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Great chapter marking the end of an epic reign. Great fun too.

i hope you don’t mind, but in this ep the dates jump around a little bit … you may want to just review them and adjust? I’ve noted where there were a few. I do it myself sometimes too (that and interposing east and west).

threats to his life in 1386.
In 1388, a wealthy benefactor invited him to Nineveh
1686 & 1688?
The late eighteenth century
seventeenth?
Yeshua II had once again paid careful attention to his armies – recruiting extensively and equipping them with the latest equipment and weaponry.
And a very good thing he had. Nicely done, even if it was his successor who reaped the final rewards.
In 1799 he would ascend the imperial throne
1699?
The territorial gains might have been modest, but this was a victory of Assyrian grandeur above all else – re-emphasising its return to its status of old.
They were quite good given Damietta had to be reclaimed and it will surely have weakened the Byzantines for years, while expanding future heartland Assyrian territory.
 
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The Byzantines have been defeated, but the alliance with the Timurids has died. I wonder if they will attack Assyria in the future?

Assyria's newfound status might prove to be a problem as much as an asset - it opens it up to more attacks by its enemies who want less competition to their imperial titles...

I wonder what the Heresiarch will do now. Will he instigate slave revolts? Start a religious schism? There are so many possibilities...
 
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1703-1716 The Copper King
1703-1716 The Copper King

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Sar Sarrani Levon had an iron fixation on foreign affairs, on war and international diplomacy, throughout his reign. This perspective would lead towards a certain neglect for the internal affairs of his sprawling realm as he pursued his grand ambitions of furthering Assyrian greateness in the aftermath of his victory in the 1699-1703 Assyrian-Byzantine War. The next field for his ambitions would be in the Indies.

Assyria had already moved to expand its territory on Sumatra in the last years of Yeshua II's life with a short war to annex the Emirate of Siak on the eastern shore of the island in 1795. Levon, hoped to tighten his Empire's grip on the island further by moving against the power colonial empire of Korea. At the beginning of the eighteenth century, Korea was a major colonial player across the Pacific world with territories stretching from Malaya, Sumatra and Borneo in the Indies, to the great southern continent of Hoju, the western seaboard of North America, Taiwan and the islands of the Pacific.

Allying with the Thais, the Assyrian colonial authorities invaded Korean territories in 1704 and achieved significant early success. However, the Koreans were unwilling to surrender their westernmost colonies without a fight and pursued a long contest throughout the waters of South East Asia. Both sides would sustain heavy naval losses, but the tide turned after the Assyrian fleet captured Taiwan in 1707, allowing for its ships to ravage the coastlines of the Korean homeland. Although an attempt to invade the home peninsula itself proved a failure – the Assyrian expedition withdrawing after only a few months – the Koreans nonetheless agreed to a truce in 1708 that saw them surrender all their possessions on Sumatra and Borneo to Assyria.

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While the Assyrians pursued their interests in East Asia, a significant shift in the balance of power was taking place in the Middle East and Africa. At its peak in the High Middle Ages, the Shia Fatimid Caliphate was the greatest power in the Muslim world – ruling Egypt, the Maghreb, Levant and Hedjaz. Declining in the face of the rise of Christian Assyria and the European Crusades, and pursued out of Arabia by Sunni rivals, at the dynasty's nadir in the fifteenth century it was one of a number of powers competing for power in Ethiopia. Over the following centuries, the Shia grew to become a major player – unifying Ethiopia under their control, conquering the Yemen, pushing north into the Sudan and west across the Sahel as far as Lake Chad and the Sanga River flowing into the Bight of Benin.

Concerned by its continued rise, the Timurids had offered their protection to their fellow Sunnis in Somalia and the Swahili Coast against Fatimid encroachment. In 1705 the Fatimids had tested this resolve by invading their Somalian neighbours, bringing them into direct conflict with the Great Khan. Despite being considered an African backwater, the Fatimids achieved impressive successes – defeating the Somalis in East Africa and maintaining sufficient naval control over the Horn of Africa to prevent the Khan from sailing to his allies aid. In 1712, the Fatimids celebrated a peace that cemented them as a major player in their own right, the Timurids agreeing to small territorial concessions in East Africa, paying a tribute and importantly terminating their protection of the vulnerable Sulaymans.

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Impressed by the new found stature of the East African power, and seeking to building a new diplomatic network to replace Assyria's historic dependency on the Timurids, Emperor Levon sealed an alliance with the Fatimids shortly after their victory in Somalia. Capitalising on the Shia's diplomatic isolation of their fellow Caliphate, the two powers then joined together to invade the Sulayamans in a short and bloody conflict between 1713 and 1715. Faced by two far strong foes, the Sunnis could only mount a fighting retreat before succumbing to the inevitable – seeing their richest lands in Upper Egypt annexed by the Assyrian Empire.

Levon secured a second diplomatic coup in the midst of his invasion of the Sulaymans, with an alliance with Chernigov in 1714. With these treaties, Levon had successfully constructed a multi-confessional axis of status that shared a hostility towards haughty Timurid domination and the penetrating influence of the European powers with Assyria at the centre as its clear leader.

