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Sorry, but one more thing to add about the Moldav...
A couple of important suggestions on Transcarpathian raw goods in Rakhiv and Berehove (Raho and Beregszasz).
I hope these will be far less controversial than the previous topics here.

1. Firstly, my friends and colleagues from Rakhiv have never heard about any amber in the area. I have not found any information on the internet as well, so amber in Rakhiv/Raho is a wrong choice.
But nothing can in fact represent this location better than Wool!
This region has the highest mountains in Ukraine, so it has a lot of forestless mountain meadows ('polonyny') where sheep farming has been the most widespread and traditional activity for ages:
View attachment 1246526
Overall wool seems to be underrepresented in the Carpathian Mountains with regard to its importance in the region, so I would strongly recommend changing amber to wool in Rakhiv/Raho.

2. The second suggestion needs more evidence, but there is a gold deposit and a gold mine in Muzhievo (Nagymuzsaly) village that is actually in Berehove (Beregszasz) location.
Ukrainian sources write that it has been known since the XII century and was definitely in operation during the Ottoman control of Hungary, in ~200 years they got ~20 tons of gold (I have no clue if it is a lot or not really). Unfortunately I could not find deeper information.

If someone could find anything in Hungarian sources, that could help. If that mine was always significant, or since the XVI-XVII centuries, or not at all.
Then Berehove/Beregszasz location raw good could be changed to gold or get a DHE in the Age of Reformation that changes wheat to gold there.

On the other hand, there are other gold locations nearby, maybe they already 'include' all the minor gold deposits in the whole area and adding another one would be an overkill. So I do not insist on it, but can be taken into consideration.
I tried to look through the hungarian sources about this but it's very lacking. They mentioned salt mines. etc in neighbouring regions or like what was then conmsidered transcarpathia in that region but nothing about gold minning specifically. For instance its stated in its wikipedia page put is lacking any sources and is in full red.
1737651481665.png
 
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I tried to look through the hungarian sources about this but it's very lacking. They mentioned salt mines. etc in neighbouring regions or like what was then conmsidered transcarpathia in that region but nothing about gold minning specifically. For instance its stated in its wikipedia page put is lacking any sources and is in full red.View attachment 1246567
Thanks a lot!
So actually the same as in Ukrainian sources: known since ancient times, gold, tin, lead, but without more exact data.
Looks like that gold was not really THAT important and one gold location around is enough. And I see a lead location nearby too.
Maybe this could be a tin location, I do not see any in the whole area.
Anyway, this is of minor importance, I assume :)
 
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You shoudlnt' assume your own opinions upon people living so far long ago.

The significance is the Slavic cultutres value strong charismatic leaders who uphold their [Slavic] ways of life and preffer to distribute power and resources toward common local good and shun individualistic actions.

Whoes assimilation? Besides it works both ways. btw have you ever heard of integration?

Somewhat true. I don't have the confidence to 100% agree or disagree. Sources and toponyms show a very dynamic pattern, and settlements only became stabilized at the end of the middle ages.


Depends on how one defines soon, some kept up the tradition well over in the late 15th century despite being settled down.



If we do that, then we would also need to make the rusyns nomads. I don't remember paradox talking much about nomad pops. Anyone know where they did?


Besides a modifier that makes them more prone to migration, I have no idea.

It seems like extra work. Would the devs need to designate areas where these pops migrate to in certain part of the year? Would they portray the sheep tax? The frustration of trying to tax a population that's there one year and not in another?

Also several languages use Vlach (or Lach/Lah - sounds very simmilar as Vlach) for Italians, quite archaic tho. At times I am wondering if it meant those following Roman catolicism, opposed to Greek, east Slav,.... orthodoxy.... instead of or regardless of cultural/linguistical heritage of those *common Vlach* people :/ shrug

And if you know all those facts, why didnt you consider them in your % cultural makeup?

''About'' could also ment not 50-50 but maybe 47-53 or 55-45....
Without getting into the debate, I would just like to point out that in medieval Hungarian sources the word "Vlach" appeared not only in an ethnic sense, but also as a name for those who pursued transhumance (mountain herding) lifestyle, which is why there are place names formed from the word Vlach in the eastern part of present-day Slovakia. For the Middle Ages, legal status (lifestyle) and religion were much more important than ethnicity, which is why Orthodox Slavic and Romanian mountain shepherds were both called Vlachs.
 
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Is this a threat? I do not accept threats lightly. Especially not those against the benefit of the larger community because of the acts of few individuals.

I do have a suggestion that might be very constructive and much needed for the morale and further positive cooperation between the Devs and the Community.
I have noticed in recent months that several members of the Community that went above and beyond in creating well-researched and argumented posts articles with reliable sources, a lot of times at the level of academic standards, where they shared the feedback on each Tinto Map, has become pessimistic all the quality information they compiled receive fair attention and consideration from the Devs. They simply fear their honest work in their free time is going to waste, or at worst are abused as free labour.
The amount of work and expertise covering and detailing across dozens and dozens of languages and all regions of the World contributes toward the same goal of achieving a historically accurate state of reality in 14. century is amazing. Such Data Base will be invaluable beyond the needs of a single game.
So my suggestion would be if the Devs can give us feedback on our feedback. As in a meta list for each Tinto Map where you communicate which suggestions (by locations, cultures, areas,....) of merit are not being implemented for x, w, z reason and if there is anything else or something super specific research is still needed and could use further help by local experts....
This way those outstanding members will know their efforts are not in vain and the community at large will know which topics have been covered enough and which need further refining. All very positive things. Furthermore, this would also remove certain topics from being brought up ad nauseam, thus we would limit any chances of negative echo chambers.

