to have said something similar, though I forget the context. MacArthur knows his history.

"Non sum rex, sed Caesar." (I am not a king, but a Caesar.)

According to what I’ve seen, the phrase is apocryphal and seems to have been said after Mark Antony offered him a diadem. In this way, he dispelled the rumors that he was going to become king.

I like how Douglas I sound.

 

[StrategyGameEnthusiast]

But why should I hand over Kim Philby? Are we seriously expected to let them judge a man who was acting under their own orders? It makes no sense.

The Canadians continue to deny involvement in the assassination attempt. They claim Philby acted alone.

If Philby is handed back to Canada, they'll kill him before he can implicate them in the assassination attempt.

 

[son of liberty]

I think annexation would be better, but a puppet is almost as good

 

[Bullfilter]

Great update! (Interlude 4 - was writing this as the next one posted, so will comment on that one later)

With the war nearing its final stages, the question remained: would Washington accept these terms, or would the United States push for a total and unconditional victory?

Not having all the details and being unfamiliar with the mod, I won’t venture an opinion here. Just say that there do appear to be arguments in favour of the different options; and that it looks like we will soon find out!

the idea that Canada could lose 500,000 soldiers (as happened in my playthrough) and still function as if nothing happened—let alone justify a war against Panama—feels completely unrealistic

Fair point. They are huge losses for a mid-sized power, especially a (notional?) democracy, to tolerate.

Will Washington go all the way for total victory, or will it take the offer and move on to bigger things?

Probably total victory, but you never know (have not spoiled myself by reading ahead).

I'm really looking forward to finally reaching the elections—there’s so much to unfold, and I can't wait to share all the twists, turns, and surprises that are coming

Sounds very interesting- looking forward to seeing how it unfolds.

A fellow republican government in Canada is more friendly to the US than an autocratic one.

Good point.

 

[jak7139]

Setting up a friendly government under Mackenzie King is the right call. Plus this new Canada has no reason to drag the US into the Second Weltkrieg.

All in all, a successful cabinet meeting. Things went smoothly, maybe too smoothly...

I'm surprised there wasn't more tension between President Landon and General MacArthur. I guess they're both professional enough to recognize now is not the time or place.

 

[Bullfilter]

The time has come to bring Edward’s rule to an end.

Thought it might end that way. I think in context and role playing, annexation would be inappropriate. But a supportive puppet government seems the way to go. Can you force the game to do that in a peace deal?

 

[jak7139]

Can you force the game to do that in a peace deal?

You can puppet/change government. But Kaiserreich discourages that. The mod wants you to annex then release puppets through events/decisions instead.

 

[Nikolai]

Free Canada from oppression! Go 'Murrica!

 

[Bloodfelt]

Chapter 23: The British King vs. the American Caesar (Part 2)

A true man does not only stand up for himself, he stands up for those that do not have the ability to.
- William Lyon Mackenzie King.

On February 26th, Winston Churchill’s Conservative Government proposed a peace offer to the American government through the German ambassador in Washington, D.C. In this proposal, the exiled British government, on behalf of King Edward VIII, offered the American government a possible negotiation for peace. However, Washington rejected the offer outright. In Landon’s view, the proposals from the British government in exile were superfluous and unappealing. The war, it seemed, would continue. Consequently, Douglas MacArthur ordered the troops on the Canadian front to begin the second phase of Operation Fallen Crown.

The second phase involved capturing the remaining Canadian cities within the territory and encircling and destroying enemy units. In the West, this plan was executed swiftly: Vancouver fell quickly to the 3rd Army units, aided by urban guerrillas, and similar successes occurred in other parts of the region. As a result, Canada became disconnected from the Pacific. On March 1st, the 2nd Army troops under Eisenhower finally broke the defensive line protecting Halifax. With nothing left between Halifax and the advancing forces, various units raced toward the city—now serving as the provisional capital after Ottawa’s fall. On March 5th, the 104th Infantry Division entered Halifax, capturing Churchill, his entire cabinet, and Marshal Bernard Montgomery. Meanwhile, Mackenzie King was freed from captivity and installed to govern the Canadian territories under a provisional government suggested by Washington. The British King, however, remained in his armored train in the far north.

In the wake of the government’s collapse and Montgomery’s capture, Edward appointed John Dill as commander of the remaining forces in Canada, giving him explicit orders to defend Quebec “until the last cartridge and the last man.” To buy time for setting up proper defenses, Dill ordered two divisions to launch a counterattack west of Ottawa. This counterattack, carried out by two battle-hardened divisions accustomed to the terrain, proved successful. Bradley’s forces in the sector were weak—primarily tied up with besieging Quebec—so the Canadian forces, numbering about 24,000 men, managed to force the Americans to retreat to the Rivière aux Feuilles.

During this retreat, the two American divisions incurred roughly a thousand casualties—a minor setback in the larger context. As a result, Bradley placed Matthew Ridgway in charge of the siege of Quebec with the 2nd Corps, while directing the 3rd Corps toward the breach. On the 7th, Dill ordered the troops to withdraw back to Quebec, but this order was not immediately followed, as soldiers still observed Ottawa’s outskirts from their positions. By noon on the 7th, they had crossed the frozen river, where American aviation and artillery met them. The Canadian troops soon found themselves surrounded by seasoned American units from the ongoing siege of Quebec. On the 10th, Bradley launched a counterattack, encircling and destroying the two Canadian units. In exchange for this sacrifice, Dill managed to reorganize his forces and entrench them in the outskirts of Quebec. Yet one question loomed: would this be enough to halt the American advance?

At the same time, the British royal family was enduring a grim fate at an abandoned train station in temperatures around –30°C. There, members of the royal family attempted to persuade Edward to flee to Australia or Africa before the country fell into American hands. Instead, the monarch spent his days holed up in his carriage—drinking and consorting with one of his mistresses, a waitress from Ottawa. Finally, after hurling insults at his family, Edward consented to let Prince Albert, his wife, and his daughters escape to the Azores, from where they would travel to National France. However, the Queen Mother and Prince Henry remained with him on the train.

Although sources conflict, it is said that on the morning of March 12th, the Queen Mother’s aide heard loud screams and pounding from within the royal carriage. Fearing the worst, she initially dismissed the noise and continued with her duties. When no further news or orders were forthcoming, she ordered members of the King’s Black Guard to help her enter the room. What they discovered was a scene of true horror: inside, King Edward lay bloodied and drunk, his sword stained with blood. At his feet were the corpses of the Queen Mother and Prince Henry. According to Edward’s version, he and Henry had begun arguing, prompting their mother to intervene. In the ensuing chaos, a furious Henry stabbed her with his weapon before being stab by Edward. Modern investigations, however, suggest an alternative scenario: subsequent DNA tests revealed that the blood on Edward’s sword belonged to both his mother and his brother. The most plausible hypothesis is that Edward stabbed his mother and then engaged in a sword duel with his brother—whom he ultimately defeated. In any case, Edward had grown weary of conflict. He informed the French government that he would seek asylum in National France until “the Canadian people or the American government decide to return him to the throne.” However, he did not remain in Algeria; after visiting Pétain and transferring command of the remaining troops to him, the monarch traveled to Australasia. There, he was well cared for by his younger brother, the Governor-General of Australasia and Duke of Kent, George Windsor. The ultimate fate of the King will be discussed later.

Prince Henry, Duke of Gloucester (31 March 1900- 12 March 1940)

The king’s escape was kept secret to avoid discouraging the defenders of Quebec. Consequently, Matthew Ridgway and his 2nd Corps continued advancing through the outskirts of the city. By March 23rd, Omar Bradley, Matthew Ridgway, and the 1st Army had encircled Quebec. The fighting, though bolstered by the support of many Quebecers, proved extremely arduous for the Americans. Among those besieged were the remaining 3,600 men of Charles de Gaulle’s Lafayette Legion. In the city center, de Gaulle and Dill met to decide on their strategy. Neither man desired to continue the brutal fighting—Dill felt abandoned by the King, from whom he received no news, while de Gaulle felt despised by Pétain, a former patron and later rival. They nonetheless refused to capitulate when news arrived that a convoy was heading toward the city from the West Indies. Hope lingered—until Quebec separatists relayed information about the convoy’s route to Hoover’s FBI. The entire american fleet then surged toward the small convoy, while the Royal Navy, abandoned outside Halifax and under American watch, could do nothing.