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In contrast to the lands of Lower Egypt that Assyria already controlled indirectly through Damietta, Upper Egypt had been defined for centuries by its Islamic and Arabic culture and, despite Assyria's traditions of tolerance towards its Muslim subjects, was unwilling to countenance annexation into Christian Assyria. Within a year of its incorporation, the flag of revolt was already flying in Upper Egypt, with pious Egyptian Muslims proclaiming the Emirate of Aswan and overwhelming the sizeable Assyrian military garrison in the newly conquered province. With much of the land falling over the course of the next several months, the Assyrian state was forced to call in troops from the Levant, Arabia and Damietta in order to restore order – with battles raging on to the end of the decade at great cost in man and treasure alike.

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While Levon secured a string of international successes with his skilled diplomacy and important military victories over the Greeks, Koreans and Sulaymans, internally his position was far weaker. The legitimacy of his imperial kingship had been disputed since the time of his succession by an alternate branch of the Amarah dynasty. Having failed to attract significant support at the time of Levon's ascension in the mist of the war against the Byzantines, Lebario Amarah continued to cultivate a growing clerical conservative faction around his claim. Even after the elder pretender's death, his nephew, the titular Lebario II, continued to plot, scheme and feed into broiling unrest in Mesopotamian.

Just as the Lebarians presented a threat in the Mesopotamian heartlands, traditional decentralist sentiment in the old Federalist mould remained as strong as ever among the nobles of the north and west of the Empire. With the risk of rebellion growing in Syria and Armenia in particular, Levon attempted to head off this threat by offering concessions – restoring some of the old autonomies and institutions of the historic Kingdoms of Assyria that had been abolished by his predecessor.

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In the first decades of the new century the winds of a new intellectual age were sweeping through Assyria with the dawning of the Enlightenment. This was a set of ideals and ways of thinking rooted in reason and empiricism rather than faith and tradition that had first emerged in the Universities of Italy, Germany and Byzantium and soon took root in Assyria's own centres of learning. Undoubtedly influenced by the idea of the enlighten autocrat being promoted in Europe, Emperor Levon consciously attempted to open up his court and realm to new thinking – releasing political prisoners, removing censorship on publications and supporting a more vibrant intellectual life while shunning the clerical support base and ecclesiastical elites upon which Yeshua II had based his regime.

One of the consequences of this opening, was that the arch heretic Avira Sassine was released from his imprisonment in 1704 – after more than a decade an a half. Confinement had done little to limit either the growth of his movement or his own convictions, and Sassine found himself feted upon his return – where he found himself well connected at the very highest tiers of Assyrian society. Now operating openly and with confidence, Sassinites continued to proselytise while also engaging in secular causes. This included the establishment of the Society for the Abolition of Human Bondage, a political club dedicated to the abolition of slavery that would become a hotbed for liberal thought far beyond its heretical founders.

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The most intractable problems facing Assyria in the new century were economic as unfavourable climatic conditions and pressure on the coinage squeezed the state and common people alike. Despite serving as the cradle of human civilisation and producing prosperity for thousands of years, the rivers systems of the Fertile Crescent upon which the Assyrian Empire was founded were highly sensitive to shifts in climate. A period of hotter and drier weather beginning in the 1710s and continuing for the next three decades upset this fragile system – straining irrigation networks, forcing fields to be abandoned to the desert and decreasing crop yields.

Just as this natural phenomenon pushed millions towards precariousness, the man made economic system was starting to break down. The issue was inflation, derived from a rapid debasement of the coinage. The Assyrian crown had been struggling under the weight of ever growing debts for decades, and during the reign of Yeshua II it had started to slowly reduce the gold and silver content within the coinage in order to sustain itself.

With the size of armies spiralling, the cost of warfare had grown significantly and Levon engaged in a series of costly campaigns against the French and Byzantines in 1699-1703, the Koreans in 1704-1708, the Sulaymans in 1713-1715 and the Aswan Revolt from 1716. All told, Levon spent just six years of his reign at peace and financed his militarism through a more rapid debasement. By the time of his death, the Assyrian Dinara was worth a fraction of its historic value. This caused serious imbalances in a highly commercialised economy – causing serious harm to the urban middle classes and pushing much of the countryside towards barter at the expense of cash.

Levon's administration had made some efforts to ease the situation by raising greater tax revenues, to mixed success. By far his most politically consequential decision made in this area was to reverse a number of tax exemptions for the Church of the East that they had been granted under Yeshua II – badly souring relations between the Imperial household and the Church.

The Sar Sarrani died in 1716, just shy of his 40th birthday, with a realm that had continued to expand through his reign but was riven by economic, social and political problems. His son and successor, Niv IV, was only 15 and would rise to power under the close supervision of his mother Sivert.
 
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We start the new century with new conquests in the Indies and Egypt, an emerging axis of alliances - the Fatimids, Chernigov and even the Thais. But there have been some difficult times at home. Let us see how things develop!