Short sketch up of such list:
List of reasons:
a) Approved and waiting implementation; b) Approved, but put on a backlog for near future ; c) Approved, but to complex for release aka post-lunch material: d) Considering, Need more reliable sources and argumentation; e) Rejected, too niche f) Rejected, bad gameplay or not part of PC; g) other; h) partly approved.
List of quality suggestions:
1) Slovene character names - a
2) HRE - Hungarian border improvements - a
3) Demographics of Venetian towns in east Adriatic - b
4) Demographics of Genoan & Venetian towns in the Black Sea d
5) Demographics of the Moldovian region - h
6) Border tweaks between Southeastern Srbian locations - e

This way, I am sure, positive vibes and a productive relationship will flourish..... if nothing else, at least those hard working people will get the acknowledgement and satisfaction they deserve.
I do not think that 7 paragraphs of demands is a realistic expectation from the devs.
 
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Shouldn't the court language of the southern Frakokratia states like Achaea be French/Italian, not Latin? Also is there/will there be a distinction made between the ruling elite of these states as a general "Outremer" culture if such a thing is possible instead of just flatly making them all French like most of the other games do?
 
Hey, figured this is the place to ask. Any of y'all got a source on taxation in the Kingdom of Hungary in the Late Middle Ages/Early Modern period? My source on medieval taxation covers basically every European state except Hungary, and I want something to review to see whether or not their policy was any different than their neighbors.

I'd bother trying to dig through Google Scholar results, but this is mostly a matter of verification rather than investigating the unknown so it's not as high a priority.
 
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Ah,
They have indeed, which is why I'm surprised the North Moldavia Ruthenian claim is still made.
  • From what I can google translate the Ukrainian source, it says that it was part of Moldavia but not incorporated into Moldavia proper. It does not seem to contradict this Moldovan source, according to which the territory of Moldavia in 1367 at the death of Bogdan I the founder was only Western Moldavia + Shypyntsi land. Taking control of the Purt-Dniester territory only during the reign of his successor and in 1388 Pokutia in Galicia.
  • The issue with the Russian topography map (where it doesn't say N. Bukovyna has ~99% of Slavic) was discussed, namely that if it is possible in the 21st century for people to inhabit localities with names which hold no meaning for them, it was no less possible in the 1337, as toponyms merely explain the name of those who founded the cities. Not the ones who currently live in them in 1337. Considering we have strong slavic presence in 9th century followed by a Romanian migration in 10th-11th centuries, it's very possible many of the old names remained. At the same time, the Romanian hydronyms map which contradicts it was also mentioned and shown several times here. Unlike the Russian topography map, the Romanian hydronyms map makes the difference between toponyms of Slavic origin and toponyms of Romanian origin derived from Slavic.
  • Unlike Lithuanians, the Romanians themselves are a Dacian-Roman-Slavic mix. This Romanian source speaks about how the Romanians assimilated the slavs, borrowing many things from the slavic world during the slavic migrations and during the time of the First Bulgarian Empire. Meaning that even by 900 AD the Vlach/Romanian already had a strong slavic influence, as such no significant slavic population was needed since they already had slavic infleunces for centuries.
For later times:
  • 1910 is not generally the same as 1774, but very very different.
  • Regarding the Romanian study you posted, the estimations in 1774 are 40.920 Rumanians (59,6%) and 22.810 Ruthenians and Hutsulians (33,2%). Almost twice as many Romanians overall. But there are other 1774 estimations, namely 52,750 Romanians (73.5%), 15,000 Ruthenians and Hutsuls (20.9%) by Ion Nestor or 64,000 Romanians (85.33%) and 8,000 Ukrainians (10.6%) by Keith Hitchins.
  • This is to say that the study you posted is a conservative estimate (60% Romanians) when compared to others that puts them at 73% or 85%.
  • Regardless which of them is true, all sources seem to agree that there was a constant decrease of Romanians and increase of Ukrainians since 1774:


View attachment 1245918

The map you posted is from 1910, where Romanians are 34% and Ukrainians 38%. While in 1774 the estimations we have range between 60-85% Romanians and 10-33% Ukrainians. Meaning, a 1774 map and a 1910 map of Bukovina would look very different.

