I don't think it would help. It sounds like MacArthur would win anyway
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MacArthur still has to face the Democrats. Depending on their own candidate, it could be a tough race. The Triumvirate will probably not stay idle during all this either.
I wonder if Oppenheimer will ever be trusted enough to work on the bomb in this timeline? Maybe if the US is desperate for that edge during wartime.
I wonder if Oppenheimer will ever be trusted enough to work on the bomb in this timeline? Maybe if the US is desperate for that edge during wartime.
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Mmm...MacArthur....a deliciously flawed man of great talents and great blindspots.
Reminds me of McClellan in how I feel about him.
Reminds me of McClellan in how I feel about him.
Chapter 26: The Two Wallaces
"Every time we turn our heads the other way when we see the law flouted, when we tolerate what we know to be wrong, when we close our eyes and ears to the corrupt because we are too busy or too frightened, when we fail to speak up and speak out, we strike a blow against freedom and decency and justice."
- Robert Kennedy
In 1964, several members of the Southern caucus of the Democratic Party walked out of the Convention in Atlantic City after the nomination of Robert Francis Kennedy and Hubert Humphrey as candidates for that year’s election. Despite the incredible advantage the Democrats had in those elections, RFK and Humphrey’s pro-civil rights and socially liberal message had offended many Southern delegates. As a result, several delegates formed their own party: the American Independent Party, led by Alabama Governor George Wallace.
"Photographic portrait of George Corley Wallace Jr. in 1964. Wallace's own biography illustrates the electoral shifts in the South from the Great Depression to the present day."
George Wallace was born in 1919 in Alabama. There, he quickly developed an interest in politics from a young age, which led him to join the youth branch of the America First Party. At 18, he cast his vote for the AFP, helping to tip Alabama—along with another one million citizens—in favor of Huey Long. When the Second Civil War broke out, he joined regional militias, only to be captured during the fall of New Orleans. Later, he joined Walter Krueger’s Third Army, where he was decorated for his actions and bravery during the Siege of St. Louis. Afterward, he resumed his law studies, graduating in 1944. In the May 1946 elections, he won his first race as a member of the Alabama House of Representatives.
Robert F. Kennedy, on the other hand, came from an entirely different background. Born in 1925 on the outskirts of Boston, young Kennedy was never meant to pursue the presidency. As the third son, Robert was also the third in line for the presidency of the United States, according to the plans of his father, Senator and future Ambassador to Australia Joseph P. Kennedy Sr. However, his father’s plans did not unfold as expected. Joseph Sr.'s own political career stalled after the Civil War, particularly due to his co-authorship of the Boston Manifesto, which led to the Canadian occupation of New England. As a consequence, he lost his Massachusetts Senate seat to the Republicans and Progressives. Although he was later appointed ambassador, this distanced him from state politics and seemingly stalled the careers of his sons.
"Joseph P. Kennedy Sr. and Rose Kennedy with their children at the Kennedy Compound in 1931. The Patriarch had meticulously planned his children's future careers. Unfortunately, nothing seemed to go as he had hoped."
His eldest son, Joseph P. Kennedy Jr., was elected as a delegate for Massachusetts at the 1940 Democratic Convention as preparation for his candidacy for Congress in 1942. However, his death in [REDACTED] forced the patriarch to shift his focus to his second son, John F. Kennedy. At the time serving in the Navy, JFK returned home and began working as a journalist for Hearst, primarily covering [REDACTED]. Later, U.S. Representative James Michael Curley vacated his seat in Massachusetts’ heavily Democratic 11th Congressional District to become Mayor of Boston in 1944. As a result, JFK (as he would soon be known) entered Congress in 1944 at the age of 27 (two years above the legal requirement). By 1952, following the elections, he had secured a Senate seat. Throughout all these campaigns, his younger brother Robert (RFK) served as his campaign director.
RFK’s political career began in 1957, when his brother included him in the investigation into Jimmy Hoffa’s labor extortion schemes within the Teamsters Union. Following this, RFK wrote the famous book The Enemy Within: The McClellan Committee's Crusade Against Jimmy Hoffa and Corrupt Labor Unions, which was widely acclaimed and led him to run in 1958 for the same seat his brother once held, Massachusetts’ 11th Congressional District. Unsurprisingly, he defeated his Republican opponent. However, from 1958 to 1961, his main focus was his brother’s presidential campaign.
In 1964, the Democratic Party nominated RFK as its candidate, following his promises to support civil rights legislation, something that President [REDACTED] had failed to do during his tenure. This decision caused the party’s split, unfortunately, it was not the first time in the 20th century that such a division had occurred.
After two terms of Hoover and MacArthur’s coup, the Democratic Party had fractured into two rival factions. On one side, the traditional Southern base, led by figures such as Virginia Senator Harry F. Byrd and Senator Richard Russell Jr., had actively participated in and supported MacArthur’s coup. Because of this, liberals would later mockingly refer to them as the “MacArthur Democrats.” This marked a stark contrast with the Northern liberal wing, which tended to either go into exile in New England or shift to the Pacific States. Without Southern influence, the Democrats were free to establish their own liberal political platform. From San Francisco to Boston, Democratic leaders remained in close contact—some even within MacArthur’s government secretly communicated with San Francisco while the war was still ongoing. After reunification and the eventual reintegration of New England, liberal Democrats united under three slogans: No to MacArthur and dictatorship, Yes to an interventionist state, No to... segregation?
"1936 electoral map. The Democratic Party lost much of its support in the South due to Long. Without mid-term elections in 1938 due to the war, the Democrats spent the years from 1936 to 1940 trying to figure out how to regain support in the South."
This last point was particularly controversial, as segregation had been the foundation of Democratic political supremacy in the South since Reconstruction—a supremacy that Huey Long had managed to erode. The two Democratic factions interpreted this differently. For Southern Democrats, the AFP’s ability to steal their votes was seen as a betrayal of the South during the Great Depression. They believed that under liberal Democrats like Al Smith, the party had abandoned its traditional conservative practices. This led Harry Byrd, as a candidate, to propose an even stronger segregationist policy and increased surveillance of the Black population. In the words of his future running mate, Richard Russell Jr.: “Our Civil War has taught us one thing: Black people are a threat. If we’re not careful, they’ll get infected with the red virus again, and Americans will die.” Unsurprisingly, these statements were deeply unpopular in both the North and the West. In Robert Wagner’s opinion, the Democratic Party was at risk of becoming a party “only interested in defending a few states and their way of life.”
For their part, the liberals saw the success of Long and Reed as a result of their attempts at economic reforms. Under their leadership, efforts were made for the state to take a more active role in the economy and to protect its citizens. Because of this, the liberals believed that the solution to their problems lay in an economic approach, building a "Welfare State" and creating political programs aligned with it. Their leader was Robert F. Wagner, Secretary of the Treasury and promoter of the various legislative projects pushed forward under President Landon, with a progressive focus. Consequently, the conservative wing of the party (not just the Southern faction but also the Northern conservatives led by Joseph P. Kennedy, Sr.) viewed these reforms as a deviation towards radical leftism.
Regarding segregation, the liberals had assumed that segregationist votes would be lost over time regardless. They believed that it would only take the emergence of a Southern regionalist party for those votes to be lost once again. Therefore, they preferred to secure the Black vote for the future rather than remain tied to the South. As a result, the 1940 Democratic Convention would become a point of conflict.
The 1940 Democratic primaries were quite competitive. On one hand, Wagner’s liberals led the primaries in liberal states, while Harry Byrd’s conservatives led in the Southern states and some of the more conservative ones. However, the close results made analysts realize that the convention would be highly contested. When the convention convened in Atlanta, the party’s liberals gradually realized they were losing delegates. Joseph P. Kennedy, Sr. was elected as the Temporary Chair of the Convention, highlighting the significance of the Northern conservative wing in the proceedings. Shortly after, the vote on the party platform began. Due to Kennedy's pressure, Byrd’s segregationist platform was approved. The next day, Harry Byrd and Richard Russell Jr. were nominated as the candidates for the 1940 presidential election. Unfortunately for them, the Democratic Party’s internal drama was far from over.
Upon leaving the convention, Wagner announced to the press his intention to create a rival political platform. In his own words, "We are going to establish a political program that ensures Americans are not forced to choose between a General and segregation." Barely three days later, the delegates gathered in Boston to announce their candidacy. However, Robert Wagner chose not to run himself. Instead, he endorsed the current leader of the Farmer-Labor Party: Henry Wallace.
Henry Wallace (unrelated to George Wallace) had previously run alongside Floyd B. Olson under the Farmer-Labor Party. Unfortunately, his party lost a significant number of voters in 1936, allowing Reed to win. Following Floyd B. Olson’s death in 1938, Wallace took over the party, which barely had any congressional representatives and was increasingly aligning with the liberal Democrats. Wagner, therefore, realized that he could not appeal solely to the urban population. With Wallace as the candidate, farmers would support them. To consolidate Democratic power, the candidate for vice president was Alben W. Barkley, who had served as Senate Minority Leader since 1936. Both candidates, chosen and endorsed by Wagner, won on the first ballot. The Progressive Democratic Party had been born.
Returning to the war, the situation seemed stagnant for the United States. On one hand, naval supremacy granted the possibility of carrying out a landing. But was that the objective? At that moment, the I Marine Corps (which was nearly the size of two full armies) had the capability to launch an amphibious assault at several points along the African coast. The General Staff under McNair primarily considered the option of landing in Dakar to gain enough ground to force a peace settlement. However, several factors made the General Staff uncertain.
Firstly, the Marines had played a crucial role during the war in Canada and the civil war, excelling in urban combat and river crossings. However, the capture of the Azores had exposed serious deficiencies in the organization of amphibious landings. In fact, this only influenced Pétain further in his decision not to seek peace. He believed he could defeat the Americans on the beaches and in the deserts, forcing them back across the Atlantic. Because of this, Landon feared destroying his legacy with such a controversial action.
"Photo taken at an undetermined moment during the capture of the Azores. In this image, we can see some Marines attacking a Portuguese fortification. Despite suffering minimal casualties, reports from the General Staff indicated that unit organization and inter-arms cooperation were highly deficient. In McNair's opinion, "if our enemy had been prepared, they would have torn us to shreds." This influenced Landon's decision to postpone a potential landing in Africa in 1940."
However, an opportunity presented itself on July 15, just a week before the Democratic Convention. On that day, marking the opening of the African Theater of the Second World War, the Republic of Liberia declared war on the French Republic.
The Republic of Liberia had been founded in 1847 as a proposal by the American Colonization Society to repatriate black settlers and provide them with their own state. As a result, the country had always been heavily influenced by its protector and creator, the United States. Its constitution was essentially a copy of the American one, and its dominant political force was the True Whig Party. However, Liberia never enjoyed the same level of democracy as the U.S. Firstly, the native population was oppressed, with many used as forced laborers. Only in 1933, under American pressure, did the Liberian government implement some reforms (though never stopped rigging elections).
To everyone's surprise, Liberia had supported Long’s government, sending a few hundred rifles that never actually reached the United States. This led MacArthur and Landon to maintain a distant attitude toward the African nation. In particular, the presence of General Patton as a presidential advisor was deeply resented by Landon, who had wanted him prosecuted. However, American investors remained vital to Liberia’s economy. After his media exile, Hearst became the country's leading investor—not only acquiring hundreds of square kilometers of farmland but also becoming the primary financier behind the Freeport of Monrovia.
"Freeport of Monrovia in the mid-1950s. Funded with American money, the port was vital during the American deployment, as it allowed for a steady flow of supplies from American ports. In 1987, the port underwent a renovation that has been maintained to this day."
Another key figure with significant interest in the country was Edgar Hoover, the powerful director of the FBI. Even before the war with Canada, the FBI had maintained a strong presence in Liberia. In 1939, it had played a crucial role—alongside Patton—in preventing a coup attempt orchestrated by elements within the military who had grown increasingly disillusioned with the rampant corruption of the government. Now, the FBI proposed to Landon the idea of provoking a border incident between Liberia and France, creating a pretext for the United States to deploy forces in Africa. Landon refused.
