Tinto Maps #24 - 25th of October - Japan and Korea

[GastonEstBonne]

Okay so I did some reading about Ryukyu and I've some important notes

Key Points are Bolded

Aji: Rulers of the gusuku (fortresses) in the archipelago, first independent kings, later then were made the noble class
Yukatchu: merchants

Population
“Assuming that there were approximately one hundred fortresses on Okinawa by the fifteenth century, and using some reasonable assumptions to extrapolate the population backward in time from seventeenth-century records, there would have been an average of three hundred to five hundred people per fortress. Moreover, fortresses were overwhelmingly concentrated in the southern part of Okinawa.” (Gregory Smits, pg 36) So from 30,000 to 50,000 people in Okinawa, disproportionately in the south.
“The total population of the Ryukyu kingdom was about 155,637 in 1800. Yaeyama’s population in 1803 was 15,858, which is very close to its population in 1798 (15,957) and 1810 (15,533). Therefore, as of approximately 1800, Yaeyama comprised 10 percent of Ryukyu’s population” (Gregory Smits, pg 238)
“The population of Nanking alone probably exceeded that of the entire Chuzan kingdom in [1372].” (Kerr 69)

Possible Provinces and Tags
Before I said that Yaeyama, Mikyako and Yonaguni lived off of subsistence fishing until the Ryukyu kingdom, but I’ve since learned that isn’t true. After reading Gregory Smits’ 2019 book apparently they grew rice, millet, barley and wheat like the rest of the islands. Thus they should be regular tags (named after their respective islands).

Regarding Amami Smits states…
“The appropriate starting place for early Ryukyuan history is the northernmost Ryukyu islands of Kikai, Amami-Ōshima, and Tokunoshima. These islands formed an economic unit and possibly, at times, a political unit.” (Gregory Smits, pg 18)
“Until approximately the thirteenth century, however, there was a disproportionate concentration of wealth and advanced technology in the Northern Tier [the Amami islands], with Kikai [island] as its administrative center.” (Gregory Smits, pg 20)
“the fourteenth century was when Okinawa surpassed the Northern Tier as the main center of gravity in the Ryukyu islands.” (Gregory Smits, pg 31)
“According to the official histories, Shō Toku devoted considerable blood and treasure to pacifying Kikai, which resisted stubbornly. Other Ryukyuan rulers waged war in the Northern Tier.” (Gregory Smits, pg 24)
I think Kikai and Amami should be a polity called Kikai.

If you want to add a lot of potential fun you should also give Okinoerabu to a wokou pirate tag, “Okinoerabu served as a pasture for wakō horses, and it was the domain of the wakō leader Guraru Magohachi [~1400]” (Smits, 45)
“[Okinoerabu] was the residence of wakō chieftain Guraru (Goran) Magohachi, who flourished during the first half of the fifteenth century. Magohachi had close ties with Okinawa.” (Smits, 71)

Kumejima should also be a tag
“one plunderer is the powerful lord of Kumejima [ ] Kumejima…was the abode of powerful wakō groups…the position of the island itself, provide a commanding view of local sea-lanes…was perfectly situated to profit from, impose tolls on, or raid, commerce…Mount Ōtake and other peaks in Kumejima also provided ideal terrain for fortifications…A natural fortress, Kumejima was a strong power center, and it remained independent of Shuri’s control until Shō Shin’s reign…Kumejima had close ties with Miyako and Yaeyama.” (Gregory Smits, pg 100-101)

It’s important to keep in mind that except for Kikai, in 1337 all of the Ryukyuan islands were likely at similar levels of development and organization (From 1200 to 1400 they were gradually going from independent aji chiefdoms to increasingly centralized confederacies of ajis). All of them were aji confederations often ruled or influenced by Wokou. At best the islands and kingdoms were in reality loose confederations (suspiciously similar to Himiko’s Japan). So either they should all be tags or none of them. It is far more accurate for them to all be tags since they did everything tags do (diplomacy, war, taxes, estates, buildings, etc) and should be able to do those things as they certainly did historically. Also, they all developed external diplomatic relations in the first 100-200 years from 1337 at the very least and operated as political units despite common infighting and leadership disputes. Okinawa simply won out in the power struggle so gets more attention and has better documentation.

Here's the likely 1337, the likely 1400 map and my proposed 1337 map.