This is a 1930 ethnic map of Bukovina where the Romanians increased to from 34% in 1910 to 44%. There is already significantly difference from the 1910 map with a 10% increase. A 1774 map would be even more purple with a further 15%-35% increase, from 44% to 60-85%.
View attachment 1245919
LATE EDIT: I actually found this maps from 1774 from Constantin Ungureanu (the same person who made the study you provided), Populația Bucovinei și Basarabiei sub stăpâniri străine (1774/1812 – 1918), Editura “Karl A. Romstorfer”, Suceava, 2020
View attachment 1245929
It's only that northern part of Bukovina because the rest of it was almost 100% Romanian. For the city of Chernivtsi, out of 356 families there were 210 Romanian (59%), 100 Jewish (28%), 25 Ukrainian (7%), 13 Russian, 4 Gypsy and 3 other ethnicities. Between the Prut-Dniester region of Bukovina there were about 30% Romanians and 60% Ukrainians. The region west of Chernivtsi next to the Cheremosh river was more balanced but with an Ukrainian majority, while the region around Chernivtsi had a clear Romanian majority.
  • I too believe there was some Ruthenian population there.
  • But I do not see evidence of them being majority at all. Lithuanians were already a strong military power, it is how they managed to form the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and rule over slavs. The Vlachs in 1337 on the other hand, were the furthest thing away from a military power. And the circumstantial evidence we have like mentions of the voivodships, codrii and tari, seem to be exclusively of Vlachs. The Lithuanians were stronger than the Slavs so they could rule over them, the Vlachs were not stronger than the Slavs so why would they rule over them? Doesn't make any sense why the Ruthenians would allow a Vlach military and administrative control unless they were a minority.
The reason this is anachronistic is because you speak of 1774 yet show a 1910 map. This is not literally after the direct 300-year Moldovan Rule. This is literally after the Vlach population dropped from 60-85% to 34%. A 1774 map is almost all Romanian with that small mixed population in the north.
On top of that, the Romanian hydronyms map shows a completely different story from the Russian toponyms map.

Ah the Moldavian Chronicles, Volume 100. I was starting to worry the saga was over! Thank you for reminding us yet again why this topic has been exhausted more thoroughly than an ancient history textbook.
 
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Rough Translation of what I could find (which matches quite nicely with what I learned in highschool)

Taxation in Hungary in the Middle Ages
As in all medieval public finances, the state estate was the main source of revenue. This was supplemented by the larger royal revenues, such as the customs duty known as the thirtieth and the revenue from salt, the fees paid for the mines on the territory of noble estates, the income from the mint and later the post office, the town land tax, the vacant ecclesiastical estates and other minor occasional revenues.

The first trace of an actual national tax in our code is found only in the decree of Károly Róbert (1342 XIX), which, in order to make up for the losses resulting from the widespread coin-cutting, imposed a tax of 18 dénár per annum on all peasant gates, i.e. gates through which a cart loaded with hay or grain could pass, under the name of 'chamber profit' ('lucrum camerae' or gate tax). This tax had already existed, however, because the same law provided that in those regions where there were no gates for lack of wood, the chamber's profits were to be collected according to the old custom.

The tax rate rose from time to time: during the reign of Matthias I. it was 1 forint, later 3, and even 9 forints in times of emergency. The kings could collect the revenues of the chamber without the consent of the Diet, while the collection of the subsidies to cover the costs of warfare was subject to the consent of the Diet. Initially, the lucrum camerae and the subsidium were administered separately, but in 1593 the two taxes were merged. From that year onwards, the name lucrum camerae was no longer used in the law, the tax being referred to as 'contributio' and then 'subsidium'. In order to cover the needs of the standing army created in 1715, the Parliament offered a war tax to replace the subsidies, initially consisting of a certain amount of rations (portions) for horses and military provisions, in view of the lack of money. In 1722 this was largely converted into cash.

The nobles paid no national taxes, although the Diet did exceptionally, in times of exceptional need, vote for subsides to be paid by them. The actual exemption from taxation was interpreted differently in different periods. Initially, the exemption was personal, and all nobles, whether or not they owned property and whether or not they lived on a noble estate or in a free royal town, were exempt from paying taxes; from 1405, however, nobles living in royal towns were taxable. The exemption from personal taxation was later extended to allodial goods owned by nobles; but noble estates cultivated by serfs, for which their owners could claim a manorial service, were subject to taxation. Act XXVI of 1647 extended the tax to all armal nobles. This was amended by Article VI of Act VI of 1723, so that armal nobles were obliged to pay not only house (duchy) tax but also war tax. The practice was different for nobles who owned manorial estates. In the Tisza counties, neither war nor house taxes were levied on these estates; however, most of the Danube counties levied both war and house taxes on the nobles for their manorial lands. This unequal treatment was only put an end to by Act XI of 1836. This obliged the nobles to pay taxes on both the war and the house treasury

The amount of the tax, determined from time to time by the Diet, was divided between the counties and the free royal cities on the basis of the "portas". The concept of a "porta" has had different meanings in different periods. Originally it meant a serf's house and a plot of land; since 1609, 4 peasant farms and 12 tenant farms have been considered as a single "porta". Article XXXVI of Law 1647 ordered a new "porta", so that a "porta" would include four serfs with 4-6 oxen, eight serfs with 2 oxen and 16 serfs and hired hands with no cattle. Later, the "porta" was transformed into an imaginary unit expressing the ability of taxpayers to pay. A certain number of "portas" was set for the whole country, and the amount of tax offered was divided into equal portions, and the number of "portas" set by Parliament for a county or royal town was the number of times the respective jurisdiction had to pay the portion of the tax due for each "porta". In 1715, and again in 1825, Parliament ordered a review of the distribution of the "portas". This was done, but because of false returns it could not be used as a basis for the levy, so in 1830 and 1836 the Orders asked the Nador to distribute the "portas" among the counties, districts and royal towns on the old basis. The number of "portas" was 8,000 in 1696, 5,661 and 3/4 from 1723 to 1791 (excluding Croatia), and 6,346 and 1/8 from 1791 to 1849 (including Croatia).