A few days later, Hearst’s newspapers launched a series of articles highlighting the situation in Liberia. That same day, French troops crossed the border, apparently testing Liberia’s defenses. Over the course of a week, Hearst managed to sway American public opinion toward supporting a possible intervention in Liberia. For his part, Landon held meetings with MacArthur and Byrd, whom he saw as potential future presidents (since no one had predicted the breakup of the Democratic Party). Byrd did not oppose the defense of Liberia, though he complained to President Landon about sending troops to Africa for offensive operations. MacArthur, on the other hand, was arrogant toward Landon, knowing that he had derailed his potential presidential career. However, MacArthur supported the deployment of troops to defend the Liberians and attack the Entente. Apparently, these comments (which both Landon and MacArthur made public) did not sit well with vice-presidential candidate Robert Taft. Little by little, "Mr. Republican" was beginning to realize that his conservative and isolationist political views were not the same as MacArthur’s. Nevertheless, he backed MacArthur’s statements—this was no time to undermine his running mate.
Ultimately, Pétain recognized the danger on his southern flank and issued an ultimatum demanding that the Liberian government expel all Americans from its territory. Patton, who had recently been promoted to General after the attempted coup, ordered his troops to prepare to… advance. The Liberian President, knowing he could count on American support, backed his General. Just four hours after Pétain's ultimatum, the Liberian government declared war on the French Republic and formally requested that the United States deploy troops on Liberian soil "to defend the sovereignty of their sister nation."
Landon, after discussing the matter with congressional leaders, gave the order for Bradley’s First Army to embark from Florida to Monrovia. It would take them over a month to arrive.
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As for Oppie, there is still a long way to go. Given the current situation, we won’t be hearing much from him for quite some time.
"Every time we turn our heads the other way when we see the law flouted, when we tolerate what we know to be wrong, when we close our eyes and ears to the corrupt because we are too busy or too frightened, when we fail to speak up and speak out, we strike a blow against freedom and decency and justice."
- Robert Kennedy
In 1964, several members of the Southern caucus of the Democratic Party walked out of the Convention in Atlantic City after the nomination of Robert Francis Kennedy and Hubert Humphrey as candidates for that year’s election. Despite the incredible advantage the Democrats had in those elections, RFK and Humphrey’s pro-civil rights and socially liberal message had offended many Southern delegates. As a result, several delegates formed their own party: the American Independent Party, led by Alabama Governor George Wallace.
"Photographic portrait of George Corley Wallace Jr. in 1964. Wallace's own biography illustrates the electoral shifts in the South from the Great Depression to the present day."
George Wallace was born in 1919 in Alabama. There, he quickly developed an interest in politics from a young age, which led him to join the youth branch of the America First Party. At 18, he cast his vote for the AFP, helping to tip Alabama—along with another one million citizens—in favor of Huey Long. When the Second Civil War broke out, he joined regional militias, only to be captured during the fall of New Orleans. Later, he joined Walter Krueger’s Third Army, where he was decorated for his actions and bravery during the Siege of St. Louis. Afterward, he resumed his law studies, graduating in 1944. In the May 1946 elections, he won his first race as a member of the Alabama House of Representatives.
Robert F. Kennedy, on the other hand, came from an entirely different background. Born in 1925 on the outskirts of Boston, young Kennedy was never meant to pursue the presidency. As the third son, Robert was also the third in line for the presidency of the United States, according to the plans of his father, Senator and future Ambassador to Australia Joseph P. Kennedy Sr. However, his father’s plans did not unfold as expected. Joseph Sr.'s own political career stalled after the Civil War, particularly due to his co-authorship of the Boston Manifesto, which led to the Canadian occupation of New England. As a consequence, he lost his Massachusetts Senate seat to the Republicans and Progressives. Although he was later appointed ambassador, this distanced him from state politics and seemingly stalled the careers of his sons.
"Joseph P. Kennedy Sr. and Rose Kennedy with their children at the Kennedy Compound in 1931. The Patriarch had meticulously planned his children's future careers. Unfortunately, nothing seemed to go as he had hoped."
His eldest son, Joseph P. Kennedy Jr., was elected as a delegate for Massachusetts at the 1940 Democratic Convention as preparation for his candidacy for Congress in 1942. However, his death in [REDACTED] forced the patriarch to shift his focus to his second son, John F. Kennedy. At the time serving in the Navy, JFK returned home and began working as a journalist for Hearst, primarily covering [REDACTED]. Later, U.S. Representative James Michael Curley vacated his seat in Massachusetts’ heavily Democratic 11th Congressional District to become Mayor of Boston in 1944. As a result, JFK (as he would soon be known) entered Congress in 1944 at the age of 27 (two years above the legal requirement). By 1952, following the elections, he had secured a Senate seat. Throughout all these campaigns, his younger brother Robert (RFK) served as his campaign director.
RFK’s political career began in 1957, when his brother included him in the investigation into Jimmy Hoffa’s labor extortion schemes within the Teamsters Union. Following this, RFK wrote the famous book The Enemy Within: The McClellan Committee's Crusade Against Jimmy Hoffa and Corrupt Labor Unions, which was widely acclaimed and led him to run in 1958 for the same seat his brother once held, Massachusetts’ 11th Congressional District. Unsurprisingly, he defeated his Republican opponent. However, from 1958 to 1961, his main focus was his brother’s presidential campaign.
In 1964, the Democratic Party nominated RFK as its candidate, following his promises to support civil rights legislation, something that President [REDACTED] had failed to do during his tenure. This decision caused the party’s split, unfortunately, it was not the first time in the 20th century that such a division had occurred.
After two terms of Hoover and MacArthur’s coup, the Democratic Party had fractured into two rival factions. On one side, the traditional Southern base, led by figures such as Virginia Senator Harry F. Byrd and Senator Richard Russell Jr., had actively participated in and supported MacArthur’s coup. Because of this, liberals would later mockingly refer to them as the “MacArthur Democrats.” This marked a stark contrast with the Northern liberal wing, which tended to either go into exile in New England or shift to the Pacific States. Without Southern influence, the Democrats were free to establish their own liberal political platform. From San Francisco to Boston, Democratic leaders remained in close contact—some even within MacArthur’s government secretly communicated with San Francisco while the war was still ongoing. After reunification and the eventual reintegration of New England, liberal Democrats united under three slogans: No to MacArthur and dictatorship, Yes to an interventionist state, No to... segregation?
"1936 electoral map. The Democratic Party lost much of its support in the South due to Long. Without mid-term elections in 1938 due to the war, the Democrats spent the years from 1936 to 1940 trying to figure out how to regain support in the South."
This last point was particularly controversial, as segregation had been the foundation of Democratic political supremacy in the South since Reconstruction—a supremacy that Huey Long had managed to erode. The two Democratic factions interpreted this differently. For Southern Democrats, the AFP’s ability to steal their votes was seen as a betrayal of the South during the Great Depression. They believed that under liberal Democrats like Al Smith, the party had abandoned its traditional conservative practices. This led Harry Byrd, as a candidate, to propose an even stronger segregationist policy and increased surveillance of the Black population. In the words of his future running mate, Richard Russell Jr.: “Our Civil War has taught us one thing: Black people are a threat. If we’re not careful, they’ll get infected with the red virus again, and Americans will die.” Unsurprisingly, these statements were deeply unpopular in both the North and the West. In Robert Wagner’s opinion, the Democratic Party was at risk of becoming a party “only interested in defending a few states and their way of life.”
For their part, the liberals saw the success of Long and Reed as a result of their attempts at economic reforms. Under their leadership, efforts were made for the state to take a more active role in the economy and to protect its citizens. Because of this, the liberals believed that the solution to their problems lay in an economic approach, building a "Welfare State" and creating political programs aligned with it. Their leader was Robert F. Wagner, Secretary of the Treasury and promoter of the various legislative projects pushed forward under President Landon, with a progressive focus. Consequently, the conservative wing of the party (not just the Southern faction but also the Northern conservatives led by Joseph P. Kennedy, Sr.) viewed these reforms as a deviation towards radical leftism.
Regarding segregation, the liberals had assumed that segregationist votes would be lost over time regardless. They believed that it would only take the emergence of a Southern regionalist party for those votes to be lost once again. Therefore, they preferred to secure the Black vote for the future rather than remain tied to the South. As a result, the 1940 Democratic Convention would become a point of conflict.
The 1940 Democratic primaries were quite competitive. On one hand, Wagner’s liberals led the primaries in liberal states, while Harry Byrd’s conservatives led in the Southern states and some of the more conservative ones. However, the close results made analysts realize that the convention would be highly contested. When the convention convened in Atlanta, the party’s liberals gradually realized they were losing delegates. Joseph P. Kennedy, Sr. was elected as the Temporary Chair of the Convention, highlighting the significance of the Northern conservative wing in the proceedings. Shortly after, the vote on the party platform began. Due to Kennedy's pressure, Byrd’s segregationist platform was approved. The next day, Harry Byrd and Richard Russell Jr. were nominated as the candidates for the 1940 presidential election. Unfortunately for them, the Democratic Party’s internal drama was far from over.
Upon leaving the convention, Wagner announced to the press his intention to create a rival political platform. In his own words, "We are going to establish a political program that ensures Americans are not forced to choose between a General and segregation." Barely three days later, the delegates gathered in Boston to announce their candidacy. However, Robert Wagner chose not to run himself. Instead, he endorsed the current leader of the Farmer-Labor Party: Henry Wallace.
Henry Wallace (unrelated to George Wallace) had previously run alongside Floyd B. Olson under the Farmer-Labor Party. Unfortunately, his party lost a significant number of voters in 1936, allowing Reed to win. Following Floyd B. Olson’s death in 1938, Wallace took over the party, which barely had any congressional representatives and was increasingly aligning with the liberal Democrats. Wagner, therefore, realized that he could not appeal solely to the urban population. With Wallace as the candidate, farmers would support them. To consolidate Democratic power, the candidate for vice president was Alben W. Barkley, who had served as Senate Minority Leader since 1936. Both candidates, chosen and endorsed by Wagner, won on the first ballot. The Progressive Democratic Party had been born.
Returning to the war, the situation seemed stagnant for the United States. On one hand, naval supremacy granted the possibility of carrying out a landing. But was that the objective? At that moment, the I Marine Corps (which was nearly the size of two full armies) had the capability to launch an amphibious assault at several points along the African coast. The General Staff under McNair primarily considered the option of landing in Dakar to gain enough ground to force a peace settlement. However, several factors made the General Staff uncertain.
Firstly, the Marines had played a crucial role during the war in Canada and the civil war, excelling in urban combat and river crossings. However, the capture of the Azores had exposed serious deficiencies in the organization of amphibious landings. In fact, this only influenced Pétain further in his decision not to seek peace. He believed he could defeat the Americans on the beaches and in the deserts, forcing them back across the Atlantic. Because of this, Landon feared destroying his legacy with such a controversial action.
"Photo taken at an undetermined moment during the capture of the Azores. In this image, we can see some Marines attacking a Portuguese fortification. Despite suffering minimal casualties, reports from the General Staff indicated that unit organization and inter-arms cooperation were highly deficient. In McNair's opinion, "if our enemy had been prepared, they would have torn us to shreds." This influenced Landon's decision to postpone a potential landing in Africa in 1940."
However, an opportunity presented itself on July 15, just a week before the Democratic Convention. On that day, marking the opening of the African Theater of the Second World War, the Republic of Liberia declared war on the French Republic.
The Republic of Liberia had been founded in 1847 as a proposal by the American Colonization Society to repatriate black settlers and provide them with their own state. As a result, the country had always been heavily influenced by its protector and creator, the United States. Its constitution was essentially a copy of the American one, and its dominant political force was the True Whig Party. However, Liberia never enjoyed the same level of democracy as the U.S. Firstly, the native population was oppressed, with many used as forced laborers. Only in 1933, under American pressure, did the Liberian government implement some reforms (though never stopped rigging elections).
To everyone's surprise, Liberia had supported Long’s government, sending a few hundred rifles that never actually reached the United States. This led MacArthur and Landon to maintain a distant attitude toward the African nation. In particular, the presence of General Patton as a presidential advisor was deeply resented by Landon, who had wanted him prosecuted. However, American investors remained vital to Liberia’s economy. After his media exile, Hearst became the country's leading investor—not only acquiring hundreds of square kilometers of farmland but also becoming the primary financier behind the Freeport of Monrovia.
"Freeport of Monrovia in the mid-1950s. Funded with American money, the port was vital during the American deployment, as it allowed for a steady flow of supplies from American ports. In 1987, the port underwent a renovation that has been maintained to this day."