Back in American politics, several congressmen who had supported various rebel factions returned to the political arena after publicly apologizing.

The first to do so was Joseph P. Kennedy Sr., an old business magnate who had been one of Father Coughlin’s earliest supporters in the Irish community, and who had later endorsed Huey Long and Charles Lindbergh in the 1936 elections. Eventually, he distanced himself from them and, during the Civil War, remained in New England. In fact, he was among the political and business leaders who advocated for Canadian intervention in New England as a co-author of the Boston Manifesto. Ready to re-enter the fray, he rejoined his beloved Democratic Party. With his anti-Semitic, isolationist, and anti-syndicalist ideas, he became the leader of the small but influential conservative wing of the Northern Democrats, a faction generally inclined toward progressivism.

The other major politician returning to the scene was also a Democrat and a former ally of Huey Long, but Bernard Baruch was entirely different from Kennedy. Born into a Jewish family, Baruch had amassed wealth on Wall Street in the early part of the century—so astute that he withdrew all his savings and sold his stocks when he predicted the 1925 Crash. Yet having money did not make him a politically detached magnate. His policies were diametrically opposed to those of Kennedy. Baruch believed that in the face of the dangers of communism, the country needed to rearm under a strong, centralized state controlling production. Moreover, he argued that state policies aimed at supporting workers were inefficient and contributed to growing radicalism. For this reason, he collaborated with Huey Long’s “Share Our Wealth” program, though he never directly joined the American First Party. Now, he was ready to continue his work —but this time, he would do so as a Democratic congressman.

Returning to Quebec, American troops continued advancing through the city. On April 3rd, Dill and de Gaulle met again, both with dwindling supplies and manpower. That same day, the New York Times reported that His Majesty Edward VIII had arrived in Brisbane with a government in exile.

The news sparked immediate reactions. John Dill and Charles de Gaulle requested a meeting with none other than Mackenzie King and an American representative. Alf Landon granted this honor to George Marshall, whom he had appointed before the war as Chief of Staff to the Commander in Chief. Consequently, a 24‑hour truce was arranged, and the four men met at the river’s mouth.

Marshal John Dill inspecting a trench during the siege of Quebec. As the son of exiled Britons born in Ireland, Dill felt little attachment to any of the British territories—his loyalty was solely to the king. However, the relentless oppression of the Canadian population and the ineptitude of Edward’s government gradually undermined his faith in the monarchy. Despite this erosion of belief, he adhered strictly to the King's orders, resolutely defending the city against numerically superior American forces.

From a diplomatic standpoint, the meeting was a success. Dill surrendered and asked King to allow him to serve the New Canadian Republic, and King agreed. With a country to rebuild, King could not afford to refuse any assistance—even from a former British field marshal. For his part, de Gaulle surrendered unconditionally to the Americans, asking only that his men be treated well and, if possible, repatriated to Africa. Finally, de Gaulle requested that George Marshall arrange an interview with MacArthur, to which Marshall consented. Two hours later, all loyalist forces had surrendered to Alf Landon’s government and its new ally, Mackenzie King’s Republican government.

Now, finally, Landon and King publicly met once again at the White House, where Landon officially recognized King’s government and both leaders signed the American‑Canadian Pact of Friendship and Cooperation. One of the key provisions of this treaty was the transfer of the remaining elements of the Royal Navy to the United States until Canada could train a navy capable of operating them. Thus, American naval supremacy in the Atlantic continued to grow.

Despite the treaty, King’s government still faced several unresolved issues. The first was Quebec, whose separatists had supported the Americans during the fighting and now demanded independence. However, King considered Quebecers an integral part of Canada and was unwilling to grant them independence. Ultimately, though, the final decision lay with the Americans, who occupied the region. In the end, King met with Maurice Duplessis, the provisional leader of the separatist guerrillas, and together they announced that Quebec would remain part of Canada under a special regime—one that featured its own government, laws, and police force. Although this decision angered factions on both sides of the political spectrum in Canada and Quebec, Duplessis and King were under intense pressure from Washington, which required a unified and stable Canada in order to deploy its army elsewhere.

In addition, the newly formed government of King had to contend with the Nationalist Party of Free Canada, a nationalist-populist organization. Cooperation was difficult, as its leader, Adrien Arcand, vehemently opposed the special status granted to Quebec. Nevertheless, a coalition government was eventually formed that would last until the end of the war, at which point a more permanent arrangement could be negotiated. As a symbol of this forced unity, Arcand was appointed Minister of Defense.

Adrien Arcand (October 3, 1899 – August 1, 1967) was a Canadian national-populist politician, writer, and journalist. He founded and led the far-right Nationalist Party of Free Canada from 1939 until his death in 1967. During his political career, he proclaimed himself as the "Canadian Vozd". He was Minister of Defense in the first cabinet of the Republic of Canada.

Another major challenge for Ottawa—assisted by Washington—was the presence of thousands of Canadian soldiers serving as garrisons in the West Indies. To resolve this issue, both Ottawa and Washington employed the US Navy to ensure that all garrisons swore loyalty to the new government. Ultimately, they succeeded, and all the small British garrisons in the Caribbean were transferred to American control.
This raised an important question: what should be done with the occupied territories? The chief proponent on this matter was William Randolph Hearst, who had been sidelined by Frankfurter but later made a comeback when Landon enlisted his help to deploy Marines in Haiti. In exchange for his media support during that intervention, Hearst was freed from commission investigations and was able to re-enter the political arena—not by holding office, but by pressuring Washington to adopt his political proposals.

Initially, Hearst advocated for the incorporation of Canada into the union as new states, aiming to unify all of North America and, in his own words, “fulfill the dream of the Founding Fathers and the first Americans in 1812.” However, Washington’s early backing of Mackenzie King’s Republican government made that impossible. As a result, Hearst shifted his focus to directly annexing the Caribbean territories, much like the annexation of Hawaii in the past. But Landon refused to go down that path. Instead, he announced the creation of the Federation of the West Indies—a presidential republic with a liberal, multicultural focus designed so that the peoples of the Caribbean could feel truly represented.
Although the conservative wing of the Republican Party—ever more influenced by Hearst—objected to this move, Landon’s support for decolonization and the liberation of peoples garnered significant backing from liberals. With American support, Victor Sévère was elected provisional president of the new republic.

Yet even with these developments, many challenges remained. The struggle was far from over.

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NTERROGATION OF PRISONER 1013
Location: Interrogation Room, Reeducation Facility No. 4
Date: March 4, 1940
Interrogator: Dr. Alan Whitmore, Psychologist of the Rehabilitation Department
Prisoner: Robert, identified solely as Prisoner 1013

The Interrogation

The lights were flickering. The hallway smelled of rusted metal and stagnant humidity. Robert walked dragging his feet, the chains on his ankles clanging with every step. He did not try to maintain his composure; he had long since stopped pretending that this was bearable.
The guards pushed him into the room. It was the same as always: cold, windowless, with a metal table in the center and a single light bulb hanging from the ceiling, casting distorted shadows. On the other side of the table, with his notebook open and his pen at the ready, Whitmore waited for him, calmly leafing through the file.

- Good afternoon, 1013.

Robert did not respond.

- Today you’re not in the mood to talk, are you?

Silence.

- Nightmares again?

Robert closed his eyes and Whitmore smiled faintly.

- Our security staff say they have heard you scream at night. Sometimes you wake up covered in sweat, your breathing coming in gasps. Other times, you simply… sit on your bed, staring at the wall. Have you been having nightmares?

Robert smiled, but without humor.

- If I know it and you know it, why ask?
- I want you to describe them to me.
- There's not much to say. Sometimes I see myself in a laboratory. Sometimes I'm in a burning city. And sometimes…

He stopped. Whitmore looked up.

- Continue.

Robert exhaled slowly.

- Sometimes I dream that this place does not exist. That everything has been a hallucination. That I wake up in my bed and the light comes through the window. And when I try to touch it… I realize that it is a lamp. That I am still here.

There was silence.

- It's normal.- Whitmore finally said.

Robert let out a dry laugh.

- Yes. Everything is normal. Even crying like a child, right?
- Yes.
- Is it also normal to want to die?
- Yes.
- Then there's nothing wrong with me?
- No.
- And yet, you keep locking me up here.
- Because you are still mistaken.