The rate of the tax for each commune was based on the rates, known as dikas. The duchy itself determined the number of dikas and the number of taxable items that made up a dika. The amount of the tax imposed on the duchy was divided into the number of dikas it had, and the number of dikas a municipality had to pay per dika was the number of times it had to pay the amount per dika. We have no certain information on the method of similar censuses in the old days. Since 1715, there were normally 90 headings listing the taxpayers aged between 18 and 60, the number of cattle, horses, sheep, pigs, beehives, the expected profit from sowing, the receipts from fattening, the farm, the mill, etc.


Hey, figured this is the place to ask. Any of y'all got a source on taxation in the Kingdom of Hungary in the Late Middle Ages/Early Modern period? My source on medieval taxation covers basically every European state except Hungary, and I want something to review to see whether or not their policy was any different than their neighbors.

I'd bother trying to dig through Google Scholar results, but this is mostly a matter of verification rather than investigating the unknown so it's not as high a priority.
 
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Yeah, looks about right. Effectively the same scheme as the rest of Europe. Extraordinary taxes turning ordinary over time, with an emphasis on indirect taxation (commerce and tolls, in this case) with some direct taxation thrown in (a hearth tax), mostly issued from the top onto the various municipalities and administrative subdivisions of the realm who were then responsible for figuring out how to actually collect the owed tax. Presumably those municipalities and administrative subdivisions would then rely on the sale of annuities to cover the immediate payment to the crown, and then use tax farmers to pay the annuity, with what taxes those tax farmers collect being determined in this case centrally from the monarch's government (sometimes this varies; some places left it up to the municipalities, and others had central control over what taxes could be collected).

Looks to be about the same policy as every other Christian kingdom at this time, though of course each one had its own pace at which it transitioned to this (for instance, it looks like Hungary was ahead of Poland but behind Naples). Only ones that really differ in this scheme are the Byzantines, mostly because any attempts they made to transition to a more indirect-tax model met with declarations of war from the Genoese and Venetians who de facto controlled their commerce. Serbia and Bulgaria, presumably, are also under that more land tax-emphasizing model though more readily able to move towards indirect taxation, but simply didn't stick around long enough to do so.
 
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Maybe because different people at different times might hold different sets of values compared to you or me?
Maybe because Slavic culture is known for having strong communality, egalitarian and tribalistic features?
Maybe because the ethnic composition of the local populace was very heterogeneous and the ruling elite intermarried with local and foreign peers?
Alright, and?

So, what's the significance?

So basically they lived in the region then came the Vlach leading to a mixed population and then they intermarried with the Vlachs, affecting their cultural, political, or social structure, finally ending up with Vlach voivodships ruled by a Vlach. That sounds an awful lot like assimilation.
You shoudlnt' assume your own opinions upon people living so far long ago.

The significance is the Slavic cultutres value strong charismatic leaders who uphold their [Slavic] ways of life and preffer to distribute power and resources toward common local good and shun individualistic actions.

Whoes assimilation? Besides it works both ways. btw have you ever heard of integration?
Alright, how does this tie in?

Okay, how does this random bit of info tie back to the main point?

Considering that the end result was Vlach voivodships, I think it's pretty obvious. And yes, it goes both ways, that's where the Slavic influence stems from.
That's for you to research and conteplate on. True knowledge, understanding, can only be gained by working it out for yourself... everything else are just opinions of others directing us one one way or the other regardless of the facts. Now unless you have something new to add, follow as others have said. Open a new thread where we discuss how etymology of topographic names, cultural traits and population estimates of late medieval Europe can be best represented ingame... or purely for academic reasons in order to get as close to the historic reality as possible....
No way =)) Are you for real? =)))))))) oh, erudite one, come on, we both know if you had the answer you would have said it.

*makes an argument*
*is shown that the argument he made actually supports assimilation*
*out of things to say, proceeds to say I should read more.*
Nice try, better luck next time.
Question 1.

Unfortunately, I am no toponymist. But to my understanding, the name of the city has a lot of grammatical rules in it that dictate what language has been the origin. here is the page from the source:
View attachment 1246258
here author outlines suffixes like -ești, -eni, and others to be Romanian in origin, with a meaning attached to them
Suffixes like -ov, -ovo, -in, -ivtsi, -ovtsi or in Romanian -ăuți (sorry if I spelt them incorrectly) are Slavic in origin
Also, cities that included the name rus in it presumed to have Slavic populations.

The majority of cities the author used, have changed their name throughout the timeframe (based on multiple documents).
Autor used those suffixes when the toponym goes from class 2 to class 3 as a marker of the language those toponyms are assigned to.
So we have a city that went from "village where the house of Pitik is" to "Peticeni" which was constructed using a Romanian suffix -eni between 1414 and 1528, a period of 114 years, which means this city has a Romanian name.
More examples here:
View attachment 1246279

This is how the distinction between Slavic origin <-> Romanian origin was made. No need for Romanian origin derived from Slavic distinction as I see it. Again I am no toponymist to determine what should be researched.


Other toponymic research, which I also use, marks roots containing -oro-, -olo-, to be East Slavic and -ra-, -la- to be South Slavic,
Also, a common feature of Slavic is G -> H


Question 2.

As I have outlined in the post you have responded to, let me simplify:

We have two maps. One is dated the 14th century. The second is dated by the 15th century.