Another key figure with significant interest in the country was Edgar Hoover, the powerful director of the FBI. Even before the war with Canada, the FBI had maintained a strong presence in Liberia. In 1939, it had played a crucial role—alongside Patton—in preventing a coup attempt orchestrated by elements within the military who had grown increasingly disillusioned with the rampant corruption of the government. Now, the FBI proposed to Landon the idea of provoking a border incident between Liberia and France, creating a pretext for the United States to deploy forces in Africa. Landon refused.
A few days later, Hearst’s newspapers launched a series of articles highlighting the situation in Liberia. That same day, French troops crossed the border, apparently testing Liberia’s defenses. Over the course of a week, Hearst managed to sway American public opinion toward supporting a possible intervention in Liberia. For his part, Landon held meetings with MacArthur and Byrd, whom he saw as potential future presidents (since no one had predicted the breakup of the Democratic Party). Byrd did not oppose the defense of Liberia, though he complained to President Landon about sending troops to Africa for offensive operations. MacArthur, on the other hand, was arrogant toward Landon, knowing that he had derailed his potential presidential career. However, MacArthur supported the deployment of troops to defend the Liberians and attack the Entente. Apparently, these comments (which both Landon and MacArthur made public) did not sit well with vice-presidential candidate Robert Taft. Little by little, "Mr. Republican" was beginning to realize that his conservative and isolationist political views were not the same as MacArthur’s. Nevertheless, he backed MacArthur’s statements—this was no time to undermine his running mate.
Ultimately, Pétain recognized the danger on his southern flank and issued an ultimatum demanding that the Liberian government expel all Americans from its territory. Patton, who had recently been promoted to General after the attempted coup, ordered his troops to prepare to… advance. The Liberian President, knowing he could count on American support, backed his General. Just four hours after Pétain's ultimatum, the Liberian government declared war on the French Republic and formally requested that the United States deploy troops on Liberian soil "to defend the sovereignty of their sister nation."
Landon, after discussing the matter with congressional leaders, gave the order for Bradley’s First Army to embark from Florida to Monrovia. It would take them over a month to arrive.
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Four parties? It would certainly be a complicated election. But with the Progressives around, Landon would only harm them. Right now, the President knows it’s unlikely he will be elected. Let's remember that Landon couldn’t win in 1936. With MacArthur as the candidate, even less so.
With the Democrats divided, it is almost certain that MacArthur will win. The main question is what he will do once in the presidency. He is an outsider, with no congressmen on his side. Therefore, he will have to rely on his base. He shares some things in common with both conservatives and liberals. He will likely have to mediate between both factions of the party… or create his own. We will learn about the Triumvirate in a couple of chapters.
As for Oppie, there is still a long way to go. Given the current situation, we won’t be hearing much from him for quite some time.
The more I read about him, the more I like MacArthur as a character. I’m really looking forward to showing how an authoritarian man, so accustomed to command like the Caesar, will have to deal with bureaucracy and the interests of Congress.
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The split in the Democrats more or less guarantees MacArthur the Presidency, everyone else should just give up and go home...
Caesar will become President, no doubt about it. But the Presidency is not a generalship or a monarchy, MacArthur will need to follow the rules or risk impeachment.
If RFK was nominated, that means JFK died.
Petain made a mistake opening up Liberia as a front. Shipping troops over is easy for America instead of a costly naval landing.
If RFK was nominated, that means JFK died.
Petain made a mistake opening up Liberia as a front. Shipping troops over is easy for America instead of a costly naval landing.
:'(
True today as well.
God, Lincoln is so...so quotable...
Heh. MacArthur...discreet?
Im just going to insert from my head cannon a view of Long speechifying before a roaring crowd, asking them to "Give me that meat axe!"
Simpler days back then.
With the Republic dead, there isn't much left to be loyal to these days.
Ah, but the time for words is over...
I wonder what, specifically, KR has MacArthur do to make the West decide to oppose the Federal Government...
I think in the past I thought that there would be a significant faction that would see neutrality and isolationism as a viable way to avoid the horrors of a new Civil War...i.e., try to take the Kentucky 1861 path...
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The very definition of justification to deny freedom to anyone 'unworthy'...
Not a good quote from a liberator...
Hearst is not a reliable source of truth. Our biographer is a fool...
The Republic was already dead...
Ah, yes.
He is Watson!
After all, the Republic is dead. Canadian occupation is probably better for most than being subjected to invasion and sacking by the syndicalists...
Chapter 27: The Lend-Lease Act, The Carver Commission, and The Mad King's Wedding
"That morning, I remember rising from the ruins of what had once been a home. Until just a few days before, it had been inhabited. We could still see the remnants of breakfast, which we, with barely any rations, had eaten. To this day, I am grateful that meal at least allowed us to quell our hunger.However, what it did not quell were our questions and doubts. How was it possible that the greatest empire on Earth had collapsed so quickly? Today, we know—or at least suppose—the answers: the lack of innovation in our military sector, the failure to coordinate between civilians and the armed forces, the resentment of our puppets, and the two Black Mondays that ultimately destroyed our economy. We know this now. At the time, we could only speculate. There was no clear answer to our questions—only the sound of syndicalist war machines approaching our position on the banks of the Elbe. And that, combined with our doubts, provoked only one thing: rage.
Rage against the monarchy, which had remained idle and allowed politicians to rule us. Rage against the bankers, magnates, and oligarchs, who had chosen to enrich themselves rather than aid our country. Rage against the minorities, who had perverted our people and betrayed us to the syndicalists. Rage against the politicians, whose power struggles had led our nation astray. And rage against the old Prussian officers, who had preferred to remain with their mistresses in Berlin rather than fight for their homeland against the Reds".
- Otto Ernst Remer, in his book "My Struggles: The Birth of a New Nation".
While the Americans focused on the upcoming 1940 elections, the world kept turning.
On July 17, Russian troops entered Minsk, finally ending a siege that had dragged on for over a month and had cost 150,000 Russian casualties and about 76,000 German and Belarusian losses. The victory—almost Pyrrhic—only worsened the German supply shortages in the region and destroyed much of the city. Despite this, General Erich von Manstein (a veteran of the Spanish Civil War) managed to halt the Russian advance. However, it was only a matter of time before his positions would be crushed by Russian artillery and tanks if nothing changed. Further north, the Lithuanian Army launched a coup d'état and began attacking scattered German garrisons. Just a few hours later, the Military Junta of the National Republic announced its alignment with the Moscow Accord. This internal coup—funded with Russian money—only further complicated the German situation in the East.
Despite Savinkov's victories, the internal Russian situation left much to be desired. On one hand, leftist forces—both democratic and revolutionary—were reorganizing to try to cripple the war effort. Unfortunately for them, Savinkov's Cossack troops were brutal in their repression. This was evident in cities like Ufa and Rostov, where looting and massacres at the hands of state forces took place. Meanwhile, news arrived from the Siberian Cossacks. There, in the early hours of July 16, a Japanese Army cavalry detachment crossed the border escorting around 100 men and their leader: Grigory Semyonov.
This Cossack ataman, financed with Japanese (and German) money, crossed the border and, in just 24 hours, secured the loyalty of local military units and the Far Eastern Military District. There, after several assassinations and uprisings, he established his own rival government against Moscow. Unfortunately for him, the local units responded faster than expected. Under the command of Commissar Ivan Serov (of the Russian security forces), the remaining Russian Army units reacted to the rebellion. Though it would be difficult to stop Semyonov’s advance, Commissar Serov implemented scorched-earth tactics, summary executions, forced conscription of prisoners, and blocking battalions to halt the rebel offensive. Time would tell if Serov would succeed.
Back in Continental Europe, the German situation in the Baltic worsened. With German forces dwindling and local units deserting, Marshal and Reichsstatthalter Rüdiger von der Goltz prepared to defend his capital against the 'Slavic scum' to the bitter end. To do so, he followed the advice of his German ministers and began enlisting every German settler still present in his ever-shrinking Governorate. Many 15-year-old boys would soon find themselves trapped between a ruthless state machine and the Russian horde. Facing him stood the 1st Russian Army under Marshal, Chief of Staff of the Russian Army, and Baron Pyotr Nikolayevich Wrangel. Despite Russian superiority, the battle would undoubtedly be a difficult one.
"Russian shock soldier on the outskirts of Riga during the fall of 1940. During the reforms carried out by Savinkov after the Russian defeat in Central Asia, the Russian Army, inherited from the Tsarist era and outdated, was transformed into the modern Russian National Revolutionary Army. Its new strategy consisted of the use of medium tanks (such as the famous T-34), heavy artillery, and infantry assault units (based on the German Stoßtruppen). As we can see in the photo, they were heavily equipped and trained with flamethrowers and other weapons for urban warfare."
In the south, another great siege of the Eastern Front took place: the Siege of Kyiv. Kyiv, the capital of the Ukrainian Government, was being surrounded by Russian forces both from the north and the south. In desperate need of a victory on the Eastern Front, the German Government decided that Kyiv would be their Verdun. Thus, Friedrich Paulus' Sixth Army fortified itself around the city. However, news from the Western Front forced Paulus to defend the city with auxiliary forces while the Sixth Army joined Model's forces. Despite having only three divisions of Ukrainian soldiers and one Polish armored division, Paulus prepared to defend the city. Facing him, General Chuikov and his Third Army launched a direct attack on the city.
Returning to Western Europe, the German Army was bleeding against the forces of the Internationale. Marshal Model attempted to hold the French forces behind the Rhine, using the few mobile units he had to plug the breaches created by the Internationale. However, French light and medium tank units encircled the German forces, who had become accustomed to a Weltkrieg-style trench warfare mentality. To make matters worse, British, Dutch, and Spanish forces began advancing along Germany's northern coast. Despite mobilizing volunteers and veterans and redirecting the Sixth Army to the Dutch Front, it had collapsed by July 22. Only a few forces under Gerd von Rundstedt remained between the Internationale and Berlin.
Farther away, in the Middle East, the Ottomans were successfully suppressing the Arab uprisings one by one through policies of deliberate destruction and war crimes. Meanwhile, they had managed to keep the Egyptian forces behind the Suez Canal. There, neither side dared to cross the devastated canal, preferring to entrench themselves instead.
In the east, Fritz Bayerlein’s Deutsches Expeditionskorps Orient had achieved a breakthrough, capturing almost all the southern ports. Despite this, the Japanese continued sending aid through the few remaining free ports that the increasingly dwindling Ottoman expeditionary forces had yet to conquer.
Briefly addressing China, it should be noted that the Fengtian Government had managed to conquer much of the Beiyang Government's territory, forcing its capital to be relocated to Xi'an. It seemed inevitable that China would fall under its power—and, indirectly, under that of Japan.
Returning to the United States, American citizens watched with concern as German cities fell. Although they did not have much sympathy for the Germans, they realized that some form of intervention was necessary. And along with them, so did President Landon.
Landon had not taken MacArthur’s nomination as President well at all. Because of this, he spent the first days after the convention avoiding public appearances and refusing to meet with anyone. However, the former governor realized that if he wanted to be remembered in history, he did not want it to be as the man who simply handed the presidency to MacArthur, but for other accomplishments. Thus, he personally negotiated with the various leaders of Congress and the Senate to swiftly build his last major legislative project of his term: the Lend-Lease Act. Through this bill, signed by President Landon on July 31, the United States began supplying war material to the nations that needed it. The first of these shipments was sent on the very same day, consisting of 16,000 rifles, 300 artillery pieces, and 6,300 support equipment units sent to Germany.
The next day, on August 1, President Landon, members of the cabinet, congressmen, senators, prominent political figures such as Hoover and Hearst, and finally, General and presidential candidate MacArthur inaugurated the new Capitol, reconstructed by syndicalist prisoners to closely resemble the original. As a reward for their labor, Landon ordered the release of 5,000 prisoners. But they were not just there for the inauguration. At last, after years of investigation, the Carver Commission was ready to present its findings to the world.
First, the Commission revealed its conclusions about the SPA, the Socialist Party that had won the 1936 elections. It was shown that France had financed the party throughout the entire period through Swiss banks and had assisted in the creation of cells across the country. Additionally, the investigation uncovered the infiltration of Internationale intelligence agencies into the United States. For example, the SPA militias and French intelligence forces had orchestrated the assassinations of Al Capone and William D. Mitchell, a Republican politician who had served as Attorney General of the United States and had begun investigating the country’s criminal underworld. This revelation horrified congressmen, who had long suspected such activities but had never been able to confirm them.