A remarkable final showing from this imperial titan! I can certainly respect the accomplishments if not the methods. We must hope that the military he built will continue to hold us through his successors, as we have dealt a stinging but by no means fatal blow to the Greeks while the Timurids will no doubt wish to assert their seniority over us (falsely claimed) once again. The Royalist regime has not made many friends outside of its base of support (reasonably broad as it may be), and so they will have to trust that their might will carry them through the next century. Among embittered colonials, oppressed minorities, and egalitarian heretics, which might be the first fifth column to rise up?

It was such a long and interesting reign, becoming Assyria's first true absolutist monarch, winning a holy victory in Malabar and over the course of decades building Assyria up to the position that it could come out from under the Timurid's dominion to assert itself as a great power once more.

As for the Royalist regime, Levon seems to have taken the path of neglecting that core conservative base in favour of trying to reach out to some extent to other parts of society and the realm. We shall see if that is a recipe for a broader base or troubles ahead.

The Heresiarch is a fascinating figure, and one that the Assyrian establishment might be dangerously underestimating....

And that was a momentous victory against the Greeks! Now, if you could ally Chernigov you might be able to crush the Timurids and reduce that disgusting red blob to it's natural position of subservience to the Assyrian Empire.

And now they have gone from trying to lock him away to giving him something of a free reign. His movement has grown during his absence and is taking an interest in secular affairs as well as religious ones and seeking to climb their way into positions of power and influence.

Well predicted on the alliance with Chernigov! And we've even backed that up with the Fatimids, who must have impressed even themselves to have scored a military victory against the Great Khan.

Great chapter marking the end of an epic reign. Great fun too.

i hope you don’t mind, but in this ep the dates jump around a little bit … you may want to just review them and adjust? I’ve noted where there were a few. I do it myself sometimes too (that and interposing east and west).

1686 & 1688?

seventeenth?

And a very good thing he had. Nicely done, even if it was his successor who reaped the final rewards.

1699?

They were quite good given Damietta had to be reclaimed and it will surely have weakened the Byzantines for years, while expanding future heartland Assyrian territory.

I'm always terrible for putting in the centuries wrong on all these dates! Amended the ones you spotted.

It was surely extremely satifying to finally win a major war against the Byzantines on our own two feet after such a long record of either losing, having to be bailed out by the Timurids or just playing a supporting role in someone else's main storyline. Assyria is back!

The Byzantines have been defeated, but the alliance with the Timurids has died. I wonder if they will attack Assyria in the future?

Assyria's newfound status might prove to be a problem as much as an asset - it opens it up to more attacks by its enemies who want less competition to their imperial titles...

I wonder what the Heresiarch will do now. Will he instigate slave revolts? Start a religious schism? There are so many possibilities...

The relationship with the Timurids is getting much worse, and had they not been tied up and then stung in their fight with the Fatimids then they may well have come for us. It is surely a great advantage that they have their fingers in so many different pies from India to the Horn of Africa, Siberia and the Caucuses that they would rarely be in a position to aim all their guns at us. Thankfully we would now have a strong network of allies to stand against them should they come.
 
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Ah the Anti-Timurids pact gives us hope. Now if only Assyria can protect it's eternal Achilles heel that is the internal conflict between absolutists, federalists, separatists and now heretic-liberals... We can either be on the verge of great triumph or catastrophic civil strife!
 
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The late seventeenth century witnessed the emergence of an eccentric preacher named Avira Sassine. Born near Damascus in 1653 into a Nestorian household, Sassine was raised in the lands of the Messalians. He would carry with him a strong influence from the Messalian faith, itself a Medieval offshoot of the Church of the East, in particular its emphasis on egalitarianism and its suspicion of central authority. He was passionately spiritual and joined the Nestorian priesthood as a young man, being sent to a rural parish in Babylonia, not far from Basra.

From the first, Sassine was drawn towards heterodoxy, questioning every tenet of the faith and, more disconcertingly, growing attracted to the mystery cults that operated in the shadows of the Church and promoted closeness to God through earthly sensations including self-flagellation, lenghty fasts and ritualistic sexual orgies. When his participation in these rituals was uncovered in 1685, Sassine was cast out from the priesthood.

Nonetheless, faith remained his calling. By now, Sassine had started to form a wider world view that combined a social critique of the inequities of Assyrian society and the corruption of the Church on one hand, and belief in a set of ecstatic rituals and penitenciary practises derived from the mystery cults that he believed could widen the spiritual horizons of the common people and lead them on the true path to God. From the 1680s he would journey through Babylonia preaching these beliefs among the poorest and most downtrodden of Assyrian society, going into the unforgiving marshes of the Shatt al-Arab, and most importantly of all the great slave plantations of the region.
Reminds me a lot of Rasputin, especially the orgy bit if I recall correctly.
While the Assyrians pursued their interests in East Asia, a significant shift in the balance of power was taking place in the Middle East and Africa. At its peak in the High Middle Ages, the Shia Fatimid Caliphate was the greatest power in the Muslim world – ruling Egypt, the Maghreb, Levant and Hedjaz. Declining in the face of the rise of Christian Assyria and the European Crusades, and pursued out of Arabia by Sunni rivals, at the dynasty's nadir in the fifteenth century it was one of a number of powers competing for power in Ethiopia. Over the following centuries, the Shia grew to become a major player – unifying Ethiopia under their control, conquering the Yemen, pushing north into the Sudan and west across the Sahel as far as Lake Chad and the Sanga River flowing into the Bight of Benin.