Red = many different aji polities
Green = confederacies of varied centralization (and Kikai, we have no idea how they were truly governed but I think it's reasonable to assume they were a kingdom of some sort)
Orange = Wokou pirate polities
Dashed = Kikai had waxing and waining control over the area
* = With all likelihood they weren't kingdoms at all by this point but they're conventionally called kingdoms despite this

Earlier I said that Okinawa should have Buddhist minorities and while that is true, I want to specify that it should be specifically Japanese Buddhist, so Shinto. Also, these Buddhists should mostly be not Hemin, they should be Yukatchu or Ajis.

Given what I’ve read I propose three new locations: Kumejima (and the surrounding islands), Kikai and Yonaguni.
Size does not equal historical importance. I’d argue that removing Amami off the map is better than removing Kikai based on historical importance.

Yonaguni
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yonaguni_language
Yonaguni fought wars with its neighbors and exported rice
“in 1522, Nakasone Toyomiya invaded Yonaguni and destroyed its lord, Onitora.” (Smits, 170)
“[The leader of Miyako] crossed over to Yonaguni Island beyond. There he overwhelmed the chieftain Untura and seized Untura' s daughter as a prize.“
https://ja.wikipedia.org/wiki/サンアイイソバ

Kikai
“In 999 Dazaifu reported that indeed Kikai had suppressed the raiders. Although we cannot verify these details, one point to note is the considerable power located in the Northern Tier. Archaeological evidence suggests that Kikai was both under Dazaifu jurisdiction during the tenth century and that the culture of its inhabitants differed from that of nearby AmamiŌshima. The political geography may have been even more complex, with Kikai and a small portion of Kasari peninsula on Amami-Ōshima forming a single political unit.” (Smits, 19)
“In some medieval Japanese literary texts, the name “Kikai” transformed into boundary zones or lands far across the sea. It sometimes occurred attached to that of other countries, such as “Kikaikōrai” (Kikai + Korea), or as the first term in a list of distant places, as in “Kikai, Kōrai (Korea), Tenjiku (India), Shintan (China).” (Smits, 20)
“...in Kikai…one hundred and fifty raised buildings, many burial pits, fifty hearths, and thirty ironworking hearths. Goods originating outside of Kikai account for about 70 percent of the total…The [iron] sand provided iron for metalworking. Iron products from Kikai eventually found their way to Okinawa.” (Smits, 20)
“Kikai was outside of Japanese political control, and economic activity there diversified. Turbo-shell trade and trade in exotic products such as large conch shells and sea-turtle shells remained important, but Kikai also became the distribution center for local and regional manufactured items.” (Smits, 21)
“Until approximately the thirteenth century, however, there was a disproportionate concentration of wealth and advanced technology in the Northern Tier, with Kikai as its administrative center.” (Smits, 20)
“Kikai served as the chief distribution center for kamuiyaki. More generally, Kikai served as a major “exchange terminal” within the East China Sea network for a variety of products and people.” (Smits, 22)
“After demand outstripped local turbo-shell production capabilities during the eleventh century, the Northern Tier began to export kamuiyaki to Okinawa and the southern Ryukyu islands in return for turbo shells. This process encouraged the development of powerful centers to the south, such as Katsuren in Okinawa and the island of Kumejima near Okinawa, which also traded extensively with China” (Smits, 22)
“[Ryukyu] devoted considerable blood and treasure to pacifying Kikai” (Smits, 24)
“After an invasion force he dispatched to conquer Kikai failed, Shō Toku personally led an army of two thousand to complete the task.” (Smits, 118)
“Two household records from Kikai describe warfare and contact with Shuri prior to 1466, roughly sometime in the 1450s.” (Gregory Smits, pg 119)
He even has a whole section in the conclusion called ‘Ryukyu starts with Kikai’. (Smits, 246-7)