Following this, Carver addressed the significance of the 1933 elections. After extensive investigations, he stated that, as many had suspected, Reed had used his Red Guards to commit electoral fraud in Iowa and Montana, as well as in New York and Pennsylvania. However, the Commission determined that his victory had been legitimate in the industrial states of the North. Therefore, the Commission recommended that the Supreme Court declare those elections invalid (Frankfurter and his allies did so two weeks later). Finally, the Commission established that French military officers had been present in the country as early as 1936, even before the elections. This suggested that the CSA had been aware that a civil war was inevitable. It explained why they had lasted so long and were able to resist much more effectively than Long’s government.
Regarding Long’s administration, his recovered diaries—retrieved after his escape to Brazil—proved to be vital. They revealed that the pre-1936 Zentrum government and the banks had conspired to support Huey Long. However, the most incriminating document was a letter from the German ambassador to George Van Horn Moseley (who had committed suicide following Huey Long’s escape), promising German assistance in the event of a coup after Long’s victory.
To the surprise of many, another major conspiracy against Long was uncovered: that of the Silver Legion of America. This organization was founded by the writer and occultist William Dudley Pelley. Its goal was to eliminate Jewish and Marxist influence in America, which is why it supported Long’s regime. However, after his fall, this network remained hidden from federal authorities. In fact, Pelley himself was never tried in the Denver trials and was simply exonerated as a mid-ranking Army officer—despite some contemporary investigations already placing him as the orchestrator of anti-Jewish pogroms in Southern cities during the early days of the civil war.
"Wanted poster issued by the FBI seeking Pelley. Despite the FBI’s influence, Pelley managed to escape with the help of some former AUS veterans and sympathizers."
Following these revelations, the FBI launched a campaign to capture him dead or alive, as well as to use the seized documents to unravel his entire network of contacts. However, the scandal did not end there: it was discovered that Pelley had been living quietly in the South, working in a factory under his real name while receiving a subsidy from the AUS Army Veterans Association. This led to the association being ultimately linked to the American Legion, the official veterans’ organization supported by MacArthur. Unfortunately, Pelley managed to escape before he could be captured.
Of course, these accusations made by the United States were dismissed as mere propaganda by both sides. However, despite the official denials, they still had an impact on diplomatic relations.
Tensions grew, and trust between the powers eroded. While the Internationale saw it as another attempt to discredit their cause, the German Empire viewed it as a sign of Washington’s increasing hostility. Although no direct consequences followed, the accusations contributed to a gradual cooling of relations between the United States, the Internationale, and Germany.
On August 1, the forces of Chuikov’s 3rd Army expelled the Germans from Kyiv. Unfortunately for the Reichspakt forces in the region, General Paulus was captured by the Russians and forced to surrender. In response, Commander Guderian was given control of the front.
However, Guderian had few real options to act. After the fall of Kyiv, the remnants of the Ukrainian government relocated to Lviv, in Austria-Hungary. Without a central authority, the country fell into anarchy. A handful of Ukrainian officers of Russian descent acted as a fifth column and surrendered the country to Savinkov, who quickly took advantage of the railway system to redeploy his troops. Romania, which had been struggling for months, was relieved by the arrival of Russian reinforcements heading south.
In a more informal tone, news arrived from Australia of a royal wedding. After the dramatic royal escape from Canada and the death of his mother, Edward VIII fell into a deep depression. His brother George had to take over state affairs. After long deliberation, it was decided that George would serve as Regent (and Governor-General of Australasia) until Edward could recover. Upon taking power, Prince Regent George sent the new Prime Minister in exile (since Churchill remained under American custody) Lord Halifax to Hawaii to negotiate with an American delegation for a possible peace.
"Official portrait of Edward Frederick Lindley Wood, 1st Earl of Halifax. Exiled to Canada along with much of the British royalty, he was one of the Conservative Party members most inclined toward peace with the United States. After Churchill's capture, Prince George appointed him Prime Minister to begin negotiating peace."
Meanwhile, Edward remained the legitimate king but was entirely detached from affairs of state. He was nothing more than a puppet of his brother. However, this did not prevent him from falling madly in love with Princess Catherine of Greece and Denmark, who had been in exile since the Greek army imposed a military republic on the country following its defeat in the Fourth Balkan War. After three weeks of courtship—during which the princess acted more as a nurse to the broken Edward than as his lover—Edward and Catherine became engaged. On August 2, they were married. This increased the popularity of the monarchy while also serving George’s purpose of proving to the more pro-Edward factions that their monarch was still alive.
That same day, the city of Hamburg fell to British Marine forces. Despite bitter house-to-house fighting and the deployment of urban militias, the Germans could not hold the city. In response, von Rundstedt ordered all forces to retreat east of the Elbe. Following this, he suggested to Berlin that the 6th Army should be sent directly to the capital. In his communiqué, he stated: "As much as I do not doubt the bravery of our soldiers, by the time the 6th Army reaches the Elbe, the Red troops will already be in Berlin."
Despite the grim situation elsewhere in the war, the conflict along the Rhine did not appear as catastrophic as it might have seemed at first glance. Although the loss of the northern industrial centers was a severe blow—particularly as many disaffected workers, driven to desperation by the government's rigid technocratic policies, had thrown their support behind the advancing French forces—the Upper Rhine remained largely stable following the fall of Strasbourg.
Under the command of Albert Kesselring, the combined forces of the 9th and 10th Armies mounted a resolute defense, successfully halting the French advance toward Stuttgart. Kesselring, known for his strategic acumen, leveraged the difficult terrain and fortified positions to his advantage, preventing the enemy from breaking through. The arrival of Austro-Hungarian reinforcements further bolstered the front, providing much-needed manpower and logistical support. This unexpected resilience gave Berlin a glimmer of hope, fueling discussions of a potential counteroffensive from the south, which, if executed successfully, could turn the tide of the war in the region.
Yet, the situation remained precarious. The French command, aware of the strategic importance of the Rhine, continued to press forward, launching probing attacks and testing German defenses. Skirmishes erupted across the front, with heavy casualties on both sides. The German high command knew that any future counteroffensive would require not only additional reinforcements but also a shift in momentum—one that would depend on events unfolding in other theaters of war.
While the battles raged in Central Europe, another crisis was unfolding on the Iberian Peninsula. Portugal, a key member of the Entente, was rapidly losing ground to the combined forces of Spain and the French. The situation had deteriorated to the point where, by mid-1940, enemy troops were within 100 kilometers of Lisbon, threatening to overrun the Portuguese capital. Faced with imminent collapse, Portuguese ambassador António de Oliveira Salazar took the bold step of reaching out to the United States, seeking a last-minute intervention that could alter the fate of his country.
Salazar was a complex figure—a conservative thinker whose ideology combined elements of Schleicher’s technocratic governance with Savinkov’s nationalist-populism, though always within a rigidly Catholic and socially conservative framework. His political career had been tumultuous. Following the 1926 coup, he had been appointed Minister of Finance, where he stabilized Portugal’s economy. However, his republican beliefs clashed with the monarchy’s proclamation in 1927, leading to his resignation and voluntary exile as ambassador to Brazil. There, he formed a close friendship with Brazilian dictator Getúlio Vargas, further refining his vision of an authoritarian but technocratic state.
"António de Oliveira Salazar (April 28, 1889 – July 27, 1970) in 1968. Considered by many as the Founding Father of the modern Republic of Portugal, Salazar began his career as an ambitious Christian populist technocrat. He was the main organizer and leader of the "Luta pela República" organization, and his surname was used to name the operation"
After the end of US’s civil war in 1938, Salazar was reassigned as ambassador to Washington. Though Portugal and the U.S. found themselves on opposite sides of the global conflict, Lisbon had chosen to keep Salazar in the American capital, hoping to maintain diplomatic channels in case a separate peace deal became necessary. However, Salazar had no intention of simply being a passive observer—he had plans of his own.
In early 1940, as the Internationale forces drew closer to Lisbon, Salazar arranged a highly secretive meeting with President Landon, FBI Director Edgar Hoover, and the newly appointed Army Chief of Staff, General McNair. During this covert discussion, Salazar revealed the existence of a conspiracy within the Portuguese civilian administration, composed of high-ranking officials who sought to overthrow the monarchy and establish a republic.
With time running out, Salazar made a desperate proposal: if the United States launched a military intervention in Portugal—securing Lisbon and its surrounding territories before the Internationale could overrun them—he would ensure that the new Portuguese Republic became a firm ally of Washington. As part of the deal, he offered to integrate Portugal into the American sphere of influence, aligning its government with U.S. strategic interests. Moreover, if necessary, he was willing to negotiate the fate of Portugal’s overseas colonies, potentially relinquishing them in exchange for continued U.S. support.
The proposal was met with cautious interest. Landon and his advisors recognized the strategic value of maintaining a foothold in Portugal—one that could serve as a launch point for future operations in Europe. However, the risks were considerable. A direct American intervention would not only require careful military planning but could also provoke a broader escalation of the war. After hours of intense negotiations, Landon ultimately agreed to the plan.
Immediately, the U.S. military command began drawing up Operation Salazar, a daring amphibious assault designed to secure Lisbon before the Internationale could seize it. The operation would involve a rapid deployment of U.S. Marine forces, launched from the Azores, aiming to take control of the capital and provide a defensive buffer for the republican conspirators. If successful, it would not only prevent Portugal from falling into enemy hands but also create a new American-aligned government in Europe, reshaping the balance of power in the region.
With the clock ticking and the fate of Portugal hanging in the balance, preparations for Operation Salazar moved into high gear. The coming weeks would determine whether this last-ditch gamble would succeed—or whether Portugal would become yet another casualty of the war.
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Regarding RFK, there is still a long way to go until the 1964 elections. There are some surprises ahead. Regarding the war in Africa, it’s complicated to explain the actions of the AI. So, I have no choice but to say that Edward is crazy and Pétain is senile.
Regarding neutrality, this is usually the case. Normally, New England declares neutrality and secedes from the Union. However, Canada directly invaded it without setting up a puppet government or anything. There is no place among the 50 states (or 48 in this case) that has remained untouched by the conflict.
"That morning, I remember rising from the ruins of what had once been a home. Until just a few days before, it had been inhabited. We could still see the remnants of breakfast, which we, with barely any rations, had eaten. To this day, I am grateful that meal at least allowed us to quell our hunger.However, what it did not quell were our questions and doubts. How was it possible that the greatest empire on Earth had collapsed so quickly? Today, we know—or at least suppose—the answers: the lack of innovation in our military sector, the failure to coordinate between civilians and the armed forces, the resentment of our puppets, and the two Black Mondays that ultimately destroyed our economy. We know this now. At the time, we could only speculate. There was no clear answer to our questions—only the sound of syndicalist war machines approaching our position on the banks of the Elbe. And that, combined with our doubts, provoked only one thing: rage.
Rage against the monarchy, which had remained idle and allowed politicians to rule us. Rage against the bankers, magnates, and oligarchs, who had chosen to enrich themselves rather than aid our country. Rage against the minorities, who had perverted our people and betrayed us to the syndicalists. Rage against the politicians, whose power struggles had led our nation astray. And rage against the old Prussian officers, who had preferred to remain with their mistresses in Berlin rather than fight for their homeland against the Reds".
- Otto Ernst Remer, in his book "My Struggles: The Birth of a New Nation".
While the Americans focused on the upcoming 1940 elections, the world kept turning.
On July 17, Russian troops entered Minsk, finally ending a siege that had dragged on for over a month and had cost 150,000 Russian casualties and about 76,000 German and Belarusian losses. The victory—almost Pyrrhic—only worsened the German supply shortages in the region and destroyed much of the city. Despite this, General Erich von Manstein (a veteran of the Spanish Civil War) managed to halt the Russian advance. However, it was only a matter of time before his positions would be crushed by Russian artillery and tanks if nothing changed. Further north, the Lithuanian Army launched a coup d'état and began attacking scattered German garrisons. Just a few hours later, the Military Junta of the National Republic announced its alignment with the Moscow Accord. This internal coup—funded with Russian money—only further complicated the German situation in the East.