Concerned by its continued rise, the Timurids had offered their protection to their fellow Sunnis in Somalia and the Swahili Coast against Fatimid encroachment. In 1705 the Fatimids had tested this resolve by invading their Somalian neighbours, bringing them into direct conflict with the Great Khan. Despite being considered an African backwater, the Fatimids achieved impressive successes – defeating the Somalis in East Africa and maintaining sufficient naval control over the Horn of Africa to prevent the Khan from sailing to his allies aid. In 1712, the Fatimids celebrated a peace that cemented them as a major player in their own right, the Timurids agreeing to small territorial concessions in East Africa, paying a tribute and importantly terminating their protection of the vulnerable Sulaymans.
Impressed by the new found stature of the East African power, and seeking to building a new diplomatic network to replace Assyria's historic dependency on the Timurids, Emperor Levon sealed an alliance with the Fatimids shortly after their victory in Somalia. Capitalising on the Shia's diplomatic isolation of their fellow Caliphate, the two powers then joined together to invade the Sulayamans in a short and bloody conflict between 1713 and 1715. Faced by two far strong foes, the Sunnis could only mount a fighting retreat before succumbing to the inevitable – seeing their richest lands in Upper Egypt annexed by the Assyrian Empire.

Levon secured a second diplomatic coup in the midst of his invasion of the Sulaymans, with an alliance with Chernigov in 1714. With these treaties, Levon had successfully constructed a multi-confessional axis of status that shared a hostility towards haughty Timurid domination and the penetrating influence of the European powers with Assyria at the centre as its clear leader.
Now THIS is the real upset. I basically hoped for this already when the alliance with the Timurids was signed, but with the commercial empire that Assyria built finally allowing it to grow out of the Persian shadow, Egypt has been subdued, Arabia is up for grabs and a Christian ally has been found to perhaps take the Timurids down a peg once and for all. I can imagine greedy eyes looking upon the last parts of the old Armenian kingdom in Timurid hands, as well as the old Kingdom of Georgia. If controll over Egypt is solidified, Damietta may also prove to be unessesary. An absolute coup de grace this
 
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Success abroad (great success indeed!) but instability at home. It sometimes feels as if it can only ever be one or the other for Assyria. I imagine affairs might be looking better had the emperor not died so young and left a teenaged heir. We'll see if the queen-mother is capable enough to keep a lid on things, as there are seemingly enough sources of dissent in the empire. Enlightened despotism can only do so much when your pockets are empty and bread worth its weight in gold, after all. We'll see if there turns out to be a convenient enough spark...
 
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Abolitionists are growing in power, which is good. Let's hope that their machinations don't lead to a civil war, though.

The Assyrian Colonial Empire expands, but, more importantly, Assyria gains allies against the Timurids and the Byzantines. I wonder if those two powers will ally with each other in order to counter this new bloc?
 
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Hehe a female Sivert. Funny, as Sivert is a male name here in Norway. I can almost envision the masculine man in disguise. :D
 
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1716-1732 That Troublesome Priest
1716-1732 That Troublesome Priest

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The death of Sar Sarrani Levon in 1716 marked the opportunity for the Lebarian faction to finally contest the legitimacy of the Amarah-Laboue dynasty on the field as they had failed to in 1699. Capitalising on the assumed weakness of the new teenage Emperor Niv, and the unpopularity of his mother Sivert, the purported Lebario II raised the banner of rebellion in the Persian Gulf. Rallying the Bedouin Nestorian tribes of the region, he rode north into conservative Babylonia, where he found deep wells of support among the nobility, clergy and commonfolk alike. The pretender had high hopes of success as his numbers swelled, yet his lack of adequate artillery and stiff resistance from the city garrison prevented him from capturing Basra and sealing a solid base for his rebellion. In early 1717, he found himself isolated by a large loyalist army at the Battle of Najaf and badly defeated. As his supporters scattered, the would-be Emperor fled into exile in Persia.

The victors would not soon forget this revolt. Niv and his mother were already hostile to conservative elements at court and were suspicious at the enthusiasm much of the Church of the East in Babylonia and the Gulf had shown towards Lebario's claim. Fearing that the Nestorian hierarchy had conspired against them, they would push forward with reforms, that followed on from those of Levon, that would deepen the sidelining of the Church and seek a more secular state. This extended to inviting Jews and Muslims to take up roles in the Imperial administration.

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Indeed, Niv and his mother were influenced by the ideas of the Enlightenment and ran something akin to a Bohemian court – patronising philosophers, artists and scientists and inviting them to advise on the business of state at the expense of traditional sources of authority. They would push forward with a number of reforms aimed at rationalising the realm, including an unpopular redrawing of administrative boundaries – which had hitherto been based on centuries old political units.