Kumejima
“...Kumejima. Despite their small size, these three islands become significant points of analysis…” (Smits, 8)
“the island of Kumejima near Okinawa, which also traded extensively with China” (Smits, 22)
“This [shell trade] set the stage for development of power centers in Okinawa and nearby islands, especially Kumejima.” (Smits, 22)
“only two physical objects (as opposed to people or deities) are modified by the term kikoe (resounding). They are a royal sword, Tsukushi-chara, and turbo shells (kurokariya) produced at Kumejima” (Smits, 22)
“The next major development is the rise of large-scale gusuku at various locations in Okinawa, Kumejima…” (Smits, 88)
“one plunderer is the powerful lord of Kumejima [ ] Kumejima…was the abode of powerful wakō groups…the position of the island itself, provide a commanding view of local sea-lanes…was perfectly situated to profit from, impose tolls on, or raid, commerce…Mount Ōtake and other peaks in Kumejima also provided ideal terrain for fortifications…A natural fortress, Kumejima was a strong power center, and it remained independent of Shuri’s control until Shō Shin’s reign…Kumejima had close ties with Miyako and Yaeyama. For example, Kōntofushi-kawara, a deity worshipped in Taketomi, came from Kumejima. Moreover, a brother and sister deity from Kumejima came to be worshipped as the deity of Mount Omoto in Yaeyama..During the era of Shō Shin’s reign, the island’s thirteen furnaces specialized in different types of iron products, and they lit up the night sky with a red glow. Noting that Kumejima was known as “metal island” because of its abundant iron sand and ironworks, Iha Fuyū suggested that one reason Shō Shin invaded in 1506 was to gain control of its iron industry” (Gregory Smits, pg 100-101)
“Kimihae in Kumejima was one of these elite territorial priestesses, the only one not a royal household relative. The term kimi referred to a high-ranking priestess.” (Smits, 165)
“the Kimihae priestess of Kumejima led the force invading Yaeyama.” (Smits, 167)
“Kumejima was a key point along the sea-lanes connecting the coast of China to the Ryukyu islands and points north. Kumejima was also home to a thriving iron industry. For all of these pragmatic reasons, Shō Shin would have wanted control over the island.” (Gregory Smits, pg 168)
“Clearly the military campaign or campaigns in Kumejima had a large impact not only on that island but on the formation of Ryukyu’s empire, its officials, and its capital. In addition to economic and political reasons for invading Kumejima, Shō Shin also sought to conquer and appropriate the spiritual and symbolic power of the island.” (Smits, 177)
“[The ruler] planted mulberry trees on Kumejima to establish silk production there.” (Smits, 208)

Here I sketched out my proposed province map based on historical important and/or uniqueness rather than raw size.

Finally here are some more historical names for locations in the archipelago from the Omoro, “
Okishima [Ukishima] of Kikai
Moishima of Kikai From Okishima
To Biru [Beru village] in Kasari [northern Amami-Ōshima]
To the Nakasetouchi straits [southern Amami-Ōshima]
To Kanenoshima [metal island, i.e., Tokunoshima]
To Seriyosa [old name of Okinoerabu island]
To Kaifuta [Yoron island]
To Asumori [sacred site at the northern edge of Okinawa]
To Akamaru [Tōbaru in northern Okinawa]
To Sakigyamori [sacred site on Kouri island off northern Okinawa near Nakijin]
To Kanahiyabu [sacred site at Nakijin, northern Okinawa]
To Sakiyoda [Cape Zanpa near Yomitan, central Okinawa]
To Oyadomari [Naha harbor] To Shurimori [sacred grove inside Shuri castle].” (Smits, pg 24-25)

Cultures
Gregory Smits gives some alternative cultural divisions that don’t follow linguistics. I understand it’s the standard you’ve set, but frankly, I prefer cultural boundaries that take more into account so I’m including them.

I would combine Tokara and “Northern Tier” cultures. I would call them Amami (I could not for the life of me find a denonym for what Amami islanders call themselves, either Amami is also the denonym or it’s some hidden secret, I did find Amamibito (Amami people) but that’s Japanese) or Kikai as Kikai is the source of the culture not Hokuzan.
George Kerr even referenced the distinction
“Even today the people of central Okinawa, who consider themselves more sophisticated, apply the term yawbara to the people of northern Okinawa, a name which has some of the belittling connotation of the term "hillbilly" in American slang. They continue to be marked off by strong local dialect variations and by a significant number of curious everyday customs, habits, and traditions, enough to suggest the possibility of a strong differentiation” (Kerr, 61)
“Tokara mariners resided in Naha to help manage commerce and navigation” (Gregory Smits, pg 174)
“Naha was a mixed port city in which people from various parts of Japan, the Tokara islands, and China lived” (Gregory Smits, pg 220)
There should be a few of them in southern Okinawa

Yakushima and Tangashima were possibly, but unlikely the location of a Ryukyuanish culture or at least a significantly divergent Japanese culture from around the end of Old Japanese. I can’t find much of anything between about 800-1500 (although there’s some de jure administrative reshuffling around 1200-1400, not sure if that means anything) so you could justify having this culture there in 1300 but it’s a black void from what I can find. It seems the islands were barely controlled by Japan, few to no taxes were collected and few to no soldiers were raised. If there is a culture it could be called Yaku as they were called in the 700s.
A point in favor of distinctness “[the Tokara cultural zone] may also include the islands of Yakushima and Tanegashima.” (Gregory Smits, pg 27)

One of the Smits’ big themes is how interconnected Ryukyu really was, there was a continuous trickle of Korean and especially Japanese people coming to the islands. This should be reflected by small minorities across entire archipelago, moreso the further north [in raw numbers not necessarily percentage] and especially in Naha. This should increase during Japan and Korea’s internal strife.