Despite Savinkov's victories, the internal Russian situation left much to be desired. On one hand, leftist forces—both democratic and revolutionary—were reorganizing to try to cripple the war effort. Unfortunately for them, Savinkov's Cossack troops were brutal in their repression. This was evident in cities like Ufa and Rostov, where looting and massacres at the hands of state forces took place. Meanwhile, news arrived from the Siberian Cossacks. There, in the early hours of July 16, a Japanese Army cavalry detachment crossed the border escorting around 100 men and their leader: Grigory Semyonov.
This Cossack ataman, financed with Japanese (and German) money, crossed the border and, in just 24 hours, secured the loyalty of local military units and the Far Eastern Military District. There, after several assassinations and uprisings, he established his own rival government against Moscow. Unfortunately for him, the local units responded faster than expected. Under the command of Commissar Ivan Serov (of the Russian security forces), the remaining Russian Army units reacted to the rebellion. Though it would be difficult to stop Semyonov’s advance, Commissar Serov implemented scorched-earth tactics, summary executions, forced conscription of prisoners, and blocking battalions to halt the rebel offensive. Time would tell if Serov would succeed.
Back in Continental Europe, the German situation in the Baltic worsened. With German forces dwindling and local units deserting, Marshal and Reichsstatthalter Rüdiger von der Goltz prepared to defend his capital against the 'Slavic scum' to the bitter end. To do so, he followed the advice of his German ministers and began enlisting every German settler still present in his ever-shrinking Governorate. Many 15-year-old boys would soon find themselves trapped between a ruthless state machine and the Russian horde. Facing him stood the 1st Russian Army under Marshal, Chief of Staff of the Russian Army, and Baron Pyotr Nikolayevich Wrangel. Despite Russian superiority, the battle would undoubtedly be a difficult one.
"Russian shock soldier on the outskirts of Riga during the fall of 1940. During the reforms carried out by Savinkov after the Russian defeat in Central Asia, the Russian Army, inherited from the Tsarist era and outdated, was transformed into the modern Russian National Revolutionary Army. Its new strategy consisted of the use of medium tanks (such as the famous T-34), heavy artillery, and infantry assault units (based on the German Stoßtruppen). As we can see in the photo, they were heavily equipped and trained with flamethrowers and other weapons for urban warfare."
In the south, another great siege of the Eastern Front took place: the Siege of Kyiv. Kyiv, the capital of the Ukrainian Government, was being surrounded by Russian forces both from the north and the south. In desperate need of a victory on the Eastern Front, the German Government decided that Kyiv would be their Verdun. Thus, Friedrich Paulus' Sixth Army fortified itself around the city. However, news from the Western Front forced Paulus to defend the city with auxiliary forces while the Sixth Army joined Model's forces. Despite having only three divisions of Ukrainian soldiers and one Polish armored division, Paulus prepared to defend the city. Facing him, General Chuikov and his Third Army launched a direct attack on the city.
Returning to Western Europe, the German Army was bleeding against the forces of the Internationale. Marshal Model attempted to hold the French forces behind the Rhine, using the few mobile units he had to plug the breaches created by the Internationale. However, French light and medium tank units encircled the German forces, who had become accustomed to a Weltkrieg-style trench warfare mentality. To make matters worse, British, Dutch, and Spanish forces began advancing along Germany's northern coast. Despite mobilizing volunteers and veterans and redirecting the Sixth Army to the Dutch Front, it had collapsed by July 22. Only a few forces under Gerd von Rundstedt remained between the Internationale and Berlin.
Farther away, in the Middle East, the Ottomans were successfully suppressing the Arab uprisings one by one through policies of deliberate destruction and war crimes. Meanwhile, they had managed to keep the Egyptian forces behind the Suez Canal. There, neither side dared to cross the devastated canal, preferring to entrench themselves instead.
In the east, Fritz Bayerlein’s Deutsches Expeditionskorps Orient had achieved a breakthrough, capturing almost all the southern ports. Despite this, the Japanese continued sending aid through the few remaining free ports that the increasingly dwindling Ottoman expeditionary forces had yet to conquer.
Briefly addressing China, it should be noted that the Fengtian Government had managed to conquer much of the Beiyang Government's territory, forcing its capital to be relocated to Xi'an. It seemed inevitable that China would fall under its power—and, indirectly, under that of Japan.
Returning to the United States, American citizens watched with concern as German cities fell. Although they did not have much sympathy for the Germans, they realized that some form of intervention was necessary. And along with them, so did President Landon.
Landon had not taken MacArthur’s nomination as President well at all. Because of this, he spent the first days after the convention avoiding public appearances and refusing to meet with anyone. However, the former governor realized that if he wanted to be remembered in history, he did not want it to be as the man who simply handed the presidency to MacArthur, but for other accomplishments. Thus, he personally negotiated with the various leaders of Congress and the Senate to swiftly build his last major legislative project of his term: the Lend-Lease Act. Through this bill, signed by President Landon on July 31, the United States began supplying war material to the nations that needed it. The first of these shipments was sent on the very same day, consisting of 16,000 rifles, 300 artillery pieces, and 6,300 support equipment units sent to Germany.
The next day, on August 1, President Landon, members of the cabinet, congressmen, senators, prominent political figures such as Hoover and Hearst, and finally, General and presidential candidate MacArthur inaugurated the new Capitol, reconstructed by syndicalist prisoners to closely resemble the original. As a reward for their labor, Landon ordered the release of 5,000 prisoners. But they were not just there for the inauguration. At last, after years of investigation, the Carver Commission was ready to present its findings to the world.
First, the Commission revealed its conclusions about the SPA, the Socialist Party that had won the 1936 elections. It was shown that France had financed the party throughout the entire period through Swiss banks and had assisted in the creation of cells across the country. Additionally, the investigation uncovered the infiltration of Internationale intelligence agencies into the United States. For example, the SPA militias and French intelligence forces had orchestrated the assassinations of Al Capone and William D. Mitchell, a Republican politician who had served as Attorney General of the United States and had begun investigating the country’s criminal underworld. This revelation horrified congressmen, who had long suspected such activities but had never been able to confirm them.
Following this, Carver addressed the significance of the 1933 elections. After extensive investigations, he stated that, as many had suspected, Reed had used his Red Guards to commit electoral fraud in Iowa and Montana, as well as in New York and Pennsylvania. However, the Commission determined that his victory had been legitimate in the industrial states of the North. Therefore, the Commission recommended that the Supreme Court declare those elections invalid (Frankfurter and his allies did so two weeks later). Finally, the Commission established that French military officers had been present in the country as early as 1936, even before the elections. This suggested that the CSA had been aware that a civil war was inevitable. It explained why they had lasted so long and were able to resist much more effectively than Long’s government.
Regarding Long’s administration, his recovered diaries—retrieved after his escape to Brazil—proved to be vital. They revealed that the pre-1936 Zentrum government and the banks had conspired to support Huey Long. However, the most incriminating document was a letter from the German ambassador to George Van Horn Moseley (who had committed suicide following Huey Long’s escape), promising German assistance in the event of a coup after Long’s victory.
To the surprise of many, another major conspiracy against Long was uncovered: that of the Silver Legion of America. This organization was founded by the writer and occultist William Dudley Pelley. Its goal was to eliminate Jewish and Marxist influence in America, which is why it supported Long’s regime. However, after his fall, this network remained hidden from federal authorities. In fact, Pelley himself was never tried in the Denver trials and was simply exonerated as a mid-ranking Army officer—despite some contemporary investigations already placing him as the orchestrator of anti-Jewish pogroms in Southern cities during the early days of the civil war.
"Wanted poster issued by the FBI seeking Pelley. Despite the FBI’s influence, Pelley managed to escape with the help of some former AUS veterans and sympathizers."
Following these revelations, the FBI launched a campaign to capture him dead or alive, as well as to use the seized documents to unravel his entire network of contacts. However, the scandal did not end there: it was discovered that Pelley had been living quietly in the South, working in a factory under his real name while receiving a subsidy from the AUS Army Veterans Association. This led to the association being ultimately linked to the American Legion, the official veterans’ organization supported by MacArthur. Unfortunately, Pelley managed to escape before he could be captured.
Of course, these accusations made by the United States were dismissed as mere propaganda by both sides. However, despite the official denials, they still had an impact on diplomatic relations.
Tensions grew, and trust between the powers eroded. While the Internationale saw it as another attempt to discredit their cause, the German Empire viewed it as a sign of Washington’s increasing hostility. Although no direct consequences followed, the accusations contributed to a gradual cooling of relations between the United States, the Internationale, and Germany.
On August 1, the forces of Chuikov’s 3rd Army expelled the Germans from Kyiv. Unfortunately for the Reichspakt forces in the region, General Paulus was captured by the Russians and forced to surrender. In response, Commander Guderian was given control of the front.
However, Guderian had few real options to act. After the fall of Kyiv, the remnants of the Ukrainian government relocated to Lviv, in Austria-Hungary. Without a central authority, the country fell into anarchy. A handful of Ukrainian officers of Russian descent acted as a fifth column and surrendered the country to Savinkov, who quickly took advantage of the railway system to redeploy his troops. Romania, which had been struggling for months, was relieved by the arrival of Russian reinforcements heading south.
In a more informal tone, news arrived from Australia of a royal wedding. After the dramatic royal escape from Canada and the death of his mother, Edward VIII fell into a deep depression. His brother George had to take over state affairs. After long deliberation, it was decided that George would serve as Regent (and Governor-General of Australasia) until Edward could recover. Upon taking power, Prince Regent George sent the new Prime Minister in exile (since Churchill remained under American custody) Lord Halifax to Hawaii to negotiate with an American delegation for a possible peace.
"Official portrait of Edward Frederick Lindley Wood, 1st Earl of Halifax. Exiled to Canada along with much of the British royalty, he was one of the Conservative Party members most inclined toward peace with the United States. After Churchill's capture, Prince George appointed him Prime Minister to begin negotiating peace."
Meanwhile, Edward remained the legitimate king but was entirely detached from affairs of state. He was nothing more than a puppet of his brother. However, this did not prevent him from falling madly in love with Princess Catherine of Greece and Denmark, who had been in exile since the Greek army imposed a military republic on the country following its defeat in the Fourth Balkan War. After three weeks of courtship—during which the princess acted more as a nurse to the broken Edward than as his lover—Edward and Catherine became engaged. On August 2, they were married. This increased the popularity of the monarchy while also serving George’s purpose of proving to the more pro-Edward factions that their monarch was still alive.
That same day, the city of Hamburg fell to British Marine forces. Despite bitter house-to-house fighting and the deployment of urban militias, the Germans could not hold the city. In response, von Rundstedt ordered all forces to retreat east of the Elbe. Following this, he suggested to Berlin that the 6th Army should be sent directly to the capital. In his communiqué, he stated: "As much as I do not doubt the bravery of our soldiers, by the time the 6th Army reaches the Elbe, the Red troops will already be in Berlin."
Despite the grim situation elsewhere in the war, the conflict along the Rhine did not appear as catastrophic as it might have seemed at first glance. Although the loss of the northern industrial centers was a severe blow—particularly as many disaffected workers, driven to desperation by the government's rigid technocratic policies, had thrown their support behind the advancing French forces—the Upper Rhine remained largely stable following the fall of Strasbourg.
Under the command of Albert Kesselring, the combined forces of the 9th and 10th Armies mounted a resolute defense, successfully halting the French advance toward Stuttgart. Kesselring, known for his strategic acumen, leveraged the difficult terrain and fortified positions to his advantage, preventing the enemy from breaking through. The arrival of Austro-Hungarian reinforcements further bolstered the front, providing much-needed manpower and logistical support. This unexpected resilience gave Berlin a glimmer of hope, fueling discussions of a potential counteroffensive from the south, which, if executed successfully, could turn the tide of the war in the region.
Yet, the situation remained precarious. The French command, aware of the strategic importance of the Rhine, continued to press forward, launching probing attacks and testing German defenses. Skirmishes erupted across the front, with heavy casualties on both sides. The German high command knew that any future counteroffensive would require not only additional reinforcements but also a shift in momentum—one that would depend on events unfolding in other theaters of war.