Robert narrowed his eyes and lifted his head.

- And you speculate.

Whitmore tilted his head curiously.

- Do you think so? Then tell me, why did you cry yesterday?

Robert blinked.

- I don't remember.

Whitmore looked at him with feigned compassion.

- It's normal. Many prisoners do that. The mind sometimes collapses without the owner realizing it.

Robert lowered his gaze again.

- You're tired.- Whitmore continued.- I see it in your face. In your posture. In the way your voice barely has any strength.

Robert clenched his fists.

- What is the use of all this?- Robert whispered.
- A great deal, 1013. You think not, but you will see.
- See what?- His voice sounded broken, weaker.

Whitmore let the silence linger before delivering the final blow.

- Your brother, for example.

Robert felt his chest freeze. Whitmore saw him harden, clinging to the table as if it could anchor him to reality.

- Two years ago, when the soldiers broke into Chicago… what was the last thing you saw?

Robert trembled slightly.

- No.
- Tell me.
- I don't want to.
- Tell me.

Robert panted.

- I saw them kill him.
- Give me more details.
- No.

Whitmore sighed.

- Then I'll remind you. You were in your laboratory. Your brother too. You thought you had time, didn't you? They had told you that the convoy to France was leaving New York in three days. You thought you could escape if you got a vehicle before nightfall. But the soldiers came in before you could react. They said something… what did they say?

Robert closed his eyes tightly.

- No…
- They said there were no orders to take prisoners. They said you were a traitor. You tried to do something, but a soldier hit you in the face. And then you saw the gun.

Robert gritted his teeth.

- Enough.
- And you saw the flash.
- Enough.
- And the blood splattered on the floor, along with your brother’s brains. Poor Frank...
- ENOUGH!

His scream bounced off the walls. He breathed heavily, his face contorted. Whitmore watched him with the calm of a surgeon finishing an incision.

- You keep seeing it, don't you? In your nightmares. You relive it over and over. You wake up drowning in sweat, your heart pounding in your ears. And then you remember… that you are alone.

Robert lowered his head.

- There is no one to comfort you.- continue Whitmore.- No one to tell what you see when you close your eyes. Because here you have no one.

Silence.

- Do you want to know what’s happening outside?

Robert looked up, a mix of anger and hope in his eyes. Whitmore smiled faintly.

- I won’t tell you. You’re not ready.

Desperation flickered on Robert's face before fading behind a mask of resignation.

- You still think you have control over something,- Robert murmured.
- Of course you do. I have control over whether you get out of here… or stay.

Robert laughed bitterly.

- You're not going to let me go.
- Maybe I will. If you prove that you have changed. Many don't…
- Good. I'm glad to know I'm average.

There was a brief silence. Whitmore turned the page in his notebook.

- You tried to kill yourself two weeks ago.- The comment carried no tone of judgment or surprise. It was just a simple fact.

Robert shrugged.

- It didn't work.
- No, it didn't work.

Another silence.

- Why did you do it?- asked Whitmore.
- Does it surprise you?
- No. I want to know it in your own words.

Robert exhaled slowly.

- I suppose I wanted to see if death was an escape.
- What did you discover?
- That this place has methods more effective than mine.

Whitmore took notes without changing his expression.

- Tell me, 1013. Do you still believe in the syndicalist revolution?

Robert tilted his head.

- Do you want me to say yes to justify my confinement, or to say no so that you think I'm lying?
- I want you to answer sincerely.
- Sincerity does not change my situation.

Whitmore watched him for a moment before continuing.

- Some of your former colleagues have realized their mistake. They are not in the average.

Something in Robert's gaze changed. It was nothing more than a blink, a slight tension in his jaw, but it was there.

- You lie.
- Do I?
- If they were free, they would have told me.
- And what if they simply decided to move on without you?

Robert stopped tapping his fingers.ç

- Tell me their names.
- It's not necessary.
- If you don't tell me, how can I believe you?
- You don't have to believe me. I only ask how much longer you plan to resist.

Robert lowered his gaze to his handcuffed hands.

- As long as necessary.

Whitmore slammed his notebook shut with a sharp blow.

- You show no progress. You show no remorse. You will remain here for another month.

Robert frowned.

- And what do you expect to happen in a month? That I wake up one day and decide to love the Caesar?
- We expect you to make the right decision.
- The right decision for you.
- The only logical decision, 1013.

Robert smiled faintly before spitting near Whitmore's shoes.

- Fuck you.

The psychologist did not react. Calmly, he pressed a button on the wall. The door opened and two guards entered.

The prisoner needs discipline.- he said emotionlessly.- Apply the protocol.

The guards roughly grabbed Robert. He tried to resist, but it was futile.The shackles dug into his wrists as he struggled. His muscles weakened, and his body, feeble from lack of food and confinement, could barely offer resistance.

- Cowards!- Robert growled.- You cling to your empire like a child to his broken toy! Nothing lasts forever!

Whitmore watched him as he was dragged out of the room. His expression remained the same as always: cold, methodical, indifferent.

- You're just another cog, Whitmore!- Robert whispered.- And machines rust too…

The door closed. Whitmore wrote in his report:

Prisoner 1013: Not fit for reintegration. Still emotionally unstable. Strong dependence on past traumas. Intensification of the rehabilitation process is recommended.

He closed the folder and left the room. For him, it was just another day at work.

-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Alright, North America and the Caribbean are locked down. Now we’ve got to see what Landon’s going to do next. In the next chapter, we’ll dive into the home front, get into the messy electoral primaries, and watch the world go off the rails. Unfortunately, I’ve already published all the chapters I had pre-made before I got buried in exams and projects. So now, it's a bit up in the air how the next ones will go. I’ll have to take it one step at a time and see how things shape up once I get some free time!

If Philby is handed back to Canada, they'll kill him before he can implicate them in the assassination attempt.

We'll have to wait for the Carver Commission...

I think annexation would be better, but a puppet is almost as good

It could have been an option, sure. But do we really want even more rebellious territories for Hoover and the Army to keep under constant watch? More insurgents, more crackdowns, more resources wasted on putting out fires? No, I’d rather have some reliable collaborators—people who know the land, understand the situation, and are willing to work with us instead of against us.

Sounds very interesting- looking forward to seeing how it unfolds.

Pretty soon, we’ll be diving into the primaries, the candidates, and all the surprises shaking things up. But the big one? The three parties going all in for the White House in 1940. Who’s got the edge, who’s in trouble, and what wild twists are coming?

All in all, a successful cabinet meeting. Things went smoothly, maybe too smoothly...

I'm surprised there wasn't more tension between President Landon and General MacArthur. I guess they're both professional enough to recognize now is not the time or place.

There is one, but Landon is keeping it under wraps. Just a few months ago, he was convinced that a return to the White House in 1940 was out of the question. The war changed everything. Now, he sees a real shot—his confidence is back, and with that comes a new reality: if he wants to stay relevant, if he wants to have a say in what comes next, he has to work with MacArthur, whether he likes it or not.

Setting up a friendly government under Mackenzie King is the right call. Plus this new Canada has no reason to drag the US into the Second Weltkrieg.

Good point.

I've thought about it a lot. Really, I have. But in the end, realism wins out. Dreams and ideals are nice, but I can't ignore the facts staring me in the face. America just isn’t ready to annex all of Canada. Sure, the idea might sound tempting to some, but let’s be realistic—governing that much hostile territory would be a logistical nightmare. The military would be stretched thin, the locals wouldn’t exactly roll out the welcome mat, and Washington has enough headaches as it is. Better to be smart about this than bite off more than we can chew.

Thought it might end that way. I think in context and role playing, annexation would be inappropriate. But a supportive puppet government seems the way to go. Can you force the game to do that in a peace deal?

You can puppet/change government. But Kaiserreich discourages that. The mod wants you to annex then release puppets through events/decisions instead.

Exactly. Once Canada surrendered, I made a separate peace treaty with them and their colonies in the Caribbean. However, now I have to face National France, Australia, Hawai… and Portugal!

 

[StrategyGameEnthusiast]

Robert is going to be 'rehabilitated' for a long time, isn't he?...

 

[son of liberty]

Robert is going to be 'rehabilitated' for a long time, isn't he?...