The most significant economic malady that the reformist court attempted to address was the debased Assyrian coinage. The primary coinage in the Assyrian Empire were the gold Dinara and silver Shekel, both minted by the crown in Nineveh. By the turn of the century both had been heavily debased by years of monetary mismanagement. However, these were not the only major coins circulating within the Empire. Owing to its historic privileges and status as an independent Kingdom prior to the Armenian-Assyrian union of the fifteenth century, Armenia had long held the right to mint its own coins – the Drum – a status it had retained even during the height of absolutism. Unlike the Imperial coins, the Drum had retained its metal content and by extension its value and become used widely through the Empire in the first decades of the eighteenth century.

The reformers hoped to both rationalise the coinage and restore its value and confidence. Seeing the Drum as undermining the authority of the central state and the Emperor's coin, they moved to close the Armenian mint – much to the anger of the northern elites – and ban the use of the Drum entirely. A new, high quality, Dinara and Shekel then began to be minted, which over several years would replace the existing debased coinage. This process, while successful in restoring price stability, was extremely expensive. The crown would take control over the production of the gold mines of Sumatra and the Cape and introduce a reformed code of taxation that would significantly increase state revenues by both eliminating a number of traditional exemptions and privileges possessed by the nobility and Churches and yet further increasing the burden on the rest of society.

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While price stability was welcome, albeit implemented in an authoritarian way with many slow to trust the new coinage, and a particular boon to the rising urban economies of the Empire's great cities, the Assyrian peasantry, and particularly those of Mesopotamia, remained in a state of crisis and rising agitation. As the region continued to suffer under a prolonged dry spell that had greatly reduced yields, the nobility had moved to partially compensate themselves for the new tax demands of the state by asking for greater exactions on the peasants. In what had once been a comparatively affluent society, certainly in comparison to its counterparts in Europe, poverty was widespread and growing while thousands were forced to flee to escape hunger – whether to the cities or the colonies. Anger and social tensions were becoming acute.

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While the ideas of the Enlightenment made their way through Assyrian society, they stimulated the birth of modern archaeology. Sitting atop the Cradle of Civilisation, enquiry into Assyria's ancient past had been somewhat limited up to the eighteenth century. Unlike Egypt, with its awe inspiring heritage visible for all the world to see, many of the wonders of Mesopotamia and the Levant were less well known and had left a comparatively weak cultural imprint. Indeed, many pious Christians were uncomfortable associating themselves with the Biblical villainy of the ancient pagan empires. However, the magnificence and grandeur of what some of the early archaeological pioneers found below the lands of Mesopotamia in particular would leave an indelible impression, sparking off a fashion among the free thinking middle classes for all things associated with the Ancients.

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Out of this milieu enamoured with the discoveries of long lost civilisations in Babylon, Sumer, Assyria and Akkad, was an Armenian philosopher named Yanai Babai from the border city of Mus. Studying at the universities of Aleppo and later Nineveh, Babai put forward a set of genuinely revolutionary ideas. Criticising the inequities and illogicality of the existing order, Babai rejected not only the monarchy but aristocracy as well and even the role of religion in national life. He supported a democratic republican order, elected by those who contributed towards the national wealth, the elimination of archaic institutions, laws, obligations, privileges and superstitions in favour of an order based on reason, simplicity, equal treatment and justice. In his writings, with appealed to an imagined image of the glorious Ancients, who were ironically largely ruled by despotic empires, Babai spoke of the need for contemporary Assyria to “Pass through the Ishtar Gate”, a metaphor for a total transformation of society. It was with this passage in mind, that followers of his beliefs would form the Ishtar Club in 1725 as a forum in which to gather and expound their revolutionary ideas.

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The most politically explosive element of the unconventional courtly life in Nineveh was its infiltration by a number of Sassinites. The idiosyncratic heretical movement had laid deep roots in Assyrian high society with a number of skilled social climbing adherents, while the mysteries of its idiosyncratic practises and freethinking challenge to traditional morality made it an attractive prospect to many – particularly in the atmosphere of Niv's court. Their presence, more than anything else, was completely intolerable to the Church of the East who could stomach neither their origins as a despised offshoot of their communion nor their debauched religious beliefs. Worse, the Dowager-Empress Sivert was known to be in an open affair with a Sassinites noblemen – earning her the popular epithet “The Whore of Babylon” among her critics. Patriarch Shimun pleaded with Niv to expel the Sassinites from his court and allow for a return of Christian values, but, given the frosty relationship between Church and crown, this was ignored.

This sore only deepened as rumours began to emerge in the 1720s that the Emperor, now growing into adulthood, had started to personally take part in some of the ceremonies of the Sassinites, including their mysterious sexual rites. In 1728 the teenage son of the Malik of Ilam came forward with a lurid tale of his own participation in one of these orgiastic rituals, during which the Sar Sarrani can committed homosexual acts with him. This was the final straw.