While the battles raged in Central Europe, another crisis was unfolding on the Iberian Peninsula. Portugal, a key member of the Entente, was rapidly losing ground to the combined forces of Spain and the French. The situation had deteriorated to the point where, by mid-1940, enemy troops were within 100 kilometers of Lisbon, threatening to overrun the Portuguese capital. Faced with imminent collapse, Portuguese ambassador António de Oliveira Salazar took the bold step of reaching out to the United States, seeking a last-minute intervention that could alter the fate of his country.
Salazar was a complex figure—a conservative thinker whose ideology combined elements of Schleicher’s technocratic governance with Savinkov’s nationalist-populism, though always within a rigidly Catholic and socially conservative framework. His political career had been tumultuous. Following the 1926 coup, he had been appointed Minister of Finance, where he stabilized Portugal’s economy. However, his republican beliefs clashed with the monarchy’s proclamation in 1927, leading to his resignation and voluntary exile as ambassador to Brazil. There, he formed a close friendship with Brazilian dictator Getúlio Vargas, further refining his vision of an authoritarian but technocratic state.
"António de Oliveira Salazar (April 28, 1889 – July 27, 1970) in 1968. Considered by many as the Founding Father of the modern Republic of Portugal, Salazar began his career as an ambitious Christian populist technocrat. He was the main organizer and leader of the "Luta pela República" organization, and his surname was used to name the operation"
After the end of US’s civil war in 1938, Salazar was reassigned as ambassador to Washington. Though Portugal and the U.S. found themselves on opposite sides of the global conflict, Lisbon had chosen to keep Salazar in the American capital, hoping to maintain diplomatic channels in case a separate peace deal became necessary. However, Salazar had no intention of simply being a passive observer—he had plans of his own.
In early 1940, as the Internationale forces drew closer to Lisbon, Salazar arranged a highly secretive meeting with President Landon, FBI Director Edgar Hoover, and the newly appointed Army Chief of Staff, General McNair. During this covert discussion, Salazar revealed the existence of a conspiracy within the Portuguese civilian administration, composed of high-ranking officials who sought to overthrow the monarchy and establish a republic.
With time running out, Salazar made a desperate proposal: if the United States launched a military intervention in Portugal—securing Lisbon and its surrounding territories before the Internationale could overrun them—he would ensure that the new Portuguese Republic became a firm ally of Washington. As part of the deal, he offered to integrate Portugal into the American sphere of influence, aligning its government with U.S. strategic interests. Moreover, if necessary, he was willing to negotiate the fate of Portugal’s overseas colonies, potentially relinquishing them in exchange for continued U.S. support.
The proposal was met with cautious interest. Landon and his advisors recognized the strategic value of maintaining a foothold in Portugal—one that could serve as a launch point for future operations in Europe. However, the risks were considerable. A direct American intervention would not only require careful military planning but could also provoke a broader escalation of the war. After hours of intense negotiations, Landon ultimately agreed to the plan.
Immediately, the U.S. military command began drawing up Operation Salazar, a daring amphibious assault designed to secure Lisbon before the Internationale could seize it. The operation would involve a rapid deployment of U.S. Marine forces, launched from the Azores, aiming to take control of the capital and provide a defensive buffer for the republican conspirators. If successful, it would not only prevent Portugal from falling into enemy hands but also create a new American-aligned government in Europe, reshaping the balance of power in the region.
With the clock ticking and the fate of Portugal hanging in the balance, preparations for Operation Salazar moved into high gear. The coming weeks would determine whether this last-ditch gamble would succeed—or whether Portugal would become yet another casualty of the war.
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And where would the fun be in that?
I couldn't have said it better myself! Now MacArthur will have to follow the Constitution. The rules of the game have changed. Barring any surprises, we will soon see what the new MacArthur Administration looks like and what its ideological vision is (I've had the names ready for a long time).
Regarding RFK, there is still a long way to go until the 1964 elections. There are some surprises ahead. Regarding the war in Africa, it’s complicated to explain the actions of the AI. So, I have no choice but to say that Edward is crazy and Pétain is senile.
I started this AAR around the time Trump was elected President, although I had planned it before. I must admit that I’m both surprised and a bit scared by how some of the things I've been doing are materializing in real life (the 51st State, trade wars with Canada, the election of a somewhat authoritarian and controversial figure, and the participation in cabinets of figures like Hearst or J.P. Morgan, who have great influence despite being just businessmen). All that’s left is a WW3 and a Civil War.
A lot! If it weren’t for the fact that I don’t want to use up all his quotes so soon, I could have used one of his quotes for each chapter.
Well, the Pacific States usually break away from MacArthur when he stages a coup, as they see him as a tyrant. And this is true: MacArthur rose to power through the coup against Jack Reed.
Regarding neutrality, this is usually the case. Normally, New England declares neutrality and secedes from the Union. However, Canada directly invaded it without setting up a puppet government or anything. There is no place among the 50 states (or 48 in this case) that has remained untouched by the conflict.
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Salazar may win, but at what cost? (I'm sure there are many people in Portugal who don't want to effectively be a US puppet)
CSA seems like the next target...but reality is they both need to be fought.
A solution as old as time.
One of Ike's talents...keeping his head while all around others are losing theirs...
Nice propaganda...pretty sure that is Ike and team's plan.
Pretty sure the Nephew was a coward and edited the dead journalists reports to make him look good...
Landon better hope the Portugal deal goes well. If it fails, his name will be tarnished forever, despite the good he's done as President. McNair probably also gets dragged through the mud by Hearst and MacArthur, since he is the new Chief of Staff.
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Eerily prescient of today...
Sigh.
Hoover falling back on his roots in international skullduggery...
I somehow doubt he will be successful though...he may briefly succeed, but as a figure, he is already politically dead.
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Chapter 28: The West Africa Campaign and Operation Salazar.
"The West Africa campaign was characterized by American superiority on all fronts. On the one hand, Admiral Halsey's First Fleet established a blockade along the West African coast, preventing any Entente ships from docking in Dakar and adjacent ports. On the other hand, the American Air Force achieved air supremacy over the obsolete French aircraft, more fitting for the First World War than the Second. And of course, General Bradley's First Army and General Patton's Liberian forces dominated the terrain, dispersing French troops wherever combat took place."
- Antony Beevor in his book From Cairo to Cape Town: The Africa War Theater from 1938 to 1946.
Throughout its history, the United States of America had fought numerous conflicts. From the Philippines to Beijing, through Nicaragua, Quebec, and Veracruz, American wars had never been fought over African territory. The only analogous conflict to the war unfolding in 1940 had been the Barbary Wars (1801-1805, 1815) against North African pirates. However, that was a mere skirmish compared to the conflict that took place in Africa and ultimately anchored American foreign policy to West Africa. American troops landed at the Port of Monrovia on August 15, the same day Operation Salazar began to be planned. Bradley quickly met with Patton and President Edwin James Barclay near the front to discuss strategy. Supported by Patton, Barclay advocated for relentless and continuous attacks by American forces, while the Liberian Army secured strongholds and territory. Without clear orders from Washington, Bradley commanded his men to launch the attack. The battle-hardened veterans of the First Army, after years of campaigns across the Americas, swiftly broke through French lines. The French, under attack by the native population and lacking the will to fight, offered little resistance. By September 1, a month later, French and exiled Italian forces were encircled in Dakar, while American troops began advancing into the desert.
All these operations had an impact on the ongoing electoral campaign in the United States. Byrd’s Democrats strongly opposed the campaign, calling it an act of recklessness by President Landon, who sought one last moment of glory before his term expired. Despite the criticisms from conservative Democrats, most of the American public had no objections to sending their soldiers to Africa for a successful campaign that had so far resulted in minimal casualties. In one month of operations, the Americans had suffered fewer than a thousand casualties, while the French and Entente forces had lost around 15,000. Furthermore, American public opinion had transformed.
This can be seen in the fact that the American public had supported the war effort. According to Gallup polls, more than 64% of Americans supported the war effort to aid Liberia, regardless of their reasons. One possible cause was the Civil War, which had demonstrated—especially thanks to the Carver Commission—that an isolated America did not mean a peaceful America. The greatest promoter of this shift was Senator Vandenberg, a former isolationist. As he stated during the Senate motion for troop deployment to Liberia: "The United States has realized that isolating itself from the world does not keep problems away. It only means that battles do not take place far from us, but rather in our own home."
"Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg Sr. in 1941. Senator from Michigan. Since his state did not vote (as it was not incorporated into the Union), Vandenberg found himself without a Senate seat in 1940. However, his shift in stance within the Senate Foreign Relations Committee brought him public notoriety, enough for him to compete with Robert Taft for the vice-presidential nomination. Although he was not chosen, his name began to be considered as a potential member of MacArthur’s future cabinet."
Another factor was the increasingly influential Hearst newspaper chain, which, aligned with MacArthur, began to sell warlike ideas to the American public. This was also reflected in the Republican Party’s congressional and Senate candidacies in 1940. Thanks to funding from Hearst and other magnates, many open seats started being filled by new congressmen. Due to their conservative and militaristic ideas, they were called MacArthurists. This new faction of the Republican Party would be vital in MacArthur’s America and remained highly influential even after the General disappeared from the political scene. This new faction, combined with the transformation of conservative and moderate Republicans away from isolationism, led the Republican Party to move further away from Herbert Hoover’s positions and closer to those of MacArthur. This "New Right" of the Republican Party would be very important in the future.
Returning to the electoral campaign, both Wallace and Byrd campaigned in an attempt to steal voters from one another. To the surprise of many, the topics debated between the two candidates focused more on foreign policy than domestic issues—areas in which both were expected to be strong. MacArthur himself had not given many clear ideas on his positions regarding various issues such as the economy, segregation, or education. In fact, his lack of clarification on these topics would ultimately benefit MacArthur in November. During his campaign, Byrd adopted the position that it was necessary to sign peace with the Entente immediately and withdraw American troops back across the Atlantic. In his view, America should remain on "this side of the Atlantic" and focus on itself. Regarding Liberia, Byrd believed that while it should remain within the American sphere of influence, caution was necessary. The idea of a "Black nation" could inspire dangerous ideas at home.
For his part, Wallace emphasized the importance of reclaiming the American territories that had been captured, which at that time were under Liberian control. Wallace believed that America should learn from the mistakes of Britain and France: "We must not colonize African territories. These territories must be liberated as independent countries and aligned with the free world." This concept, the "free world", would be increasingly used by politicians in Washington and even in other countries as news from Europe reached them. In addition to all this, Wallace supported efforts for the United States to negotiate peace with the European Powers and even normalize relations with the Powers of the International. This point, which was not originally in his speech script, made it easy for conservatives to claim that Wallace was a crypto-syndicalist.
At the same time, MacArthur campaigned across the country accompanied by Taft. Learning from Huey Long’s 1936 campaign, MacArthur delivered radio messages and traveled rapidly across all states by plane. This campaign proved popular and allowed MacArthur to visit every state holding elections and more than 200 localities. Although the General ended up exhausted, it was immensely satisfying to receive displays of support from across the nation.
"Hugh S. Johnson. This former military officer served in the Mexican Expedition in 1916 (like many other military figures in MacArthur's government). During the Second American Civil War, he was awarded the Army Distinguished Service Medal for his contributions to logistics during the First Army’s operations and for commanding the 7th Division. During these operations, he met MacArthur and began working as his Chief of Staff and speechwriter. Johnson's direct and blunt personality often clashed with MacArthur’s ego. Nevertheless, he was essential in ensuring that MacArthur's rigid orders were successfully carried out."
Regarding his speeches, MacArthur focused on what he knew best: foreign policy. He stated his support for the war in Liberia and (borrowing and popularizing Wallace’s phrase) declared that "The United States must take a stand against the tyranny of Paris, London, and Tokyo and establish itself as the leader of the free world." Notably absent from his statement was any mention of Moscow—another dictatorship, but one that had supported them during the Civil War and had subsequently been whitewashed by the regime.
Back in Africa, the forces of Ridgway’s 1st Corps continued their siege of Dakar. The city, a blend of Western and African architecture, was devastated by numerous aerial and artillery attacks. After a series of successful assaults, Ridgway wrote to Bradley that the city had been completely occupied. With Dakar secured, the Americans had gained control over the entire African coastline and proceeded northward. At the same time, unbeknownst to most, Halsey’s 1st Fleet was heading toward the Iberian Peninsula...
"Photo taken after the celebration of the forces of Ridgway’s 1st Corps. In the picture, we can see Omar Bradley (left), commander of the 1st Army; Dwight Eisenhower (center), chief of the 2nd Army and envoy of President Landon; and George Patton (right), commander of the Liberian Army and an exile from the United States."