I would guess the rest of his life...

 

[Bullfilter]

The most plausible hypothesis is that Edward stabbed his mother and then engaged in a sword duel with his brother

Well, that was a grisly and insane interlude!

The ultimate fate of the King will be discussed later.

If there were any justice, other than the King’s justice, it would involve his own petard and a hoist …

Dill surrendered and asked King to allow him to serve the New Canadian Republic, and King agreed.

So, Canada swaps a King for a King!

“To lose one realm, King Edward, may be regarded as a misfortune; to lose two looks like carelessness.”

Intensification of the rehabilitation process is recommended.

Oh, that sounds very grim. Rust can take a long time to seize up machinery, in the meantime it will grind men into dust. Does this Whitmore wear pince nez, a broad brimmed dark hat and a black leather overcoat, by any chance? Or just a white medical coat and a cruel disposition, with the dead eyes of a shark?

 

[jak7139]

inside, King Edward lay bloodied and drunk, his sword stained with blood. At his feet were the corpses of the Queen Mother and Prince Henry.

Unexpected, insane...Edward's really lost it.

Hearst was freed from commission investigations and was able to re-enter the political arena

More meddling ahead then. What lies will Hearst's papers turn out? And how will young Prescott react?

- You're just another cog, Whitmore!- Robert whispered.- And machines rust too…

They do indeed. But Whitmore doesn't care about that. He may be a rusty cog, but he's a loyal cog.

 

[Nikolai]

The day this facility gets discovered, if it happens, all hell will break loose.

 

[Bloodfelt]

Chapter 24: The Second Weltkrieg and the Republican Primaries.

“We cannot adopt a foreign policy which gives away all of our people's earnings or imposes such a tremendous burden on the individual American as, in effect, to destroy his incentive and his ability to increase production and productivity and his standard of living. We cannot assume a financial burden in our foreign policy so great that it threatens liberty at home.”
- Robert A. Taft, A Foreign Policy for Americans

When the last cannons stopped firing in Quebec, the United States could feel secure behind the US Navy and the protective barrier of the Atlantic Ocean. And while this was true, they also couldn’t forget the more than 3,000 kilometers of border they shared with the Internationale. Still, America had just secured supremacy in the Americas for the first time in its history. No one, neither Germany, nor the Entente, nor the Internationale, could challenge its control. And this, naturally, benefited President Alf Landon in the Republican primaries.

As early as January 1940, President Alf Landon had announced his intention to run in the 1940 Republican primaries. If elected, it would be the first time Landon wouldn’t be living under MacArthur’s shadow. Let’s remember that the current president had finished third in 1936, only a few electoral votes behind Huey Long. And at that moment, MacArthur appointed him vice president to give his military government a civilian touch. That’s why it was such a surprise for Landon when President MacArthur resigned, leaving him as the unexpected president. But holding the office of president itself didn’t grant him the authority that MacArthur had wielded. Even though the General had retired, Landon had no choice but to give him the position of Chief of the United States Army General Staff. And even from that post, MacArthur had the power to stall any of Landon’s efforts that might harm him. For example, MacArthur convinced Dewey, the Republican Party’s liberal wing leader, to vote for the proposal granting more power to the FBI. Since then, Landon had done what he could to gain influence or reduce MacArthur’s, like when he pardoned the military leaders of the Pacific States.

But Landon didn’t just have to fight against them—he also had to contend with the Triumvirate. This consisted of the FBI, the judiciary, and parts of the military. These three, for all their supposedly “high-minded” goals of keeping democracy alive, were the ones actually preventing its recovery. For instance, Landon had heard rumors of internment camps deep in the countryside, guarded by the FBI and the military in the military districts where the president had no authority. Because of this, Landon ended 1939 with little hope of winning the presidency again and exhausted from so much internal struggle, even within his own party. However, the war changed everything. Never had a president been defeated during wartime and uncertainty—not even Lincoln in his darkest hours. That’s why Landon took advantage of the war effort to boost his campaign.

"The American war effort was mobilized swiftly and efficiently following the Canadian declaration of war. In response, the government initiated a massive push to raise funds, including the sale of war bonds, while simultaneously ramping up the production of military equipment and supplies. This surge in industrial activity revitalized the economy, driving growth in key sectors. By mid-May, the American economy had fully recovered to its pre-1925 Crash levels, marking a remarkable turnaround."

Now, let’s dive into the main Republican candidates for 1940. First, we have the former prosecutor, Thomas E. Dewey. Despite his youth, Dewey had already made a name for himself as the prosecutor of New York, where he gained fame for his efforts against syndicalists and criminals. His reputation for tackling corruption and organized crime in the state courts caught the attention of many in the political world. In 1936, Dewey was encouraged by influential members of the Republican Party, as well as Governor Landon himself, to run for Congress. Dewey won a seat as a Congressman representing the state of New York, despite still being relatively young and less experienced in the national political scene.
Over the next few years, Dewey worked diligently in Denver and became increasingly influential in shaping the direction of the party. As Landon ascended to the presidency, Dewey started to establish himself as the leader of the Republican Party's liberal wing. His policies reflected his more progressive leanings, as he advocated for social liberalism and a proactive, interventionist approach to the economy, believing that government should play an active role in ensuring prosperity and stability.

Dewey’s foreign policy positions were equally distinct. He supported aiding democratic powers in their struggle against syndicalism and national populism, but he was a firm believer in avoiding direct aid that could tie the United States too closely to foreign conflicts. He wanted to support the democratic nations, but through diplomatic channels and indirect assistance rather than direct military or financial interventions. This nuanced approach made him a standout candidate for those within the party who favored a more moderate, interventionist stance on the international stage.

On the other hand, Robert Taft, widely known as "Mr. Republican," was the figurehead of the conservative faction that had become the heir to Herbert Hoover's political vision. In 1920, he was elected to the Ohio House of Representatives, where he served as the Republican leader and was Speaker of the House from January 1926 to January 1927. In 1930, he was elected to the Ohio Senate. Despite being on the verge of losing the position to the Reed´s Party, the personal support of President Hoover helped him secure a seat in the Senate. There, he became a loyal supporter of President Hoover and later President MacArthur, taking charge of reforming tax laws in the federal territories to support the war effort. Like many other senators, after the civil war, he found his state unable to vote. However, he did not lose his seat. Still, fearing the potential loss of his position, he decided to run for the 1940 presidential election. His ideology was grounded in a deep belief in fiscal conservatism, social conservatism, and a staunch isolationism. Taft was firmly against any form of foreign intervention, believing that the United States should focus solely on its domestic issues and refrain from entangling itself in foreign conflicts. His approach to governance was defined by a rigid adherence to traditional conservative values, with a particular emphasis on limiting government intervention in the economy.

Taft’s isolationist stance was most clearly seen in his opposition to the growing tensions in Europe, particularly the idea of the United States engaging in a war against National France in african soil. To him, Europe and the other great powers were a distant concern that the U.S. should not involve itself in. He even advocated for ceding control of Europe to the syndicalist powers if it meant that America could avoid military entanglements abroad. For Taft, his overarching principle was summed up in the slogan: "America First." This motto encapsulated his belief that the U.S. should prioritize its own interests and security above all else, even if it meant allowing the rise of foreign ideologies that could threaten global stability. His views were controversial but had a strong following among those who believed that the U.S. should remain a neutral power, focusing exclusively on its own future rather than engaging in foreign wars or alliances.

On March 12, while Quebec was still under siege and American artillery remained focused on it, the Republican primaries were held in New Hampshire. This state had been liberated just two months earlier, and many doubted that New England was ready to participate in the 1940 elections. However, the state machinery moved quickly, allowing the states to rejoin the Union as if they had never left. That’s why New Hampshire had primaries. Keep in mind that only a few states held primaries. However, they were vital in gauging public sentiment toward the candidates. Landon won them, with 54% of the vote. In second place was the liberal Thomas E. Dewey with 45% of the vote. Robert Taft, leader of the Republican conservatives, earned only 9% in liberal New Hampshire. By April 10, when the last British garrison had surrendered to the Americans, Landon had also won in Nebraska—this time with 48.5% of the vote, followed again by Dewey with 36.5%. Taft, with dwindling hopes, again placed third with a meager 15%.