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On Easter Sunday 1738, Patriarch Shimun took to his pulpit in Saint Addai's Chathedral in Nineveh to issue an extraordinary call to arms. He claimed that the Devil himself now ruled in Assyria, that the Emperor was a heretic, a sodomite and illegitimate rule; that his immorality and misrule was to blame for the woes befalling his people and named Lebario II as the true Sar Sarrani, pleading with him to return to Assyria to restore Christian rule. Not since the Marian Revolution had the Church taken such a stance of open rebellion. Few could have realised how ready the country was to erupt. Violence quickly engulfed the land. In the cities of Mesopotamia, Nestorian mobs waged pitched battles against minority communities – set large swathes of the region's great cities ablaze and massacring thousands while also attacking tax offices and administrative buildings and parading enormous crosses through the streets. More dangerously, agents of the pretender stirred massive peasant unrest into coherent rebel armies from the Armenian highlands in the north to the Gulf in the south as Lebario himself returned from Persia to take command of this second rising.

This revolt dwarfed the first Lebarian War a decade and a half previously. In its opening stages Niv was forced to flee his capital for Syria, while his allies were run out of Mesopotamia – with only a view brave urban holdouts in Nineveh, Baghdad and Samarra standing against the rebels. Regrouping in Aleppo, and having lost control of the Nestorian heartland which had served as a the bedrock of the Imperial regime, Niv was forced to turn towards the western periphery of his Empire to save him. The nobles of Syria, Armenia and Philistia realised their position of strength and would extract a heavy price for rally the energies of their peoples behind the Emperor in his hour of need. Niv would make grandiose promises of further autonomy, special rights for the minority Christian Churches, new tax exemptions and above all the reconvening of the Majlis just over a century after its bloody closure.

Niv's desperate offer to turn the clock back to something akin to the old Federal Kingdom had the desired effect. The Syrians, Armenians and Philistians swelled his weakened ranks in their tens of thousands, while the flower of the western realms' young nobility joined the war effort. With the Lebarians still struggling to subdue the three resistant cities in northern Mesopotamia, the loyalist army marched east with great confidence. Between 1729 and 1732, Niv's armies would reconquer Mesopotamia piece by piece, cutting through the sprawling peasant armies of the enemy with spite and precision in a long campaign culminating once more in Babylonia and a siege of Basra between 1731 and 1732. The bloody campaign would do significant damage to the already fragile and weakened agricultural system of the region and claim the lives of tens of thousands before Lebario would flee to Persia for the second time. After great sacrifice, the Emperor had defended his crown once more.
 
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A big update, I kind of love that Relations with the clergy event, very evocative and not one I've had before. The event gives some serious numbers of rebels (see below). This was a tough one to get back in control of. I was maybe a little lucky that 2 of those armies popped up in South Africa and one in the Indian Ocean, so I wasn't totally over run in the metropole and could go back to reconquer those areas.

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Things are heating up. Niv's regime might have defeated the Lebarians twice, but it is in a bad way. Persona non grata with the Church of the East, in hock to the nobility of the Levant and Armenia and with ideas of reform in tatters. Let's see where this goes from here!

Does Chernigov have the ability to form Russia yet or are they missing some key cities?

I had a look at the formation requirements, and as a Russian cultured nation with the appropriate cities they should be able to form Russia. In game they did not - so I can only assume that they are considered a custom nation by the game and are not allowed to.

Ah the Anti-Timurids pact gives us hope. Now if only Assyria can protect it's eternal Achilles heel that is the internal conflict between absolutists, federalists, separatists and now heretic-liberals... We can either be on the verge of great triumph or catastrophic civil strife!

Well .... the Achilles heel might have come to get us again!

Reminds me a lot of Rasputin, especially the orgy bit if I recall correctly.


Now THIS is the real upset. I basically hoped for this already when the alliance with the Timurids was signed, but with the commercial empire that Assyria built finally allowing it to grow out of the Persian shadow, Egypt has been subdued, Arabia is up for grabs and a Christian ally has been found to perhaps take the Timurids down a peg once and for all. I can imagine greedy eyes looking upon the last parts of the old Armenian kingdom in Timurid hands, as well as the old Kingdom of Georgia. If controll over Egypt is solidified, Damietta may also prove to be unessesary. An absolute coup de grace this

Yes, Rasputin and the Khlysts were the inspiration for the orgy ritual aspect of the Sassinites - just too colourful an idea to leave out!


Geopolitically, we are in a stronger position than we have been since the first century of the EU4 portion of the AAR. Ambitions to fulfill old historic claims in Armenia and Georgia will surely not be forgotten!

Success abroad (great success indeed!) but instability at home. It sometimes feels as if it can only ever be one or the other for Assyria. I imagine affairs might be looking better had the emperor not died so young and left a teenaged heir. We'll see if the queen-mother is capable enough to keep a lid on things, as there are seemingly enough sources of dissent in the empire. Enlightened despotism can only do so much when your pockets are empty and bread worth its weight in gold, after all. We'll see if there turns out to be a convenient enough spark...

It is our eternal fate! We are only happy at home when we are weak, strength breeding division so often. There was a real attempt here at something akin to an Enlightened Absolutism, that went awry with its alienation of the religious elite. We'll have to see how Niv picks up the pieces after the Lebarian War.