Here's my proposed culture map excluding foreign minorities

Harbors
Naha, “...three freshwater rivers emptied into Naha harbor. This inflow suppressed the growth of coral reefs and helped Naha became a prosperous international port.” (Gregory Smits, pg 23)

Government Types
Considering a lot of the previous information I brought up about the early polities of the Ryukyuan archipelago being confederacies of various ajis it might be better for them to be the tribal government type rather than a kingdom as they certainly weren’t kingdoms in the sense most people understand it. Also when you unite the archipelago you can form Ryukyu and become a kingdom. Also all polities should be able to form Ryukyu not just the ones on Okinawa.

Resources (tl;dr at bottom)
“[Amami-]Ōshima (twenty ships): newly made tools, liquor, vegetables, and tax rice;
Miyako (eighteen ships): superior cloth, lesser cloth, coarse hemp, and rope for ships;
Yaeyama (ten ships): white rice, barley;
Kumejima (nine ships): cotton cloth, millet (awa), and millet (kibi);
Kikai (five ships): polished rice, millet (hie), and buckwheat.” (Gregory Smits, pg 188)
Taxes received in Shuri in 1606

Amami Islands:
Iron: “Iron sand has been discovered at the Maehata and Ōufu sites within the group. The sand provided iron for metalworking. Iron products from Kikai eventually found their way to Okinawa.” (pg 20)
Yet Amami seems to still be a net importer, “People in the northern Ryukyu islands acquired iron and iron goods mainly via the shell trade.” (Gregory Smits, pg 22)
Shells: “Turbo-shell trade and trade in exotic products such as large conch shells and sea-turtle shells remained important” (Gregory Smits, pg 21), “Matsunoto in the Kasari peninsula of Amami-Ōshima was a major turbo shell processing site.” (Gregory Smits, pg 22)
Clay: “Especially significant was kamuiyaki stoneware, produced mainly in Tokunoshima and shipped throughout the Ryukyu islands and as far north as Kyushu;” “Kilns have been found elsewhere in the region, but Tokunoshima was the main manufacturing site, and Kikai served as the chief distribution center for kamuiyaki.” (Gregory Smits, pg 21-22) Even has its own wikipedia page (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kamuiyaki_ware)

Ryukyu often traded lumber for goods so there should be a lumber province on Okinawa (also the island is literally a tropical forest) [To Embrace and Protect: Managing Wind, Water, and Trees in the Ryukyu Kingdom by Byyun Chen, “Ryukyu, which lacked minerals but was rich in timber, had been able to sustain itself by importing metal from Satsuma in exchange for wood”)

The only legumes I could find were ‘possibly’ beans. Clearly, even if they were grown, they were not significant. The vast majority of their diet was rice, local foods (fish), and grains like wheat and millet. I think the legumes should be removed and replaced with more significant goods.

From what I’ve read tea trees were not present in Ryukyu until the 1600s, Tea should then be an import. Also even if there was tea it wasn’t a significant part of their domestic production and export economy, I still think it should be excluded.

Stone (specifically Ryukyu Limestone) is a possible resource, it was used a lot and mined in central/southern Okinawa. Unlike all the other goods (besides subsistence goods like rice) I can’t find much evidence of stone export.

Salt is a possible resource, Ryukyu was known for its high quality salt, especially that from Yaeyama.

“More broadly, we know of roughly one hundred and fifty ironworking sites in villages unconnected with large gusuku. These sites produced “Weapons, armor, agricultural tools, fishing tools, building tools, knives, and iron cauldrons.” In 1376, Chinese Ministry of Justice Vice Minister Jì Hào returned from Ryukyu after purchasing forty horses and 5,000 jīn of sulfur. He reported a low demand there for luxury items such as silk, figured cloth, or gossamer fabric. Instead, Ryukyuans valued porcelain and metal axes. It makes sense, of course, that most Ryukyuans of the time would have prized items of practical utility” (Gregory Smits, pg 94) “Swords from Okinawa became popular export items during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries.”(Gregory Smits, pg 99) If reasonable the Ryukyuan archipelago should be importing iron and producing various iron items for export.