Taft’s main problem was his lack of the charisma a candidate needed to win the election. Taft championed many causes, some of them unpopular among many Americans. That’s why he needed something new to shift the momentum before the Republican Convention scheduled for late June. And he found it in the Landon Administration’s failure to secure peace with the Entente.

Between April 10 and April 25, Washington and Algiers communicated intensively, seeking a diplomatic solution to the conflict that had already claimed so many lives. However, the Landon Administration and Philippe Pétain’s military government failed to find common ground on several issues. And this, closely followed by newspapers worldwide, only fueled more unrest among the population. Why die for a piece of African land we can’t even find on a map?, many wondered. That’s why Landon needed peace, and fast. He began planning the invasion of the Azores to pressure the Entente.

On April 25, 1940, without warning, French troops crossed the Alsace-Lorraine border, launching a blitz offensive against German defenses. The land incursion wasn’t an isolated event but part of a meticulously coordinated offensive by the Third Internationale. At dawn, squadrons of the syndicalist Republican Air Force (RAF) roared through the skies, bombing strategic German positions in the Rhine region. Meanwhile, armored units advanced relentlessly on multiple fronts, including the Dutch and Swiss regions, where German garrisons tried to resist. The Second Weltkrieg had begun.

A few hours after hostilities erupted, the socialist governments in Paris, London, and Amsterdam formally issued their declarations of war—announcements that barely concealed their premeditated nature. However, what the leaders of the Third Internationale didn’t expect was how German diplomacy would respond. In a strategic move, Berlin activated its alliances and convinced Vienna to join the war. Within hours, the Austro-Hungarian Empire declared its entry into the conflict, pledging unwavering support for Germany and justifying its intervention as a defensive measure against radical expansionism.

With the imperial decree signed, train stations throughout the Dual Empire became a frenzy of activity. Federal regiments of Hungarians, Czechs, Croats, and Austrians boarded trains bound for the Franco-German border. The war machine of the Dual Monarchy was back in motion, and imperial flags waved from locomotives heading for the front. The war, which many had deemed inevitable, had entered an escalation spiral reminiscent of the July Crisis of 1914.

As armies clashed on Europe’s battlefields, the conflict extended to the seas. The navies of the warring factions maneuvered into position, with the syndicalist French Republican Navy expanding its presence in the Mediterranean. Battleships and cruisers flying the red flag of revolution sailed off the North African coast, directly challenging the maritime dominance of National France. For Philippe Pétain, head of state in Algiers, the situation was intolerable. From his African exile, he watched with deep concern as warships from the “rebel government in Paris” patrolled less than 100 kilometers from his regime’s provisional capital. To him, allowing such provocation would be an unacceptable sign of weakness. Without hesitation, he ordered his admirals to deploy the National French fleet and confront the syndicalist navy in the Mediterranean.

The naval encounter was tense. Officers from both fleets exchanged warnings and radio signals, but conflict seemed inevitable. When a Republican destroyer strayed too close to waters claimed by Pétain’s government, the order to open fire was given. The cannons of both sides shattered the sea’s silence, and within minutes, the Mediterranean became a battlefield. The incident was the spark that tipped the balance. For Syndicalist France, the attack by the National fleet was an intolerable act of aggression. The Paris Goverment declared war on Pétain, and in turn, he proclaimed a state of war against the Third Internationale. Thus, National France—already at war with the United States—now joined the fight against the Internationale in a war that was rapidly growing in scale, with more fronts and more actors involved. The world was plunging once again into the chaos of total war.

This was a gift for Taft and the conservative Republicans, who had defended isolationism. Through radio speeches and interviews (often in media outlets owned by William Randolph Hearst), Taft questioned the President's foreign policy. In his opinion, not only was he sending "hundreds of thousands of Americans to their deaths in the deserts of Africa," but he was also playing into the hands of the syndicalists by confronting the government of Algiers. This continued to boost his numbers in the primaries.

Returning to the state machinery, on May 14, the State of Virginia voted once again to rejoin the Union. Now, they too would vote in the presidential elections. Looking again at Europe, the German regime was being crushed by the revolutionary fervor of the Third International. In just one month, Belgium had capitulated, leaving only Brussels under siege, with more than 400,000 men trapped inside. Meanwhile, French troops advanced toward the Rhine in Operation Liberty, while Marshal Model's 2nd and 3rd Armies attempted to stop them and establish a defensive line on the other side of the Rhine. Undoubtedly, the defense budget cuts following the financial crises of 1936 and 1938 had demoralized and disarmed the German armies.

This was also evident when Rome—that is, Mussolini's Italy—joined the Third International, turning the Italian Reunification War into yet another theater of the conflict. Meanwhile, the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies joined the Entente, which quickly deployed troops to the peninsula.

While all this was happening, legislative activity continued in Congress. During the war, the FBI had been collecting evidence and documents from the governments of Long and Reed, as well as from the Pacific States. Now, Attorney General J. Ward Carver and his commission, the Carver Commission, would investigate and publish reports over more than two months regarding the external influence of different powers during the Civil War.

On June 8, the Empire of Japan declared war on Germany under the pretext of "liberating the territories occupied by the colonizers." However, beyond the official rhetoric, Tokyo's real objective was to secure its dominance over Southeast Asia and expel European influence from the region. The war in the Pacific intensified with the onset of hostilities in a theater of operations spanning from Indochina to Java.

The early phases of the conflict were marked by fierce naval and aerial combat. The Imperial Japanese Navy launched a series of attacks against German supply routes, aiming to isolate their positions in Southeast Asia. However, the Kriegsmarine and the Luftstreitkräfte responded with stubborn defense, using strategic bases in Singapore and Batavia to launch counterattacks. Despite their numerical superiority in the air and at sea, the Japanese encountered stronger resistance than expected, delaying any attempts to land in Java or Sumatra. Without secure access to key ports, the Japanese were forced to consolidate their control over the surrounding waters before launching any large-scale ground offensive. Thus began the Eastern Seas War, a conflict that, in its initial phase, became a battle for naval and aerial supremacy in Southeast Asia.

Meanwhile, in Europe, the chaos generated by the war in Asia provided Boris Savinkov with the perfect opportunity to execute his ambitious plan to reclaim the territories taken in the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk in 1919. With Germany facing a new front in the Pacific, Savinkov decided that the time to act had come. On July 14, the Russian State launched a massive offensive along an extensive front stretching from the Caucasus to the Baltic Sea. Russian troops advanced rapidly, penetrating Ukraine and Belarus, where German defenses were not yet fully organized. In the south, Cossack forces stormed the Donbas, while in the north, Russian troops crossed the Baltic States' borders, heading for Riga and Tallinn.

The surprise was total. With the bulk of its forces concentrated in other war theaters, the Deutsches Heer struggled to mount an immediate response. The Luftstreitkräfte attempted to slow the Russian advance with strategic bombings, but the size of the front and the speed of the offensive allowed Savinkov's troops to gain ground quickly. Seeing this, the Balkan states, which had been defeated by Bulgaria, joined the Moscow Accord. Bulgaria, having just seen its regional hegemony shattered, joined the Reichspakt.

Soon, the American public turned its attention to another decisive battle: the Battle of the Azores. Under the command of General Alexander Vandegrift, ten Marine divisions (around 520,000 men) launched an amphibious assault on the Azores naval base, a key position under Entente control. The operation, conceived as a strategic move to cut the Entente's supply routes in the Atlantic and consolidate American dominance in the region, faced serious coordination problems.

The landing was marked by delays in the arrival of reinforcements, poor synchronization between naval and ground forces, and stronger-than-expected resistance. The Portuguese forces, well entrenched on the island, turned the battle into a costly siege that lasted longer than anticipated. However, the numerical and logistical superiority of the United States eventually prevailed. After weeks of intense fighting, the American flag flew over the Azores.

But victory did not bring the expected stability. On the contrary, the occupation of the Azores sparked a political crisis within Landon's government. From the outset, the invasion had generated skepticism within certain sectors of the Republican Party. The most critical voice was Robert Taft, one of the most influential figures in the party’s non-interventionist wing, who argued that the operation only strengthened the position of the Third International and pushed Europe further into socialism.