Abolitionists are growing in power, which is good. Let's hope that their machinations don't lead to a civil war, though.

The Assyrian Colonial Empire expands, but, more importantly, Assyria gains allies against the Timurids and the Byzantines. I wonder if those two powers will ally with each other in order to counter this new bloc?

Spoke too soon! It was their moral impropriety above everything else that triggered the Nestorian clergy to issue a call to rebellion. But we are seeing liberal ideas permeate through society now and become a major force. We shall have to see how this whole mix shakes out - we have those looking back to the Federal Kingdom with great leverage after the Second Lebarian War, the still recalcitrant conservative-Nestorians of the Lebarian faction who have recently been beaten and this new emerging liberally minded block whose fate is unclear.

As for a Timurid-Byzantine unholy alliance. They still mostly hate each other - don't forget how many wars they fought during the period when we were allied to the Timurids. We can safely assume they remain fairly far from a pact for now.

Hehe a female Sivert. Funny, as Sivert is a male name here in Norway. I can almost envision the masculine man in disguise. :D

I knew they were doing their moustache wax overly often! :p
 
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Ah damn, trust the reactionary clergy to sabotage the crown right when progress both inside and outside the realm was beginning to be made.

And once again Assyria comes back closer to federalism. I feel the federal Vs centralist conflict is the main axis of historical progression in Assyria. Let's see how it turns out this time...

That bit about the birth of archaeology and the first republican movements are very interesting.
 
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Oh my, the return to federation kingdoms are NOT good...
 
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A return from the precipice of absolutism is all for the best as far as I'm concerned. There are so many challenges and opportunities facing Assyria at the moment, though. Half-hearted reform or the appearance of inaction could well lead to more radical response from the many disaffected groups of the moment. I'm very excited (and worried) to see how this goes.
 
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Federalism could prove problematic again. It could also lead to less tyranny, though...

Let's hope that the Church is done interfering with politics...
 
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1732-1737 The Emperor, the Majlis, the People and the Salt
1732-1737 The Emperor, the Majlis, the People and the Salt

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In the aftermath of his victory over the pretender Lebario, Emperor Niv's regime was completely beholden to the peripheral elites he had looked to in his time on need. With the rebels beaten, he would make good on his promises – devolving significant authority to the historic Kingdoms, even restoring the Armenian mint and removing restrictions on the use of the Drum and more importantly of all reconvening the Majlis. Over a hundred years since King Gurgen had crushed the assembly in bloody fashion, the great men from across the realm would gather once more in Nineveh to oversee the administration of the land. Despite calls for the increasingly vocal urban elites to have a place within the new assembly, an idea that had grown in prominence since the Sumatran Revolt of the late seventeenth century, the new Majlis would maintain its historic composition – with a membership mostly made up of the upper nobility and representation from across the Christian denominations.

The new Majlis was instantly confronted by the crown's ever worsening financial crisis. Its debts were immense and the recent civil war had pushed them to the extent that they were no longer easily serviceable. Yet the Majlis pushed through the elimination of a raft of taxes on the aristocracy and clergy that had been levied over the past three decades – restoring the privileges these classes had held at the time of the death of Yeshua II. Their solution was to shift the tax burden onto the common folk – the peasantry, traders and above all the urban middle classes who were increasingly important drivers of the imperial economy with unwelcome levies on all manner of goods, imported and domestic.

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Faced with a decrepit and failing state that had turned its back on reform, was struggling under the weight of economic circumstances and social tensions and had empowered a rapacious aristocratic elite, the ideas of the Ishtar Club and of a radically different Assyrian state surged through the 1730s among the literate middle classes of the great cities of the Middle East through the medium of mass produced political pamphlets. Increasingly, these radicals were converging towards a central demand for a Majlis appointed by popular election that would represent the entire population of Assyria and not merely a narrow caste who refused to pay for the upkeep of the state.

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In the countryside, years of rural unrest remained unresolved and continued to worsen, with anxieties spilling over into protest, localised unrest and general anger. Interestingly, different regions within the Empire were evolving divergent peasant ideologies. In many of the conservative Nestorian heartlands, Lebarian themes blaming hardship on a rapacious Federalist elite and ungodly government remained strong, while in other parts, most notably Armenia and parts of Syria, radical ideas of land reform and anti-landlordism were becoming ever more prominent.

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In this post-Lebarian War Assyria, the central state was viewed as weak, venal and corrupt while regional centres re-exerted their influence. This was not an even process of the aristocracies of the historic Kingdom's greedily returning authority to their traditional assemblies, but also saw the urban elites attempt to secure some authority of their own. Having been denied representation in the Majlis, the Emperor agreed to grant special statuses to the greatest cities of the Empire that would allow them substantial governance over local affairs. This was a major innovation, and in the atmosphere of Enlightenment ideas and radical political philosophy brewing in the cities, there was ample room for experimentation. Most notably, the cities of Nineveh, Baghdad and Samarra – the three that held out resistant against the Lebarians during their occupation of Assyria-Superior – city councils were appointed through popular election by all property-owning men. The councils these elections produced were in turn hotbeds of militant opinion.