Meanwhile, the war in Europe raged on. Unfortunately for the United States, it seemed to be drawing to a close. In the north, Carl Friedrich Goerdeler’s government appointed Model as the commanding general of all forces north of Dresden, ordering him to defend Berlin against the Syndicalists. Simultaneously, Goerdeler instructed Albert Kesselring to launch an offensive with the 9th and 10th Armies toward the north in an attempt to divert attention from the assault on Berlin. However, Kesselring, assessing the situation on the ground, deemed such a move impossible and refused. He wrote to the cabinet, now relocated to Ulm, arguing that an offensive would be a disaster and would shatter the defensive position the Germans had managed to establish. Ultimately, he was forced to obey orders and launched the attack. His objective was to capture Frankfurt and sever the Internationale’s supply lines.
The offensive, dubbed Operation Panzerfaust, initially saw several successes for Kesselring’s forces in late August. The Internationale forces in the sector consisted mainly of second-tier Dutch and French divisions, known as "B" divisions. On the first day, Kesselring’s limited armored forces managed to break through the front lines and advanced along the railway routes toward Frankfurt. This was too much for Paris, which had been reaping victories since the start of the war. Consequently, the Direction Militaire Unifiée de l’Internationale (DMUI) in Paris ordered some units of Britain’s People’s Marines to move south and seal the breach. Command estimated that within four days, these units would be deployed and ready for battle.
Meanwhile, Kesselring’s troops encountered a severe issue: a fuel shortage. The hastily planned attack and bureaucratic shortcomings meant Kesselring had no fuel reserves of any kind. Tank crews were forced to abandon their vehicles or resort to using civilian gas stations. This setback was enough to delay the German forces, allowing David Stirling’s People’s Marines to engage the German Panzers. After several days of brutal fighting along the banks of the Rhine—and just as Kesselring had predicted—the German offensive stalled and began facing counterattacks on its flanks. As a result, Kesselring ordered a general retreat to their previous positions. While most units managed to return, Goerdeler’s inflexibility had led to heavy casualties and material losses that Kesselring could not afford. Though the French and British were still recovering from the attack, they would soon launch a new offensive—one strong enough to crush the "Kesselring Redoubt" once and for all.
In the north, Model prepared to defend the capital to the last consequences. Following the example of Riga (a siege that was in its final days), Model transformed the city into a fortress with barricades and militias. Thus, he managed to repel the first assault of the Internationale forces on September 6. Part of the problem for the French was the lack of elite units, which had been diverted south due to Kesselring’s attack. This failure before Berlin emboldened the Germans, who spread news of the French defeat across the world. Model was compared to a medieval crusader knight who, wielding his sword, defended the capital from the infernal syndicalist forces. This failure, small compared to the tremendous German defeat everywhere else, was nonetheless crucial and damaged the image of invincibility that the French Army had held since the beginning of the war. Just like the Grand Armée, the French Revolutionary Army could indeed be defeated.
George Valois, leader of the French Commune, was furious. He felt humiliated. Even Mosley himself, whom he considered his rival within the Internationale, had privately mocked him and publicized how the British marines had saved the day from Kesselring’s attack, while the French alone had failed to take Berlin. Feeling his authority questioned, Valois ordered the dismissal of General Gamelin, Chief of Staff of the French Revolutionary Army. Seizing the opportunity, Valois assumed the position himself. For many veterans of the French Civil War, this marked a turning point. It was another step toward centralization of power and tyranny. However, the presence of the French secret police and the ongoing war prevented any form of dissent within the General Staff.
"Marshal Jacques Doriot in 1942, wearing the new uniform of the french army. After the failure to take Berlin, Valois appointed him as the commander of the Berlin front. Despite having no experience, Doriot had resources that other commanders lacked due to his closeness to Valois and the support of the secret police. Following this, he was appointed Marshal, General Secretary and Chairman in 1942 after Valois's death that same year."
Following this, George Valois gave command of the French forces in Berlin to his right-hand man, Jacques Doriot. Doriot, in turn, ordered the French Army to encircle the city. Model, unable to defend both Berlin and its outskirts at the same time, was forced to cede ground in the north and south. Meanwhile, Savinkov’s troops moved westward. After the fall of Minsk and Kiev, only Warsaw and Riga remained free. And so, Wrangel finally seized the Baltic capital. The siege had cost the Germans around 120,000 casualties and the Russo-Lithuanians approximately 188,000. Reichsstatthalter Rüdiger von der Goltz was summarily executed, and after nearly 20 years, Russia once again dominated the Baltic. The city, in ruins after brutal house-to-house fighting, became the new capital of the Baltic Military District.
In the south, Königsberg, the capital of Prussia, fell into Russian hands without the recently promoted Field Marshal Erich von Manstein being able to do anything. The city was partially demolished by Savinkov, as it symbolized the "oppression of the monarchy and Prussian militarism." Manstein, with the help of General Guderian, managed to stabilize the front. However, this temporary calm after the fall of East Prussia was merely due to the exhaustion of Russian forces and their attrition. They had conquered Belarus, the Baltic States, and Ukraine in just a month and a half. For many, it was one of the greatest military campaigns in history, comparable only to some of Napoleon's campaigns. Even today, Wrangel's urban warfare tactics and Chuikov's strategies during the advance through the Ukrainian countryside are studied in military academies. Despite problems with supplies, weaponry, and reinforcements, both Guderian and Manstein managed to resist competently, launching counterattacks that gave the Poles time to strengthen their defenses.
Returning to the Iberian Peninsula, the situation of the Kingdom of Portugal continued to worsen. The soldiers of the International had taken Oporto and part of the coast, with only a few strips of the Atlantic coast remaining in the hands of Queen Maria's government.. The Queen herself and the government were forced to flee to Algiers, alongside Petain’s government. Thus, the authority over the besieged city of Lisbon was left in the hands of a small group of officers. After much deliberation between the coup supporters and the loyalists, these officers contacted Salazar. They explained to him that without external assistance, the city would fall within 72 hours. Thus, Salazar reached out to McNair. Operation Salazar was now underway.
"Chief of Staff Lesley McNair during the planning of Operation Salazar. Despite being a reserved man, the former commander of the 4th Army had been key in planning War Plan White and some operations during the civil war. However, his figure had always been overshadowed by MacArthur until his resignation. Despite this, he remained loyal to the Caesar."
Without encountering any resistance, American Marines landed from the Tagus estuary to Oporto, across a stretch of over 270 kilometers. The Portuguese forces, now saved, withdrew behind American lines. Lisbon fell to the Americans without a single shot being fired. The operation had been a success. Now, all that remained was to see the reaction of the Third International.
The forces of the Third International were led by General Zhukov, a Russian exile who had distinguished himself as a planner. On the morning of September 14, Zhukov was informed of the presence of American forces in Lisbon. Some of his commanders wished to attack them and drive them into the sea. But Zhukov refused to do so without authorization from Paris. After a lengthy conversation with Valois, directives arrived from Paris. The syndicalist forces were to entrench themselves around the American forces and prepare to expel them into the sea if necessary. Meanwhile, the "Red" Fleet would closely monitor Halsey’s forces. For now, a tense calm settled over the front.
In Washington D.C., there were celebrations everywhere. Operation Salazar, carried out almost two weeks ahead of schedule, had been a success. Thanks to the coup, not a single American had died during the operation. At the same time, Landon had secured a symbolic victory over the syndicalists, one so significant that not even Robert Taft could criticize it. In fact, McNair had not trusted that the veteran Marines could hold out without a major port (as Lisbon would still need a week to be adapted for supply reception). Thus, in the event of combat, the General Staff estimated that the Americans had less than a 20% chance of holding their positions in the first two weeks. By the third week, however, the Marines would almost certainly have secured (as indeed happened) their coastal strip.
Thus, Landon, Hoover, McNair, and Salazar had taken a gamble. And they had won. Now, with Lisbon under its control, America had set foot on the European continent for the first time in history. For better or for worse.
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In OTL, Salazar dragged his country into colonial conflicts because he refused to let them go—even though he was a NATO member. Here, he is probably more willing to concede; he has no other choice.
For me, if it weren’t for the fact that MacArthur was set to be the Republican candidate in 1940 (which is mandatory in the game), I would have made Landon the nominee. I would have liked to explore a presidency where Landon was active rather than merely reactive. His downfall was dismissing MacArthur and underestimating both him and Hearst. Now, Landon becomes the first sitting president to be denied re-nomination by his party since Chester A. Arthur in 1885.
"The West Africa campaign was characterized by American superiority on all fronts. On the one hand, Admiral Halsey's First Fleet established a blockade along the West African coast, preventing any Entente ships from docking in Dakar and adjacent ports. On the other hand, the American Air Force achieved air supremacy over the obsolete French aircraft, more fitting for the First World War than the Second. And of course, General Bradley's First Army and General Patton's Liberian forces dominated the terrain, dispersing French troops wherever combat took place."
- Antony Beevor in his book From Cairo to Cape Town: The Africa War Theater from 1938 to 1946.
Throughout its history, the United States of America had fought numerous conflicts. From the Philippines to Beijing, through Nicaragua, Quebec, and Veracruz, American wars had never been fought over African territory. The only analogous conflict to the war unfolding in 1940 had been the Barbary Wars (1801-1805, 1815) against North African pirates. However, that was a mere skirmish compared to the conflict that took place in Africa and ultimately anchored American foreign policy to West Africa. American troops landed at the Port of Monrovia on August 15, the same day Operation Salazar began to be planned. Bradley quickly met with Patton and President Edwin James Barclay near the front to discuss strategy. Supported by Patton, Barclay advocated for relentless and continuous attacks by American forces, while the Liberian Army secured strongholds and territory. Without clear orders from Washington, Bradley commanded his men to launch the attack. The battle-hardened veterans of the First Army, after years of campaigns across the Americas, swiftly broke through French lines. The French, under attack by the native population and lacking the will to fight, offered little resistance. By September 1, a month later, French and exiled Italian forces were encircled in Dakar, while American troops began advancing into the desert.
All these operations had an impact on the ongoing electoral campaign in the United States. Byrd’s Democrats strongly opposed the campaign, calling it an act of recklessness by President Landon, who sought one last moment of glory before his term expired. Despite the criticisms from conservative Democrats, most of the American public had no objections to sending their soldiers to Africa for a successful campaign that had so far resulted in minimal casualties. In one month of operations, the Americans had suffered fewer than a thousand casualties, while the French and Entente forces had lost around 15,000. Furthermore, American public opinion had transformed.
This can be seen in the fact that the American public had supported the war effort. According to Gallup polls, more than 64% of Americans supported the war effort to aid Liberia, regardless of their reasons. One possible cause was the Civil War, which had demonstrated—especially thanks to the Carver Commission—that an isolated America did not mean a peaceful America. The greatest promoter of this shift was Senator Vandenberg, a former isolationist. As he stated during the Senate motion for troop deployment to Liberia: "The United States has realized that isolating itself from the world does not keep problems away. It only means that battles do not take place far from us, but rather in our own home."
"Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg Sr. in 1941. Senator from Michigan. Since his state did not vote (as it was not incorporated into the Union), Vandenberg found himself without a Senate seat in 1940. However, his shift in stance within the Senate Foreign Relations Committee brought him public notoriety, enough for him to compete with Robert Taft for the vice-presidential nomination. Although he was not chosen, his name began to be considered as a potential member of MacArthur’s future cabinet."
Another factor was the increasingly influential Hearst newspaper chain, which, aligned with MacArthur, began to sell warlike ideas to the American public. This was also reflected in the Republican Party’s congressional and Senate candidacies in 1940. Thanks to funding from Hearst and other magnates, many open seats started being filled by new congressmen. Due to their conservative and militaristic ideas, they were called MacArthurists. This new faction of the Republican Party would be vital in MacArthur’s America and remained highly influential even after the General disappeared from the political scene. This new faction, combined with the transformation of conservative and moderate Republicans away from isolationism, led the Republican Party to move further away from Herbert Hoover’s positions and closer to those of MacArthur. This "New Right" of the Republican Party would be very important in the future.