The real surprise came when Douglas MacArthur, who had until then served as Chief of Staff of the Army, gave an interview. In an interview with William J. Prescott, a New York Times journalist and Pulitzer Prize winner, MacArthur expressed skepticism about Landon's strategy. While he did not openly condemn the invasion, he stated that the government should have sought an agreement with the exiled French to divide the Entente instead of expanding the conflict in the Atlantic. He also criticized the lack of a clear strategy for negotiating peace, echoing arguments similar to those of Taft. Naturally, Hearst’s newspapers amplified the interview.

The interview shook the political landscape. Landon's popularity, which had been soaring until then, began to erode rapidly, while polls showed growing support for Dewey, who represented an alternative within the party. For Landon, MacArthur’s challenge was the final straw. In a desperate attempt to reaffirm his authority and make a decisive move, Landon threatened to dismiss MacArthur as Chief of Staff. In a dramatic turn of events, MacArthur submitted his resignation. Landon had no choice but to replace him with General Lesley J. McNair, a general who had led the 4th Army during the Civil War and had been MacArthur’s right-hand man.

Although it had been MacArthur who submitted his resignation to Landon, the newspapers did not understand it that way. From the San Francisco Examiner (Hearst's flagship newspaper) to the New York Times, including local and international newspapers, the headline was different. The New York Times wrote: "Landon removes MacArthur as Chief of Staff in apparent punishment for his criticism", while the San Francisco Examiner was much harsher: "Landon's ruthless betrayal of MacArthur shakes the military leadership". However, the headline that summarized it best was in the San Francisco Chronicle:

The damage was done. MacArthur, father of the Republic, savior of the nation, the man who had defeated the radicals threatening American democracy, the General who, from the shadows, influenced American politics with his militaristic and patriotic vision, was now out of a job. As a result of MacArthur's resignation, Landon's position collapsed, sending shockwaves through the Republican primaries. His support had already been wavering, but the sudden exit of the widely respected leader further destabilized his campaign, exposing the weaknesses of his electoral strategy. This became evident just days later when the former Pacific States held their primaries, marking a critical moment in the race.

Many political analysts and party insiders expected either Landon or Dewey to dominate in these territories, particularly in California, which had long been a bastion of liberal Republicanism. Landon, as a former moderate governor, had hoped to leverage his appeal to the business-friendly and centrist voters of the region, while Dewey, seen as a rising star of the party, had aggressively campaigned on a platform of modernizing the GOP. However, California proved to be far more competitive than anticipated. Dewey ultimately won with 53%, securing a clear, though not overwhelming, victory. What shocked many observers was the unexpected strength of Robert Taft, who, despite being considered too conservative for the state, managed to achieve a historic 22%. Landon, on the other hand, finished with a disappointing 25%, barely edging out Taft by three percentage points—an embarrassing result for a sitting president who had once been seen as the frontrunner.

The troubles for Landon did not end there. On the same day, Oregon and South Dakota held their primaries, both states where agrarian interests played a decisive role. These regions had long exhibited strong populist tendencies, often favoring candidates who championed rural America over the eastern establishment. Given this, Landon still hoped to maintain some level of support, particularly in Oregon, where he had worked to appeal to farmers and small business owners. However, what followed was an even greater humiliation.

In South Dakota, Robert Taft pulled off a stunning upset, securing 40% of the vote—an unprecedented victory in a state many had assumed would be a battleground between Dewey and Landon. Dewey, despite his energetic campaign and growing national recognition, came in second with 36%. But the biggest blow was to President Landon himself, who managed only a meager 24%, a catastrophic result for an incumbent. The loss confirmed what many within his campaign had feared: The political support and momentum of the President for the war had vanished. The decision to remove from office the General who had saved democracy during the Civil War was widely perceived as not only an attack on the nation but also a cynical political maneuver. Many saw it as a betrayal of the sacrifices made by the military and the people who had fought so hard to preserve the republic. By ousting MacArthur, the President appeared more focused on his own political career and maintaining his hold on power than on the well-being of his citizens. This move alienated many of the people who had supported him, and the consequences of his actions were quickly felt across the country. Landon, who had once been seen as a strong leader, now seemed more concerned with consolidating his position at the expense of national unity, further eroding any remaining trust in his leadership.

In Oregon, the situation was particularly tense, as the state had a strong agricultural base and populist leanings. Despite Landon's campaign aimed at attracting rural voters, he couldn't overcome the growing support for Dewey and Taft’s conservative base. The result in Oregon be a narrow victory for Dewey, with 43%, supported by moderate Republicans and disillusioned voters with Landon. Taft garnered around 33%, while Landon came in third with only 24%. This outcome was a devastating blow to Landon’s campaign, showing he was losing support even in key states like Oregon, where he had hoped to remain competitive.

By June 4, the reality was undeniable—Landon's campaign was effectively over. With just three weeks left before the national convention, his path to securing the nomination had vanished. The once-formidable president, who had entered the race expecting to lead his party for another term, now faced the grim realization that he had no viable path forward.

However, many surprises still awaited…

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Well, here we are again. I must say it’s been tricky to get MacArthur out of office, but we all know what American Caesar is about, right? I also wanted to introduce the Democrats and their troubles (because they sure have them), but the text was getting too long. In the next chapter, we'll also cover the public's reaction—and MacArthur’s own— to his "dismissal."

Robert is going to be 'rehabilitated' for a long time, isn't he?...

I would guess the rest of his life...

We'll probably hear from "Robert" very soon.

Well, that was a grisly and insane interlude!

Unexpected, insane...Edward's really lost it.

So, Canada swaps a King for a King!

“To lose one realm, King Edward, may be regarded as a misfortune; to lose two looks like carelessness.”

I must admit it was a spur-of-the-moment idea, but I don’t dislike it at all. Edward wanted to reign like a medieval king, like Richard the Lionheart. However, he is John Lackland II.

Oh, that sounds very grim. Rust can take a long time to seize up machinery, in the meantime it will grind men into dust. Does this Whitmore wear pince nez, a broad brimmed dark hat and a black leather overcoat, by any chance? Or just a white medical coat and a cruel disposition, with the dead eyes of a shark?

They do indeed. But Whitmore doesn't care about that. He may be a rusty cog, but he's a loyal cog.

Whitmore is nothing more than a doctor, a psychologist tasked with determining whether prisoners are ready for reintegration. I wish I could elaborate more on the subject right now, but the FBI and Army internment camps are topics that will be discussed in depth later on. But his is loyal, very loyal. To who? That is the question.

More meddling ahead then. What lies will Hearst's papers turn out? And how will young Prescott react?

Well, I think Hearst’s stance has been made quite clear in this chapter. He is isolationist, conservative, and pro-Taft… until it stops being convenient for him. In reality, Hearst is a man who wouldn’t have minded making deals with the syndicalists as long as it maintained his influence. And in my AAR, he is by no means an example of a pro-democracy figure. Let’s not forget that he was the one who built all the propaganda around MacArthur during the civil war, as well as being one of the Clique members who supported MacArthur’s refusal to step down from power. Without a doubt, we’ll be hearing a lot more from Hearst in the future.

Prescott, on the other hand, was hired by the New York Times and no longer works for Hearst. While I would have liked to include an excerpt about him as a war correspondent (both in Insulindia and Canada), I’m saving that for something more important. We’ll see him again soon.

The day this facility gets discovered, if it happens, all hell will break loose.

Surely it will be. The question is when. Will those responsible still be alive to see it? Will society view it as a necessary evil? Or perhaps historiographical currents will begin to change their perspective on the Civil War after the discovery?

 

[StrategyGameEnthusiast]

However, many surprises still awaited…

So this is how the American Caesar returns as President...

 

[jak7139]

"The American war effort was mobilized swiftly and efficiently following the Canadian declaration of war. In response, the government initiated a massive push to raise funds, including the sale of war bonds, while simultaneously ramping up the production of military equipment and supplies. This surge in industrial activity revitalized the economy, driving growth in key sectors. By mid-May, the American economy had fully recovered to its pre-1925 Crash levels, marking a remarkable turnaround."

The problem is that this gives the military more influence. War and production saved the economy once, why can't it do so again? And since MacArthur is in control of much of the military, well...

He even advocated for ceding control of Europe to the syndicalist powers if it meant that America could avoid military entanglements abroad.

But what happens when the Syndicalists come west, Taft?