As we can see, the number of villages has increased a lot.
Let's focus on Northern Bukovina. White dots mean Slavic, and black dots Romanian.
View attachment 1246270View attachment 1246271
A lot of villages in the 14th century had Slavic names.
A lot more villages in the 15th century had Slavic names. Like two times more.
All new villages between the 14th and 15th centuries have Slavic toponyms.
This means the population that founded those villages used Slavic rules to make the name of the village.
This means the population that founded those villages spoke Slavic
This means the population between the 14th and 15th centuries were Slavic

Not fully, but a sizeable majority, that solely dictated the forms of toponyms.

This challenges your claim that Romanians migrated here in the 10th century and started living in the cities, they did not know the names of.
If your claim is true, why have those Romanians continued to name the villages with Slavic words even in the 15th century?


Oh lord, those pure Vlachs that have never been warriors, never have touched anyone nor conquer.

1. Vlachs weren't warrior-like, but "However, Basarab's forces, composed largely of Vlach warriors, ambushed and decisively defeated the Hungarian army at the Battle of Posada (1330)."
2. Vlachs weren't warrior-like, but "The chronicle mentions the Bulgars and the Vlachs in a broader context of conflicts in the Balkans and southeastern Europe."
3. Vlachs weren't warrior-like, but "In 1019, the Pechenegs and the warriors called "Blokumenn" in Scandinavian documents (likely the Bolokhoveni or Romanians) fought in the Battle of the Alta River (near the Dnieper River) on the side of Sviatopolk I of Kiev against Yaroslav the Wise."
4. Vlachs weren't warrior-like, but "In 1040, Casimir, Duke of Poland, formed an alliance with Yaroslav the Wise, Duke of Kiev, and received 1,000 foot soldiers to reclaim his lost territories in Poland. On this occasion, an army composed of Ruthenians, Prussians, Dacians, and Getae (possibly Romanians) is mentioned.
5. Vlachs weren't warrior-like, but "In 1068, the Vlachs/Romanians and the Pechenegs led by Osul took part in a raiding campaign in Transylvania and Hungary, which ended with the Battle of Chiraleș in Transylvania, where they were defeated. The events are recorded in a Russian chronicle."
6. Vlachs weren't warrior-like, but "In 1070, the Vlachs/Romanians, along with the Pechenegs and Ruthenians, were involved in an expedition by King Bolesław of Krakow. The campaign is commented on by the Polish chronicler Długosz."

All of that is your quotes! You just contradict all your previous statements.

I feel like you have already passed the nationalism stage.
No culture/race is a culture of peaceful angels, and please don't make claims and judgements based on it.
Any people could have conquered any other people. Or diplomatically ruled.
Being warrior-like does not matter at all!
Vlach are not unique and exceptional to not do exactly the same things, that happened with other cultures.

"The Vlachs were not stronger than the Slavs so why would they rule over them?" - speculation. Anything could have happened. We simply have no data.

"With the Rurik example, the same thing, they conquered them."
According to Russian sources Rurik was invited to reign.
For question 1:

The suffix "-in" is common in Romanian place names, but also "-na", which I see from the page you provided they were listed as slavic.
That's already 2 potential Romanian names listed as exclusively Slavic from what you've shown me, and you said the list is bigger so there could be more.

The page you provided from the source says that 73,8% of the names of villages from Moldova in the 14-15th centuries are of Romanian origin. This is about 75% of all of Moldavia.

If the Slavic words <-> Slavic loanwords in Romanian difference would have been made, that number would have been even higher.

It seems that the author assumes by default "everything latin = Romanian ; everything non-latin = non-Romanian", which is not the case.

There's a difference between Latin <-> Slavic toponyms and Romanian <-> Slavic toponyms.

There are for example Romanian place name endings with "-in", "-na", "-ra", "-va", "-za", "-ca", "-te", "-ia", "-zi", "-da", etc. These suffixes are as Romanian as "-ești" and "-eni". Since the Romanians has slavic influences from the 5th-8th centuries (depends on the author), they had centuries of using those words. The "-ăuți" is the Romanian adaoptation of "-ivtsi" and is of Slavic in origin but a Romanian derived from slavic loanwords at the end of the day.

Assuming that everything which a slavic suffix must mean slavic, when you have a population with strong slavic influence in the same area is speculation. As per the examples with "-in" and "-na".

For question 2:

Those Romanians continued to name the villages with Slavic words even in the 15th century because if the correlation from the hydronyms study is anything to go by - in regions with a higher amount of Slavic hydronyms (thus of Slavs) there was also a higher amount of Romanian hydronyms derived from slavic loanwords (thus of Romanians using slavic).

We've already established in question 1 that this study seems to assume "everything Latin = Romanian; everything non-latin = non-Romanian", so everything of slavic origin is white on the map, regardless whether it is slavic word or slavic loanwords being used by Romanians. But, when such a distinction was made in the hydronymic study, something interesting was found:

The hydronymic pattern everywhere is Latin origin > Slavic origin = Other origin, except in regions with significant slavic population.

There the pattern is Slavic origin > Other origin > Latin origin, with the slavic origin being more double the size of the other 2 combined.

This is a correlation mentioned by the study, not something I personally made.

Meaning, living next to the Slavs would lead to more slavic loanwords being used by Romanians.