Returning to the electoral campaign, both Wallace and Byrd campaigned in an attempt to steal voters from one another. To the surprise of many, the topics debated between the two candidates focused more on foreign policy than domestic issues—areas in which both were expected to be strong. MacArthur himself had not given many clear ideas on his positions regarding various issues such as the economy, segregation, or education. In fact, his lack of clarification on these topics would ultimately benefit MacArthur in November. During his campaign, Byrd adopted the position that it was necessary to sign peace with the Entente immediately and withdraw American troops back across the Atlantic. In his view, America should remain on "this side of the Atlantic" and focus on itself. Regarding Liberia, Byrd believed that while it should remain within the American sphere of influence, caution was necessary. The idea of a "Black nation" could inspire dangerous ideas at home.
For his part, Wallace emphasized the importance of reclaiming the American territories that had been captured, which at that time were under Liberian control. Wallace believed that America should learn from the mistakes of Britain and France: "We must not colonize African territories. These territories must be liberated as independent countries and aligned with the free world." This concept, the "free world", would be increasingly used by politicians in Washington and even in other countries as news from Europe reached them. In addition to all this, Wallace supported efforts for the United States to negotiate peace with the European Powers and even normalize relations with the Powers of the International. This point, which was not originally in his speech script, made it easy for conservatives to claim that Wallace was a crypto-syndicalist.
At the same time, MacArthur campaigned across the country accompanied by Taft. Learning from Huey Long’s 1936 campaign, MacArthur delivered radio messages and traveled rapidly across all states by plane. This campaign proved popular and allowed MacArthur to visit every state holding elections and more than 200 localities. Although the General ended up exhausted, it was immensely satisfying to receive displays of support from across the nation.
"Hugh S. Johnson. This former military officer served in the Mexican Expedition in 1916 (like many other military figures in MacArthur's government). During the Second American Civil War, he was awarded the Army Distinguished Service Medal for his contributions to logistics during the First Army’s operations and for commanding the 7th Division. During these operations, he met MacArthur and began working as his Chief of Staff and speechwriter. Johnson's direct and blunt personality often clashed with MacArthur’s ego. Nevertheless, he was essential in ensuring that MacArthur's rigid orders were successfully carried out."
Regarding his speeches, MacArthur focused on what he knew best: foreign policy. He stated his support for the war in Liberia and (borrowing and popularizing Wallace’s phrase) declared that "The United States must take a stand against the tyranny of Paris, London, and Tokyo and establish itself as the leader of the free world." Notably absent from his statement was any mention of Moscow—another dictatorship, but one that had supported them during the Civil War and had subsequently been whitewashed by the regime.
Back in Africa, the forces of Ridgway’s 1st Corps continued their siege of Dakar. The city, a blend of Western and African architecture, was devastated by numerous aerial and artillery attacks. After a series of successful assaults, Ridgway wrote to Bradley that the city had been completely occupied. With Dakar secured, the Americans had gained control over the entire African coastline and proceeded northward. At the same time, unbeknownst to most, Halsey’s 1st Fleet was heading toward the Iberian Peninsula...
"Photo taken after the celebration of the forces of Ridgway’s 1st Corps. In the picture, we can see Omar Bradley (left), commander of the 1st Army; Dwight Eisenhower (center), chief of the 2nd Army and envoy of President Landon; and George Patton (right), commander of the Liberian Army and an exile from the United States."
Meanwhile, the war in Europe raged on. Unfortunately for the United States, it seemed to be drawing to a close. In the north, Carl Friedrich Goerdeler’s government appointed Model as the commanding general of all forces north of Dresden, ordering him to defend Berlin against the Syndicalists. Simultaneously, Goerdeler instructed Albert Kesselring to launch an offensive with the 9th and 10th Armies toward the north in an attempt to divert attention from the assault on Berlin. However, Kesselring, assessing the situation on the ground, deemed such a move impossible and refused. He wrote to the cabinet, now relocated to Ulm, arguing that an offensive would be a disaster and would shatter the defensive position the Germans had managed to establish. Ultimately, he was forced to obey orders and launched the attack. His objective was to capture Frankfurt and sever the Internationale’s supply lines.
The offensive, dubbed Operation Panzerfaust, initially saw several successes for Kesselring’s forces in late August. The Internationale forces in the sector consisted mainly of second-tier Dutch and French divisions, known as "B" divisions. On the first day, Kesselring’s limited armored forces managed to break through the front lines and advanced along the railway routes toward Frankfurt. This was too much for Paris, which had been reaping victories since the start of the war. Consequently, the Direction Militaire Unifiée de l’Internationale (DMUI) in Paris ordered some units of Britain’s People’s Marines to move south and seal the breach. Command estimated that within four days, these units would be deployed and ready for battle.
Meanwhile, Kesselring’s troops encountered a severe issue: a fuel shortage. The hastily planned attack and bureaucratic shortcomings meant Kesselring had no fuel reserves of any kind. Tank crews were forced to abandon their vehicles or resort to using civilian gas stations. This setback was enough to delay the German forces, allowing David Stirling’s People’s Marines to engage the German Panzers. After several days of brutal fighting along the banks of the Rhine—and just as Kesselring had predicted—the German offensive stalled and began facing counterattacks on its flanks. As a result, Kesselring ordered a general retreat to their previous positions. While most units managed to return, Goerdeler’s inflexibility had led to heavy casualties and material losses that Kesselring could not afford. Though the French and British were still recovering from the attack, they would soon launch a new offensive—one strong enough to crush the "Kesselring Redoubt" once and for all.
In the north, Model prepared to defend the capital to the last consequences. Following the example of Riga (a siege that was in its final days), Model transformed the city into a fortress with barricades and militias. Thus, he managed to repel the first assault of the Internationale forces on September 6. Part of the problem for the French was the lack of elite units, which had been diverted south due to Kesselring’s attack. This failure before Berlin emboldened the Germans, who spread news of the French defeat across the world. Model was compared to a medieval crusader knight who, wielding his sword, defended the capital from the infernal syndicalist forces. This failure, small compared to the tremendous German defeat everywhere else, was nonetheless crucial and damaged the image of invincibility that the French Army had held since the beginning of the war. Just like the Grand Armée, the French Revolutionary Army could indeed be defeated.
George Valois, leader of the French Commune, was furious. He felt humiliated. Even Mosley himself, whom he considered his rival within the Internationale, had privately mocked him and publicized how the British marines had saved the day from Kesselring’s attack, while the French alone had failed to take Berlin. Feeling his authority questioned, Valois ordered the dismissal of General Gamelin, Chief of Staff of the French Revolutionary Army. Seizing the opportunity, Valois assumed the position himself. For many veterans of the French Civil War, this marked a turning point. It was another step toward centralization of power and tyranny. However, the presence of the French secret police and the ongoing war prevented any form of dissent within the General Staff.
"Marshal Jacques Doriot in 1942, wearing the new uniform of the french army. After the failure to take Berlin, Valois appointed him as the commander of the Berlin front. Despite having no experience, Doriot had resources that other commanders lacked due to his closeness to Valois and the support of the secret police. Following this, he was appointed Marshal, General Secretary and Chairman in 1942 after Valois's death that same year."
Following this, George Valois gave command of the French forces in Berlin to his right-hand man, Jacques Doriot. Doriot, in turn, ordered the French Army to encircle the city. Model, unable to defend both Berlin and its outskirts at the same time, was forced to cede ground in the north and south. Meanwhile, Savinkov’s troops moved westward. After the fall of Minsk and Kiev, only Warsaw and Riga remained free. And so, Wrangel finally seized the Baltic capital. The siege had cost the Germans around 120,000 casualties and the Russo-Lithuanians approximately 188,000. Reichsstatthalter Rüdiger von der Goltz was summarily executed, and after nearly 20 years, Russia once again dominated the Baltic. The city, in ruins after brutal house-to-house fighting, became the new capital of the Baltic Military District.
In the south, Königsberg, the capital of Prussia, fell into Russian hands without the recently promoted Field Marshal Erich von Manstein being able to do anything. The city was partially demolished by Savinkov, as it symbolized the "oppression of the monarchy and Prussian militarism." Manstein, with the help of General Guderian, managed to stabilize the front. However, this temporary calm after the fall of East Prussia was merely due to the exhaustion of Russian forces and their attrition. They had conquered Belarus, the Baltic States, and Ukraine in just a month and a half. For many, it was one of the greatest military campaigns in history, comparable only to some of Napoleon's campaigns. Even today, Wrangel's urban warfare tactics and Chuikov's strategies during the advance through the Ukrainian countryside are studied in military academies. Despite problems with supplies, weaponry, and reinforcements, both Guderian and Manstein managed to resist competently, launching counterattacks that gave the Poles time to strengthen their defenses.
Returning to the Iberian Peninsula, the situation of the Kingdom of Portugal continued to worsen. The soldiers of the International had taken Oporto and part of the coast, with only a few strips of the Atlantic coast remaining in the hands of Queen Maria's government.. The Queen herself and the government were forced to flee to Algiers, alongside Petain’s government. Thus, the authority over the besieged city of Lisbon was left in the hands of a small group of officers. After much deliberation between the coup supporters and the loyalists, these officers contacted Salazar. They explained to him that without external assistance, the city would fall within 72 hours. Thus, Salazar reached out to McNair. Operation Salazar was now underway.
"Chief of Staff Lesley McNair during the planning of Operation Salazar. Despite being a reserved man, the former commander of the 4th Army had been key in planning War Plan White and some operations during the civil war. However, his figure had always been overshadowed by MacArthur until his resignation. Despite this, he remained loyal to the Caesar."
Without encountering any resistance, American Marines landed from the Tagus estuary to Oporto, across a stretch of over 270 kilometers. The Portuguese forces, now saved, withdrew behind American lines. Lisbon fell to the Americans without a single shot being fired. The operation had been a success. Now, all that remained was to see the reaction of the Third International.
The forces of the Third International were led by General Zhukov, a Russian exile who had distinguished himself as a planner. On the morning of September 14, Zhukov was informed of the presence of American forces in Lisbon. Some of his commanders wished to attack them and drive them into the sea. But Zhukov refused to do so without authorization from Paris. After a lengthy conversation with Valois, directives arrived from Paris. The syndicalist forces were to entrench themselves around the American forces and prepare to expel them into the sea if necessary. Meanwhile, the "Red" Fleet would closely monitor Halsey’s forces. For now, a tense calm settled over the front.
In Washington D.C., there were celebrations everywhere. Operation Salazar, carried out almost two weeks ahead of schedule, had been a success. Thanks to the coup, not a single American had died during the operation. At the same time, Landon had secured a symbolic victory over the syndicalists, one so significant that not even Robert Taft could criticize it. In fact, McNair had not trusted that the veteran Marines could hold out without a major port (as Lisbon would still need a week to be adapted for supply reception). Thus, in the event of combat, the General Staff estimated that the Americans had less than a 20% chance of holding their positions in the first two weeks. By the third week, however, the Marines would almost certainly have secured (as indeed happened) their coastal strip.
Thus, Landon, Hoover, McNair, and Salazar had taken a gamble. And they had won. Now, with Lisbon under its control, America had set foot on the European continent for the first time in history. For better or for worse.
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Without a doubt. Salazar has "saved his homeland" from falling into the American sphere of influence. However, I believe that many Portuguese would rather be puppets of the United States than of the International. But I doubt that the more conservative figures would want to give up their colonies.
In OTL, Salazar dragged his country into colonial conflicts because he refused to let them go—even though he was a NATO member. Here, he is probably more willing to concede; he has no other choice.
Landon has not been a bad president. He stabilized the nation after a civil war and attempted (without much success) to limit the influence of the military and the FBI. He dealt with MacArthur, a Triumvirate, and a Congress that were completely hostile to him. He also managed, albeit temporarily, to form a moderate and liberal coalition with Wagner to pass laws that improved workers' economic conditions without harming the economy. In foreign policy, he carried out interventions in Indonesia and Haiti to protect American interests. Later, he oversaw the rearmament effort with MacArthur’s help and the war with Canada. In fact, he was able to work with his enemies, as we have seen.
For me, if it weren’t for the fact that MacArthur was set to be the Republican candidate in 1940 (which is mandatory in the game), I would have made Landon the nominee. I would have liked to explore a presidency where Landon was active rather than merely reactive. His downfall was dismissing MacArthur and underestimating both him and Hearst. Now, Landon becomes the first sitting president to be denied re-nomination by his party since Chester A. Arthur in 1885.
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