Okinoerabushima’s wokou exported horses to China, “If an early Ming emperor needed several hundred head of military horses and was willing to pay a high price for them, wakō groups in…Okinoerabu island had the livestock and know-how to convey them to China.” (Smits, 40-1)
“The main horse pasture in the Ryukyu islands was Okinoerabu, whose topography is mostly flatland atop a raised coral reef.” (Smits, pg 71)
“The tribute goods delivered to China included Okinawan textiles, sulphur (from Tori-jima), and horses, which the Chinese appear to have valued highly.” (Kerr 66)

“...turbo shells (kurokariya) produced at Kumejima.” (Smits 22)

Finally want to bump the sulfur guy (link:https://forum.paradoxplaza.com/foru...s-44-1st-of-january-2025.1724420/page-5#posts)

So my recommendations based off what I’ve read
Kikai: Iron or Fish
Amami: Shells or Rice
Tokunoshima: Clay
Okinerabushima: Horses
North Okinawa: Rice
Central Okinawa: Lumber
Southern Okinawa: Sturdy Grains
Kumejima: Shells or Iron
Miyako: Fish or stone
Yaeyama East: Pearls
Yaeyama West: Salt
Yonaguni (if there): Rice or Fish

Thank you for reading, may Amamikyu bless glorious Ryukyu

Sources:
Okinawa History of an Island People by George Kerr
Maritime Ryukyu 1050-1650 by Gregory Smits

 

[itoma_aikon]

I found some good materials, so I will share them.

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1. Sulfur is important in Japan, and it should be in Bungo's Hayami. Also, since Iwo Jima in Kagoshima Prefecture does not exist on the map, I think placing it nearby is a compromise.
For reference, the location of Iwo Jima.

硫黄島 (鹿児島県) - Wikipedia

ja.wikipedia.org

Spoiler: kage, tosio. 2023 p54 JA

足利義満の対国交樹立から半世紀後、八代将軍足利義政の代の宝徳三（一四五一）年に日本から中国に渡った船団は、遣明船史上最多で、総勢九艘の船に一二〇〇人の使節団員が乗り込んだ大規模なものであった。(中略)まず、太刀・長刀・槍をあわせた刀剣類がおよそ一万振、扇が一二五〇本、蒔絵物が六三四色で、一五世紀のアジアのなかで高い技術水準にあった日本製の刀や工芸品が大量に中国に運ばれたことがわかる。(中略)換算すると、まず銅十五万四千五〇〇斤は、九二トン七〇〇キログラムとなり、これまた膨大な量の日本銅が船で運ばれていたことになるが、もうひとつの鉱物資源硫黄のほうは、その倍以上の三九万七五〇〇斤。これは現在の単位の二三八トン五〇〇キログラムに相当ｓるう。現代に譬えて、軽自動車一台が一トン弱なので、全長三〇～四〇メートルほどの木造帆船九艘に軽自動車二三八台（一艘平均二六台）分の重量の硫黄を積んで東シナ海を横断したと考えればイメージが湧くであろう。つまり、足利義政が十五世紀半ばに中国に派遣した遣明船は、その積み荷の大半を硫黄（サルファー）が占める「サルファーラッシュ」の遣明船だったのである（鹿毛敏夫『アジアのなかの戦国大名——西国の群雄と経営戦略』）。(中略)南宋の紹定元（一二二八）年に編纂された地誌『宝慶四明志』では、日本から南宋への輸出品として、金・真珠・水銀・硫黄・木材などが挙げられている。(中略)日本産硫黄は、平安後期から鎌倉・室町・戦国、そして江戸初期まで、一〇世紀末から一七世紀初頭まで長期間にわたる主要輸出資源だったのである。(中略)豊後には、九州山地くじゅう連山の硫黄山と、別府温泉の西方に位置する伽藍岳・鶴見岳という硫黄鉱石の二大産地があり、大友氏はすでに一四世紀の段階からその産地と鉱石搬出ルートおよび拠点を掌握していたからである。(中略)薩摩の硫黄産地は、大隅半島南端の佐多岬から南西に四〇キロメートルほど進んだところにある硫黄島（本章扉参照）である。(中略)堺や豊後府内で出土したタイ産の陶磁器壺と鉛は、こうした一五七〇年代の九州諸大名と東南アジア諸国との外構交易関係、いわゆる初期の南蛮貿易（対東南アジア貿易）によって九州に運ばれたもので、日本からは銀や硫黄を輸出する一方、東南アジア諸国からは壺を容器（コンテナ）として硝石（火薬の原料）や鉛（鉄砲弾丸の原料）、蜂蝋（ロウソク・口紅の原料）などがもたらされたのである。