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The antagonisms developing in Assyrian society would reach a crescendo in 1737 in the unlikely form of the salt crisis. Salt was a highly valued commodity, necessary above all for its preservative qualities. Without adequate salt, there were significant risks of serious food shortages throughout the land. The salt crisis of 1737 was not born of an actual shortage of production, but the temporary breakdown of logistics around its transportation that led to its scarcity in the cities of northern Mesopotamia for a period of several weeks early in the year. In a charged atmosphere, rumours of an absolute shortage spread rapidly through the region and led to widespread rioting in the capital and a number of nearby cities. In the face of agitation by Ishtarians and other radicals, the rioting mobs' demands intermingled the material and the political – with slogans calling for the state to ensure salt for the people, an end to unfair taxation and an elected Majlis.

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On March 3rd, a large crowd formed outside the Qatwa Barracks of Nineveh's city garrison, believing the soldiers to be guarding a large stockpile inside. After hours of angry barrages and skirmishes, the numbers of the mob began to grow too great for the soldiers to control. Face with a choice of either firing upon the rioters or allowing them through, the garrison commander relented and abandoned the barracks – retreating to the main citadel in the city. The rioters descended on their conquest, ransacking its stores and thrilling in their sense of power. A radical section of the mob then moved on to march on the Majlis, located in the centre of the city. Besieging the building and issuing blood curdling slogans demanding “justice for the thieves” and “liberty for the people”. The military within the city had regrouped since its earlier defeat at the Qatwa Barracks, and was able to hold back the mob. Yet by now much of the city had descended into utter anarchy.

With his city in chaos, the Sar Sarrani sense the opportunity to restore his personal prestige and escaped from the straight-jacket his erstwhile allies in the Majlis had put him under since 1732, by taking control of events. On March 5th, after a further day of violence and bloodshed in the city – Niv left his palace in the countryside outside the capital to travel to Nineveh and meet with representatives of its radical city council, who were believed to have great influence with the mob. The Emperor agreed to a number of concessions – firstly promising to make military stores of salt available to the common people, calming fears of a shortage, and secondly reforming the Majlis to provide the cities with their own phalanx of representatives within the chamber. In the short term, this had the desired effect. With radicals and city burghers celebrating a major victory, and the shortage fears that had fuelled the riots dissipating, rioting soon petered out and the military was able to enforce order by the middle of the month. These humble events are often marked as the beginning of an incredible, world-historic, period in history – the Assyrian Revolution.
 
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It begins ...


Ah damn, trust the reactionary clergy to sabotage the crown right when progress both inside and outside the realm was beginning to be made.

And once again Assyria comes back closer to federalism. I feel the federal Vs centralist conflict is the main axis of historical progression in Assyria. Let's see how it turns out this time...

That bit about the birth of archaeology and the first republican movements are very interesting.

That civil war, with all the consequences it had for cutting short Niv's attempts at a more Enlightened absolutism really undercut hopes of a gentle reform through a period of rising expectations from the middle classes - many of whom have now turned to more extreme, democratic ideas. Federalism vs Centralism/Absolutism has indeed been the main axis of Assyrian political life for so long - at least since the Marian Revolution - that it isn't going to be done away with entirely. The question here is how the new radical movements evolve. Do they adapt to the existing overarching political conflict and pursue new Federalist or even Centralist ideas that take account of their class, or push on to refound Assyria more completely in their own image.

Oh my, the return to federation kingdoms are NOT good...

We are back to something pretty close to the Federal Kingdom of the 16th century at this point - with a powerful Majlis, although without the elective monarchy aspect. But the new innovations going on right now are from the urban middle classes. They've won representation in their own right for the first time, will they settle for just a slice of the pie though ? ...

A return from the precipice of absolutism is all for the best as far as I'm concerned. There are so many challenges and opportunities facing Assyria at the moment, though. Half-hearted reform or the appearance of inaction could well lead to more radical response from the many disaffected groups of the moment. I'm very excited (and worried) to see how this goes.

You could perhaps pick out that we were heading to some sort of cataclysm - there are so many angry and disaffected groups going about that it would have been hard for anyone to balance all these different interests, never mind a rather bumbling restored Federalist aristocracy that seemed mostly concerned with building local fiefdoms and personal wealth at the expense of the wider people.

Federalism could prove problematic again. It could also lead to less tyranny, though...

Let's hope that the Church is done interfering with politics...

Prescient again - the restoration of Federalist power really helped to worsen Assyria's internal situation to the extent we have seen the greatest implementation of mob rule in the heart of the Empire for centuries and the rise of a frighteningly radical new movement in the Ishtar Club. Let's see how this goes - it is going to be fun!

Yes.

I believe this.

Just like in our timeline
Didn't happen before much later though. :p

I can't promise the Church will have given up on wanting an active say in Assyrian society - I can say that for the first time we are going to have a large constituency very much opposed to this coming around in the years ahead.
 
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