The real surprise came when Douglas MacArthur, who had until then served as Chief of Staff of the Army, gave an interview. In an interview with William J. Prescott, a New York Times journalist and Pulitzer Prize winner, MacArthur expressed skepticism about Landon's strategy. While he did not openly condemn the invasion, he stated that the government should have sought an agreement with the exiled French to divide the Entente instead of expanding the conflict in the Atlantic. He also criticized the lack of a clear strategy for negotiating peace, echoing arguments similar to those of Taft. Naturally, Hearst’s newspapers amplified the interview.

Although it had been MacArthur who submitted his resignation to Landon, the newspapers did not understand it that way. From the San Francisco Examiner (Hearst's flagship newspaper) to the New York Times, including local and international newspapers, the headline was different. The New York Times wrote: "Landon removes MacArthur as Chief of Staff in apparent punishment for his criticism", while the San Francisco Examiner was much harsher: "Landon's ruthless betrayal of MacArthur shakes the military leadership". However, the headline that summarized it best was in the San Francisco Chronicle:

MacArthur has played his cards well. And Hearst, knowingly or not, is playing into it.

However, many surprises still awaited…

An assassination? A war? A scandal? I'm on the edge of my seat!

 

[Bullfilter]

Landon pushed it too far by going for the Azores and persisting with the war against the Entente. Had he left it with the victory in Canada, then striking a no doubt favourable deal with the Entente (especially after the start of WK2 and The Entente’s siding with Germany against the Syndies), he probably would have ridden into power. Or at least made it harder for MacArthur to engineer a potential return. Pride cometh before a fall; and hubris reaps its inevitable price.

With both Dewey and Taft making strong progress, how will the Big Mac play it? Try to suborn one or the other to run as a side-kick? Go in against both? It should be an interesting episode. And while that happens, the world burns …

 

[Bloodfelt]

Chapter 25: Draft MacArthur!​

"Republicans are for both the man and the dollar, but in case of conflict the man before the dollar."
- Abraham Lincoln

Julius Robert Oppenheimer woke up screaming. Again. His body trembled beneath the sheets, drenched in cold sweat. He barely remembered the details of the nightmare, but the pattern was always the same: blood, lifeless bodies, faces fading into darkness. An oppressive, infinite darkness, the same one he had known for two years in that hole underground.

He took a deep breath, trying to calm himself, and turned his gaze to the nightstand. The dim flame of a candle cast flickering shadows on the walls. Since leaving the "bunker" (that's what he called it in his head )he hadn't been able to sleep without a light on. He looked at the clock. The hands pointed to six in the morning. He slowly sat up and walked to the window. Beyond the glass, the bushes began to glow with the first rays of dawn. For a moment, he allowed himself to enjoy the view. Seeing the sky, the sun rising on the horizon... after so much time in darkness, something so simple felt like a luxury.

He sighed, put on his robe, and left his small room. That place was not his home, but it had something he hadn't had in years: a window.
In the kitchen, he found his FBI agent, his caretaker: Agent Richard, sitting at the table with a coffee and a newspaper. He said nothing when he saw him enter, simply turned a page. Robert sat down beside him in silence.

- The books you requested will arrive today before lunch - Richard said without looking up from the newspaper- . What did you ask for this time?
- A little bit of everything - Robert replied, resting his elbow on the table and gazing out the window- . Classic literature, physics… I need to catch up.

Richard nodded and folded one of the newspapers before handing it to him.

- New York Times or San Francisco Examiner?
- Give me the Times. Anything interesting?
- Maybe. The president has fired MacArthur.

Robert raised an eyebrow and looked at him skeptically, expecting a joke. But Richard had a serious expression. He took the newspaper and scanned the headline in disbelief. Landon had dismissed the Caesar. How was that possible? When he had come out of "rehabilitation," he had already been surprised to see how much the world had changed in his absence. MacArthur, the man who had ruled with an iron fist, had supposedly relinquished power and, in theory, returned it to the American people. In theory. It was true that Congress had resumed some legislative activity, though with only half of its representatives, and that Landon had publicly voiced his disagreements with the former leader. But Robert had never thought that Landon would go this far. He ran a hand over his face and placed the newspaper on the table.

- How did it happen?
- It’s not entirely clear yet. But it seems Landon fired him and replaced him with McNair. —Richard said, taking a sip of his coffee.
- I didn’t think he would be convinced so easily. —Robert said, grabbing a cup of coffee and sitting down at the table.
- Neither did I. Something about this feels off.

Oppenheimer stared at the empty cup in his hands and murmured:

- Gods don’t fall.

Richard smirked slightly.

- I suppose that’s also true.

A brief silence passed between them. Richard went back to his newspaper, and Oppenheimer looked at his reflection in the window. His skin was still too pale, too unfamiliar.

- And what do you think? —Richard suddenly asked.
- About what?
-About all of this. About Landon, MacArthur, the state of the country… anything.

Robert took a few seconds to answer.

- I don’t know. It’s hard to have an opinion when you’ve been out of the world for two years.
- You’re not that out of it. You have access to the newspapers.
-Newspapers tell us what they want us to believe. What they don’t say is what really matters.
-Interesting. And what do you think they’re not saying?

Robert glanced at him out of the corner of his eye, evaluating him. He knew Richard was always watching him, analyzing every word, every reaction.

- That Landon is not in control. That MacArthur hasn’t truly left. I highly doubt the Caesar will relinquish power so easily.

Richard smirked at the way Robert said "Caesar." He put the newspaper down on the table and looked at him curiously.

- Is that what you think?

Robert smiled sadly.

- It’s not hard to imagine. Power is never given up without consequences.
-Are you talking about another civil war?
-No… but I am talking about instability. MacArthur is the symbol of an order, no matter how much I oppose it. Without him, a crack opens. An opportunity for others to fill it. And history tells us that when a crack opens, something collapses.

Richard nodded, as if he had already thought about it before.

- That’s deep, Robert. - Richard said with some irony. Then, he threw in one of his jabs.- I suppose that kind of advanced political thinking would be very fitting for Jack Reed.

Robert lifted his gaze, sensing some kind of trap.

- Jack Reed is dead.
- Of course he is, but his ideas aren’t.

Robert leaned back in his chair and sighed. He would play Richard’s game.

- Socialism was never the problem, Richard.
- Oh, no? Tell that to those who died in Chicago, Washington, Philadelphia…
- The problem has always been fanaticism. Reed was an idealist, but do you think he wanted what happened? The country didn’t fall because of his ideas, but because there were men willing to kill for them. Hall is an example. It’s not ideology that destroys—it’s how we use it.

Richard turned his coffee cup in his hands and observed him closely.

- You’re an interesting man, Robert.
- Not interesting enough to be let out of here.

Richard chuckled.

- No. But at least you make for good conversation.

Robert stood up from the table, feeling the weight of exhaustion in his bones.

- I’m going to shower. Then I’ll read the newspaper properly.
- Don’t take too long. You have another session with Dr. Wilson today. Two years underground have left your bones in terrible shape.

Robert grimaced.

- I suppose it’s my fault for not exercising in my cell.

Richard smirked.

- Exactly. And don’t say we’re not taking care of you.

Robert didn’t reply. He simply left the kitchen, leaving behind the sound of his footsteps on the wooden floor.

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When the news of General MacArthur’s resignation (or dismissal) hit the newspapers, the nation was filled with indignation and confusion. How dare President Landon fire or even threaten to fire the General who had saved the nation? The public responded negatively, stripping Landon of internal support and voters during the Republican primaries. Thus, the race seemed to be between Dewey and Taft, both relatively young in national politics and members of Congress and the Senate during the war.

The only one who don´t take the news of his dismissal seriously was General MacArthur. After leaving the Oval Office, the General took his car and flew to New York on a military plane. By the time he arrived on the outskirts of the city, the news had already been published by the newspapers. However, the General did not first return to his residence at the Waldorf Astoria Hotel (which, after the death of J.P. Morgan, had been purchased by Nelson Aldrich Rockefeller, the new face of the Rockefeller family in New York). First, he stopped by the home of William Randolph Hearst.