So, to summarize, yes I acknowledge the liabilities the hydronyms have, but it seems that the toponyms are not lacking in liabilities themselves. With "-in", "-na", possibly more from what you said, that are interpretable as they also exist in Romanian but were listed as slavic by the author for some reason, being exactly in that Slavic words or Slavic loanwords in Romanian? line, and the tendecy of Romanians to use more more slavic loanwords in areas where they are living next to the Slavs (this makes natural sense in fact, without the study telling it), the difference itself is huge, Slavic loanwords dominance was higher than the Latin dominance in areas without slavs. It's that worth it?

The presence of Slavic toponyms (place names) in the 14th and 15th centuries does suggest that Slavic-speaking populations played a significant role in the settlement and naming of villages during that time. However, this doesn't necessarily mean that all the people in those areas were Slavic, as not all Slavic-speaking, were Slavic, or that no other groups, such as Romanians, lived there. The Romanian language itself contains a significant number of Slavic loanwords, as a result of these centuries of interaction. This could indicate that even if Romanians were the majority in some areas, the naming conventions might have absorbed Slavic influences over time, without implying that the entire population was Slavic.

This is something brought up by this paper:
Demografie şi politică la est de Carpaţi în secolul al XIV-lea: Aspecte istoriografice, Ion Eremia
Which specifically mentions the study you use by Polevoi.
In fact, the author Ion Eremia wrote this paper specifically because another Russian historian, S.Suleak, used Polevoi's work without question.

page1.png

Here it speaks of how even another Soviet historian Litavrin pointed out that using toponyms (place names) to determine ethnicity is incorrect because the Vlachs used slavic names for places.

And further down the line how N.Demcenaco researching the Romanians in Ukraine found out that they live in many villages of slavic names.

But this is just the tip of the iceberg in terms of what is wrong with Polevoi's work:
page2.png

Polevoi oscilates between using estimations of 800-1000 villages in his tables. Meaning sometimes he uses 15.000 more people, other times he uses 15.000 less people. Given he estimates each village to have 15 houses of 5 people each. The number of villages as well as how many people lived in what village are purely his own estimations, they are not statistical data or compillation of all archeological findings or of all villages mentioned by documents, yet he gives very concrete numbers based on these personal estimations.

page3.png

That peasants from Galicia migrated to Bukovina starting the 14th century and this is indicated even by Soviet historians as well. And they founded new villages there. As such, the Russian element that he Polevoi is using in his estimations was not there before.

page4.png

That for some unknown reason, even with the toponyms problematic for the reasons previously mentioned, Polevoi concluded 596 Romanian villages & 322 Slavic villages, yet 41.720 Romanians and 31.020 Slavs. Which is not consistent with his 1 village = 15 houses, 1 house = 5 people estimation. So about 75 people/village.

He justified it saying that the number of people in Russian villages in Bukovina was higher, but he has no basis for this.

page5.png

Here is just proof of bad math from Polevoi's part.

He never has an exact number of his calculation of the people in a village. Sometimes he even has 94,6 inhabitants which is not possible. Which shows that his estimations were random. It's very strange how he made those calculations without having clear statistical data, as the author doesn't say.

With math it shows that even Slavic villages outside of Bukovina did not follow his: 1 village = 15 houses, 1 house = 5 people formula. But were higher too, for unknown reasons. Although he said only in Bukovina were higher.

Combine the convenient math with the toponyms problems that were even acknowledged by another Russian historian and:
page6.png

"The falsehood of L.L.Polevoi's conclusions, even though he used the mathematical method in his study, is more than visible".

For the Vlach warriors:

Those were the exceptions rather than the rule. It's the reason they are rare in the first place.

It's the same reason they didn't have states of their own in the 10th-11th centuries with other cultures had. Or why Gardizi described them as "more numerous than the Hungarians, but weaker". So we do not have any statements about the Slavic <-> Vlach power ratio, but we do have about Hungarian <-> Vlach power ratio. Most sources that describe the Vlachs at the time describe them as shepherds.

To this, one may say, "yes, but they overwhelmed with numbers", which is exactly what happened according to Romanian histography. This is not some fringe theory, the one speaking is Ioan-Aurel Pop, the head of the Romanian Academy.

For example: THE VLACHS : THE LATIN SPEAKING POPULATION OF EASTERN EUROPE Demetrius Dvoichenko-Markov, the author is not Romanian:
book1.jpg

next page:
book2.jpg

He speaks on how the Vlachs assimilated the Slavs north of the Danube because they were more numerous, and the Slavs assimilated the Vlachs south of the Danube because they were more numerous. Same thing Ioan-Aurel Pop was saying.

Or this: ROMANITATEA BALCANICA ŞI CONTACTELE EI CU SLAVII, Dr. TOMASZ KLIMKOWSKI (Not sure why a Polish historian would write in Romanian)
book3.jpg

Slavic influences over Romania, as a consequence of the assimilation of the Slavs by the Vlachs, can be dated as far as the 5th century.

So while there are exceptions of warriors, it's clear that they did not came in as warriors.

Rurik was invited to reign after the Rus managed to raid and loot Slavic lands, proving they have power, so they were inviting someone that can protect them, because of their power.

But I understand this Moldova discussion has already went for too long, so yeah, I'll stop here. I just wanted to point out the issues in the study as a last thing.
 
