Chapter L: Fallout and Aftershocks Part I - Scandinavia.
The summer of 1936 was an exceptionally busy one politically, although there was activity from Washington to Tokyo and even down to Wellington, it was in Europe that the activity was so frenetic. With one war fought and won, one war narrowly avoided and a civil war still ongoing on the continent this should not be surprising, what should surprise is how many nations not directly involved in any of those events ended up experiencing such serious after effects. The events described here did not all neatly occur at once, instead they occurred over wildly varying time-scales ranging from the slow burning crisis in Greece, which had been simmering since the 1935 elections, to the sudden pre-election changes in Sweden. Such is the nature of politics, events that in one country act as a catalyst to explosive action in others are a retardant that allow cooler heads to be heard.
We begin this overview in Scandinavia, the Nordic nations excellently demonstrating how similar stimuli can have varying results even on close neighbours. In Finland the various events were noted but considered relatively unimportant, save for the confirmation of the comprehensive toothlessness of the League of Nations in the face of armed aggression. Overall however Finland's foreign policy remained almost exclusively devoted to watching east. It was less than twenty years since Finland declared independence from Russia and they rightly feared a resurgent Soviet Union may attempt to claw back it's lost territory. Compared to that threat very little else even registered as worthy of attention. That said the government was not inactive, efforts were made to improve relations with Sweden and try and improve pan-Scandinavian relations in general, the hope being to crack Swedish neutrality and form a defensive alliance to deter the Soviets and any other aggressor. In contrast Norway was broadly unbothered by the Soviets, having neither the history nor borders of Finland it was obviously less on an issue, she was however intently concerned about Germany. Despite leaning towards Britain in the Great War Norway had remained officially neutral, this had not stopped German submarines from sinking over half the national merchant fleet and killing almost 2,000 crew. Although the fleet had not only recovered but expanded in the years since, by the summer of 1936 it was the world's fourth largest by tonnage and contain almost a fifth of the worlds tankers, such events were not forgotten. Consequently the revelations of Hitler's desire for the Baltic to become a German Lake, patrolled by a new large fleet a third the size of the total Royal Navy, were especially dis-concerting, a feeling only reinforced by German actions over the Rhineland. The cumulative effect was to chip away at Norwegian neutrality, the lone voices arguing for a defensive alliance with Britain grew in number and strength. It would only take one more crisis or threatening move to bring the issue to a head, two things the future promised to provide plenty of.
The position of Sweden was somewhat more complicated and consequently events were considerably more turbulent. The ruling Social Democrats were well disposed to the Soviet Union, despite the leaderships purge of the extreme revolutionary left in the early 1930s there remained a hard core of party members who sympathised with the Soviets. While this lead to an under-estimation of the Soviet threat, much to the disgust of the Finnish ambassador in Stockholm, it did allow the country to focus it's attention onto Germany, a country that was both the a huge potential threat and a lucrative export market. Yet external issues were not dominant in Swedish politics, the autumn general election and the collapse of the governing coalition held that honour. The collapse was almost solely due to internal issues, a falling out between Prime Minister Hansson's Social Democrats and Axel Pehrsson-Bramstorp's Farmer's Party. In essence Hansson was trying to extend worker friendly labour laws into agriculture while at the same time cutting, or at least freezing, agricultural subsidies, a lethal combination to Swedish farming. With the three month campaign under way the King of Sweden, Gustaf V, appointed Pehrsson-Bramstorp as interim Prime Minister who, after unsuccessfully attempting to build a new non-socialist coalition, turned his attention to the lingering problem of the air forces new bomber. Applying direct rural logic to the issue, he reasoned that, as either choice would upset someone, the obvious solution was just to buy the best bomber. This straightforward and honest approach would, he believed, defuse any political impact the choice would have by making it a purely commercial decision. While considered by naive by many Foreign Office veterans, men who saw political subtext in the choice of cutlery at an embassy reception, it had the advantages of being easy to explain to parliament and the public and finally sorting the matter out, not to mention ensuring the air force got the best deal.
A Handley Page Hampden HP 53 awaiting evaluation at Malmslatt in Sweden. Essentially a standard Hampden, the HP 53 was fitted with the new Napier Dagger VIII 'H' block engines and various refinements based on 'lessons learnt' after the Abyssinian War
The problem was getting the air force to decide, whereas previously the Air Board had been united behind the German Ju-86, the Abyssinian War enable the Hampden salesmen to play the ace card - combat experience. It is difficult to overstate the advantage this gave, the Ju-86 was a converted airliner that had never dropped a bomb nor fired a gun in anger, while the Hampden was presented as a combat tested design. Not only that but Handley Page offered a design full of tweaks and changes, for example a change to twin Vickers 'K' machine guns in the turrets and an improved cockpit layout, all based on recommendations from Royal Air Force pilots who'd flown it over North Africa. Moreover the original doubts about the Ju-86 had resurfaced, while it was still the better handling of the two it was had the shortest range and had the lightest bomb load. Not unimportant considerations for an Air Board that had started the search by looking at medium bombers such as the Douglas B-18 and the Heinkel He-111, aircraft far close to the Hampden than the Ju-86. In the end these doubts, combined with the lure of a combat proven design, overcame worries about the Hampden's cramped interior and tipped the balance in favour of Handley Page. True to his word Pehrsson-Bramstorp duly agreed to the Air Board's recommendation and ordered the defence ministry to sign the contract.
The news was naturally warmly welcomed in London, not only for the significant export success but also for the attendant training and support contracts, work which it was firmly believed could only strengthen Anglo-Swedish relations. While careful not to offend Swedish sensitivities about the contract, the deal was announced to Parliament by the President of the Board of Trade Walter Runciman, rather than the Foreign Secretary Anthony Eden, in an attempt to emphasis the commercial and economic angle, there was as much celebration in the Foreign Office as Handley Page's Headquarters. Naturally this reaction was mirrored in Berlin, the frustration adding to the growing catalogue of failed Foreign Ministry initiatives, ironically strengthening not weakening the Foreign Minister, Konstantin von Neurath, as he had consistently argued against most of them only to be over-ruled. Only in Spain had Germany achieved any kind of overseas success, even then it had been through covert means, moreover the long term outcome was still very much in the balance, both for Spain in general and Germany's proxy Franco in particular.
In the next update we will look at Northern Europe, obviously focusing on the Rhineland fallout, but also looking at the reactions in the Low Countries and Eastern Europe.