William Randolph Hearst was born in San Francisco on April 29, 1863, the son of George Hearst, a millionaire mining engineer and owner of gold and other mines through his corporation. In 1887, Hearst took over the management of his father's newspaper, the San Francisco Examiner, which his father had acquired in 1880. Giving his newspaper the motto "Monarch of the Dailies," Hearst assembled the most advanced equipment and the most prominent writers of the time, including Ambrose Bierce, Mark Twain, Jack London, and political cartoonist Homer Davenport. Hearst, a self-proclaimed populist, published accounts of municipal and financial corruption, often attacking companies in which his own family had interests. Within a few years, his newspaper dominated the San Francisco market. However, his expansion did not stop there. In 1895, he purchased the New York Morning Journal, entering into a head-to-head war with Joseph Pulitzer, owner and editor of the New York World. From this war emerged a new type of journalism: yellow journalism. This caused Hearst’s sales to soar, increasing his fortune. And this increased his power. Under his biased and sensationalist headlines, Hearst was able to use the press to instill in the American people the need to liberate Cuba and the Philippines. It was the people, reading Hearst’s cheap newspaper, who pressured their congressmen and politicians to declare war on Spain in 1898.

"Cartoon, published in the U.S. in June 1898, featuring Joseph Pulitzer and William Randolph Hearst dressed as The Yellow Kid, satirizing their role as manipulators of U.S. public opinion to go to war against Spain."

Hearst always considered himself a man of the people, using his media empire to defend the poor. As a result, he managed to win two elections to Congress with the populist wing of the Democratic Party. He also made a significant effort to secure the Democratic presidential nomination in 1904, but lost to the conservative Alton B. Parker. From that moment on, however, he began to suffer electoral defeats. He failed in his bids for mayor and governor of New York in 1905, 1906, and 1909. Because of this, he created the Independence Party, his own political party, which lasted only one election, promoting progressivism. He was defeated in the gubernatorial race by Charles Evans Hughes. Breaking with the Tammany-backed candidate in 1907, Hearst ran for mayor of New York City under a third party of his own creation, the Municipal Ownership League, once again unsuccessfully. A staunch opponent of the British Empire, Hearst opposed U.S. involvement in World War I and successfully helped prevent it, allegedly receiving money from the German embassy. Although this was never confirmed, it raised suspicions at the time and led to his political marginalization within the Democratic Party. During the 1920s, Hearst was a Jeffersonian Democrat. He warned citizens against the dangers of big government and unchecked federal power that could infringe upon individual rights. However, his isolation from the Party led him to consider other alternatives. In 1928, Hearst supported Herbert Hoover.

During the 1920s and 1930s, his previously progressive positions gradually shifted toward conservatism. The growing presence of radicals began to make him uneasy. Because of this, he saw the need, in his opinion, to "present the American people with a political alternative." Fortunately for him, he found it in the figure of Douglas MacArthur. Through the biography written by William J. Prescott and his newspapers, he managed to elevate MacArthur among conservative Republicans. In return, MacArthur appointed him Secretary of Information during the war.

For this reason, MacArthur held a three-hour meeting with the magnate after being expelled. Upon leaving, MacArthur locked himself in his suite for the following week, officially to rest. At the same time, Hearst and other newspapers—including some from traditionally pro-Democratic figures—began an unprecedented media campaign, the likes of which had not been seen since the Spanish-American War: Draft MacArthur!
While the media publicly supported MacArthur’s candidacy for President under the Republican Party, members of various political parties, business magnates, and ambassadors visited MacArthur. Among them was Robert Taft, the conservative candidate in the Republican primaries. When asked about his position on the Draft MacArthur! movement, Taft was clear: "I am a patriot, and I am a conservative. Of course, I support General MacArthur running for President." When asked if this would not destroy his own candidacy, Taft responded that he was willing to step aside if MacArthur joined the race. Although some saw this as a gesture of respect, the reality was that Taft was aware that his candidacy was beginning to lose strength. Because of this, he preferred to support a victorious MacArthur who could reward him in the future. Meanwhile, figures from the world of cinema and literature expressed their support for MacArthur. According to MacArthur himself, he received more than 100,000 letters of support from American citizens.

On June 20, MacArthur announced a gala dinner in New York and invited politicians, businessmen, generals, and former officers of the Army from the Civil War. There, after a grand military-themed dinner, MacArthur gave a speech. He said he was grateful for the support he had received but that "after fighting for so many years, I am tired." However, he had realized that America needed "a leader, a strong man." And who better than him? There, after that speech and more than ten standing ovations from his guests, MacArthur accepted the candidacy for the Presidency. At the same time, all his former officers began shouting "Hail to the Chief." It was a powerful reminder of the military influence his candidacy would carry. Shortly after, Robert Taft stood up and announced that he was withdrawing his candidacy for the sole purpose of supporting "the Father of the Nation and Savior of the country." By doing so, Taft secured himself a place in the future administration.

Despite all this support, the liberal wing of the Republican Party was not so pleased with the idea of nominating a former coup leader and ex-president. Because of this, Dewey was set to put up strong resistance at the convention in New York. MacArthur would not even need to travel to visit the convention. On the 22nd, two days before the conference, George Gallup predicted that Republicans would face a tough challenge in the elections. After 12 years of Republican control of the Presidency, political fatigue had made the Democrats appear to regain political momentum. For this reason, the Republicans needed a strong candidate. While it was true that MacArthur was controversial, he was necessary.
Although much could be said about the convention, over the course of four days, Republican figures began to rally behind MacArthur. Eventually, Dewey withdrew and offered his support to MacArthur. For his part, President Landon offered some resistance. He managed to secure support among moderates and social liberal delegates who felt betrayed by Dewey's backing of MacArthur. However, by the third round of voting, everything was already decided. As a result, on June 28, the new Republican ticket for 1940 was clear: Douglas MacArthur was chosen as the presidential candidate, with Robert Taft as his running mate. In exchange for his withdrawal, MacArthur promised Dewey a position in the future administration. The race for the Presidency had begun. But with such a divisive figure as MacArthur, things would not be easy.

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Well, we've made it! After several months of work, we're finally here—MacArthur can legally assume the presidency. It’s been a long road. However, the next challenge is still ahead: the Democratic nomination. With the divisiveness surrounding MacArthur’s figure, it’s not going to be easy for him to secure broad support.

As for Robert... turns out, he’s none other than Oppenheimer. Yep, the guy behind the bomb. Finding out who he really is just adds another prespective to everything going on. Here’s a little sneak peek for you:

So this is how the American Caesar returns as President...

Well, that's why the AAR is called American Caesar, right?

The problem is that this gives the military more influence. War and production saved the economy once, why can't it do so again? And since MacArthur is in control of much of the military, well...

Once we get through the 1940 elections, we’ll dive deep into the American economy. Without giving too much away, I think it’s pretty clear that the U.S. economy is getting more and more dependent on war. That’s not a good thing.

But what happens when the Syndicalists come west, Taft?

Taft is short-sighted, like a lot of other americans. Now that he’s the VP candidate, there are two options: either he changes his perspective thanks to MacArthur, or he’s going to run into some serious problems and conflicts with the Caesar.

Landon pushed it too far by going for the Azores and persisting with the war against the Entente. Had he left it with the victory in Canada, then striking a no doubt favourable deal with the Entente (especially after the start of WK2 and The Entente’s siding with Germany against the Syndies), he probably would have ridden into power. Or at least made it harder for MacArthur to engineer a potential return. Pride cometh before a fall; and hubris reaps its inevitable price.

With both Dewey and Taft making strong progress, how will the Big Mac play it? Try to suborn one or the other to run as a side-kick? Go in against both? It should be an interesting episode. And while that happens, the world burns …

Although I haven't talked too much about WW2 in this chapter, the war is still on. For now, it looks like Germany is losing. And as for the war with the Entente, signing a peace agreement has been impossible. (The truth is there was no chance of signing a separate peace. The game forced me to fight this war to the bitter end. Thanks to that, I've managed to pull something off that lowered Landon's popularity)

And both Dewey and Taft knew it wasn't possible to beat MacArthur in the nomination. That's why they've decided to team up with Doug. However, it'll be tough for the ideas of these three men to mesh.

 

[StrategyGameEnthusiast]

For his part, President Landon offered some resistance. He managed to secure support among moderates and social liberal delegates who felt betrayed by Dewey's backing of MacArthur.

If Landon doesn't want MacArthur to become President again, he could throw the election to the Democrats by going third party...