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@Aldaron, did you (I mean you and the team) use some research or models to determine the climate of certain location? I’m asking here (not in Tinto Talks #45 thread) because it concerns some provinces in the Balkans – in particular North Dobruja and parts of South Dobruja, South Muntenia and East Muntenia. Most of their locations are classified as Cold Arid climate. The game’s explanation about Cold Arid is the following:

Cold Arid
Wheat Production -10%
No Precipitation
Max Winter is Mild
Cold arid represents an area that has a severe lack of available water but experiences winters.


I could not find anything (papers or models) about the precipitation of this region during the 14-19 century. Even if we consider that the climate was drier than now due to the lower temperatures during the Little Ice Age, it is very unlikely complete absence or very little precipitation. Moreover, the “Wheat Production -10%” modifier does not seem to correlate to the reality because those provinces are well known as some of the best to grow wheat on the Balkans even during the Middle Ages and later periods as well.

I’m posting some modern data bellow in the spoiler. I’m fully aware that this data is not applicable for the game period. However, we can see how the temperature and precipitation differ in comparison to neighboring locations. In the "% precipitation" column is the percentage of a certain location compared to the precipitation of Veliko Tarnovo, which appears to be most rainy among all in the table. Aytos is considered Oceanic in-game but the modern data show that the precipitation is close to the Dobrich’s one (Cold Arid, in-game Karvuna location). Some locations in Macedonia Area, considered Cold Arid in-game, are also included. Veles (if the data is correct) seems to be closest example to cities/towns experiencing Cold Arid climate nowadays such as Astana, Aktau, Astrakhan, Ulaanbaatar, Semey etc.

City/Town​
Location​
Climate​
Temperature​
Precipitation​
% precipitation​
Source​
(In-game)​
(In-game)​
Annual daily mean [°C]​
Annual Sum. [mm]​
Dobich​
Karvuna​
Cold Arid​
13.2​
537​
78.97​
Link
Silistra​
Drastar​
Cold Arid​
13.2​
513​
75.44​
Link
Varna​
Varna​
Cold Arid​
12.8​
516​
75.88​
Link
Tulcea​
Tulcea​
Cold Arid​
11.9​
494​
72.65​
Link
Constanța​
Constanța​
Cold Arid​
12.6​
467​
68.68​
Link
Buzău​
Buzău​
Cold Arid​
11.7​
531​
78.09​
Link
Odessa​
Odessa​
Cold Arid​
11.3​
470​
69.12​
Link
Burgas​
Burgas​
Subtropical​
13.3​
558​
82.06​
Link
Sozopol​
Sozopol​
Subtropical​
15.5​
565​
83.09​
Link
Aytos​
Aytos​
Oceanic​
14​
539​
79.26​
Yambol​
Hiambouli​
Subtropical​
14.4​
570​
83.82​
Link
Bucharest​
Bucuresti​
Continental​
11​
648​
95.29​
Link
Veliko Tarnovo​
Tarnovo​
Continental​
11.6​
680​
100​
Link
Melnik​
Melaeniko​
Cold Arid​
14.6​
643​
94.56​
Link
Sandanski​
Melaeniko​
Cold Arid​
14.6​
505​
74.26​
Link
Strumica​
Strumica​
Cold Arid​
13.4​
459​
67.5​
Link
Štip​
Štip​
Cold Arid​
12.6​
474​
69.71​
Link
Veles​
Veles​
Cold Arid​
15​
369​
54.26​
Link
Serres​
Serres​
Cold Arid​
16.6​
493​
72.5​
Link
Thessaloniki​
Thessaloniki​
Cold Arid​
16.8​
450​
66.18​
Link
Katerini​
Hatera​
Cold Arid​
15.7​
448​
65.88​
Link
Kočani​
Kočani​
Continental​
12.9​
538​
79.12​
Link
Blagoevgrad​
Blagoevgrad​
Subtropical​
13.5​
560​
82.35​
Link
Skopje​
Skopje​
Subtropical​
12.6​
483​
71.03​
Link
Kavala​
Kavala​
Mediterranean​
16.4​
601​
88.38​
Link
Sofia​
Sredets​
Continental​
10.9​
626​
92.06​
Link
Astana​
3.9​
338​
49.71​
Link
Aktau​
12.6​
169​
24.85​
Link
Astrakhan​
10.9​
231​
33.97​
Link
Ulaanbaatar​
0.2​
273​
40.15​
Link
Semey​
4.4​
303​
44.56​
Link

So I’m interested in how did you determine the climate? Also is the climate “static” for the whole in-game period (14-19 c.)? Or the climate will be completely dynamic and the temperatures will plummet in the 17th century thereafter start to rise again. If I understood it correctly, the dynamic part is only whether the winter will be mild, normal or severe.

Thank you in advance!
 
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@Aldaron, did you (I mean you and the team) use some research or models to determine the climate of certain location? I’m asking here (not in Tinto Talks #45 thread) because it concerns some provinces in the Balkans – in particular North Dobruja and parts of South Dobruja, South Muntenia and East Muntenia. Most of their locations are classified as Cold Arid climate. The game’s explanation about Cold Arid is the following:

Cold Arid
Wheat Production -10%
No Precipitation
Max Winter is Mild
Cold arid represents an area that has a severe lack of available water but experiences winters.


I could not find anything (papers or models) about the precipitation of this region during the 14-19 century. Even if we consider that the climate was drier than now due to the lower temperatures during the Little Ice Age, it is very unlikely complete absence or very little precipitation. Moreover, the “Wheat Production -10%” modifier does not seem to correlate to the reality because those provinces are well known as some of the best to grow wheat on the Balkans even during the Middle Ages and later periods as well.

I’m posting some modern data bellow in the spoiler. I’m fully aware that this data is not applicable for the game period. However, we can see how the temperature and precipitation differ in comparison to neighboring locations. In the "% precipitation" column is the percentage of a certain location compared to the precipitation of Veliko Tarnovo, which appears to be most rainy among all in the table. Aytos is considered Oceanic in-game but the modern data show that the precipitation is close to the Dobrich’s one (Cold Arid, in-game Karvuna location). Some locations in Macedonia Area, considered Cold Arid in-game, are also included. Veles (if the data is correct) seems to be closest example to cities/towns experiencing Cold Arid climate nowadays such as Astana, Aktau, Astrakhan, Ulaanbaatar, Semey etc.

City/Town​
Location​
Climate​
Temperature​
Precipitation​
% precipitation​
Source​
(In-game)​
(In-game)​
Annual daily mean [°C]​
Annual Sum. [mm]​
Dobich​
Karvuna​
Cold Arid​
13.2​
537​
78.97​
Link
Silistra​
Drastar​
Cold Arid​
13.2​
513​
75.44​
Link
Varna​
Varna​
Cold Arid​
12.8​
516​
75.88​
Link
Tulcea​
Tulcea​
Cold Arid​
11.9​
494​
72.65​
Link
Constanța​
Constanța​
Cold Arid​
12.6​
467​
68.68​
Link
Buzău​
Buzău​
Cold Arid​
11.7​
531​
78.09​
Link
Odessa​
Odessa​
Cold Arid​
11.3​
470​
69.12​
Link
Burgas​
Burgas​
Subtropical​
13.3​
558​
82.06​
Link
Sozopol​
Sozopol​
Subtropical​
15.5​
565​
83.09​
Link
Aytos​
Aytos​
Oceanic​
14​
539​
79.26​
Yambol​
Hiambouli​
Subtropical​
14.4​
570​
83.82​
Link
Bucharest​
Bucuresti​
Continental​
11​
648​
95.29​
Link
Veliko Tarnovo​
Tarnovo​
Continental​
11.6​
680​
100​
Link
Melnik​
Melaeniko​
Cold Arid​
14.6​
643​
94.56​
Link
Sandanski​
Melaeniko​
Cold Arid​
14.6​
505​
74.26​
Link
Strumica​
Strumica​
Cold Arid​
13.4​
459​
67.5​
Link
Štip​
Štip​
Cold Arid​
12.6​
474​
69.71​
Link
Veles​
Veles​
Cold Arid​
15​
369​
54.26​
Link
Serres​
Serres​
Cold Arid​
16.6​
493​
72.5​
Link
Thessaloniki​
Thessaloniki​
Cold Arid​
16.8​
450​
66.18​
Link
Katerini​
Hatera​
Cold Arid​
15.7​
448​
65.88​
Link
Kočani​
Kočani​
Continental​
12.9​
538​
79.12​
Link
Blagoevgrad​
Blagoevgrad​
Subtropical​
13.5​
560​
82.35​
Link
Skopje​
Skopje​
Subtropical​
12.6​
483​
71.03​
Link
Kavala​
Kavala​
Mediterranean​
16.4​
601​
88.38​
Link
Sofia​
Sredets​
Continental​
10.9​
626​
92.06​
Link
Astana​
3.9​
338​
49.71​
Link
Aktau​
12.6​
169​
24.85​
Link
Astrakhan​
10.9​
231​
33.97​
Link
Ulaanbaatar​
0.2​
273​
40.15​
Link
Semey​
4.4​
303​
44.56​
Link

So I’m interested in how did you determine the climate? Also is the climate “static” for the whole in-game period (14-19 c.)? Or the climate will be completely dynamic and the temperatures will plummet in the 17th century thereafter start to rise again. If I understood it correctly, the dynamic part is only whether the winter will be mild, normal or severe.

Thank you in advance!
We use Koppen to determine the climate, using the data from the beginning of the XXth Century as @Sulphurologist recommended as it is very similar to that of 1337.

I have not touched the modifiers applied myself and will probably change as we balance things. It is all I can say.
Aldaron when he's mad at us, of course.

Otherwise, with a like, they let you know whether the information is useful. Sometimes they also comment on something, but that's rare.
I am not mad at anyone, but as you might imagine, having people calling names to each other is not what a healthy forum is.

In any case, as I have stated several times, I post from time to time when there are questions that I am best to answer, but otherwise I am not in the group of devs that are responsible of posting in the forums (which you all know who they are).

Also, as much as it can surprise some people, reading and answering every post is incredibly time consuming and while I am sure many of you guys appreciate our posts, I am even more sure that you guys prefer we work on Caesar instead.
 
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I am not mad at anyone, but as you might imagine, having people calling names to each other is not what a healthy forum is.
The first sentence was just a little joke, I didn't mean it seriously. Because the last two times before this post, there was a response only when it went beyond one and the same topic...
 
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Possibly stupid question. Does anyone know what the dark blue minority in Slovakia is? (Leibic, Lőcse, Breznóbánya, Zólyom, Selmecbánya)
Is it a flavour of germans?
 
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