Spoiler: kage, tosio. 2023 p54 EN

Half a century after the establishment of diplomatic relations by Ashikaga Yoshimitsu, in the year 1451 during the reign of the eighth shogun Ashikaga Yoshimasa, a fleet that sailed from Japan to China was the largest in the history of the Ming missions, consisting of a total of nine ships and 1,200 members of the envoy. (Omitted) First, it is evident that approximately 10,000 swords, including tachi, naginata, and spears, along with 1,250 folding fans and 63 types of maki-e (decorative lacquerware), were transported to China, showcasing the high level of craftsmanship of Japanese-made swords and crafts in 15th century Asia. (Omitted) When converted, 154,500 pounds of copper amounts to 92 tons and 700 kilograms, indicating that a vast quantity of Japanese copper was transported by ship, while the other mineral resource, sulfur, was more than double that at 397,500 pounds. This corresponds to approximately 238 tons and 500 kilograms in modern units. To put it in contemporary terms, since a light car weighs just under a ton, one can imagine that the nine wooden sailing ships, each about 30 to 40 meters long, carried the weight of 238 light cars (an average of 26 cars per ship) of sulfur across the East China Sea. In other words, the Ming mission ships dispatched by Ashikaga Yoshimasa in the mid-15th century were "sulfur rush" ships, with sulfur occupying the majority of their cargo (Toshio Kage, "Warlord Daimyo in Asia: The Warlords of the West and Their Management Strategies"). (Omitted) The geographical record "Hōkyō Shimeiji," compiled in the first year of the Shaoding era (1228) of the Southern Song dynasty, lists gold, pearls, mercury, sulfur, and timber as export goods from Japan to the Southern Song. (Omitted) Japanese sulfur was a major export resource for a long period, from the late Heian period through the Kamakura, Muromachi, Sengoku, and into the early Edo period, spanning from the late 10th century to the early 17th century. (Omitted) In Bungo, there are two major sulfur ore production sites: Iōzan in the Kujū mountain range of Kyushu and Garan-dake and Tsurumi-dake located west of Beppu Onsen. The Ōtomo clan had already controlled these production sites and the routes and bases for ore transportation by the 14th century. (Omitted) The sulfur production site in Satsuma is located on Sulfur Island, about 40 kilometers southwest of Sata Misaki at the southern tip of the Osumi Peninsula (see the chapter cover). (Omitted) The Thai ceramic jars and lead excavated in Sakai and Bungo were brought to Kyushu through the external trade relations between the Kyushu daimyōs of the 1570s and Southeast Asian countries, known as the early Nanban trade (trade with Southeast Asia), where Japan exported silver and sulfur while importing jars as containers for saltpeter (the raw material for gunpowder), lead (the raw material for bullets), and beeswax (the raw material for candles and lipstick) from Southeast Asian countries.

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2. Iga's productivity is high.

Spoiler: fujita, tatuo. 2019 p117 JA

伊賀は畿内周辺部にあって、中世以来生産力が高く多くの市場が確認され、京都や奈良との関係も強かった。それに対して、伊勢領において安濃津は他の市場を圧倒する地位にあった。

Spoiler: fujita, tatuo. 2019 p117 EN

Iga, located on the outskirts of the Kinai region, had high productivity since the medieval period, with many markets identified and strong connections to Kyoto and Nara. In contrast, in the Ise domain, Anotsu held a dominant position over other markets.

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References
kage, tosio. 2023. 世界史の中の戦国大名. Tokyo: 講談社
fujita, tatuo. 2019. 藩とは何か. Tokyo: 中央公論社

 

[Naisho]

I was reading the various arguments on what to do about Japanese religion and I wanted to pull up an academic book that I have on it. (blows off the dust) I havent had to read this since 2019

This is an except from Helan Hardarce "Shinto, A History" Published 2016 (good recent scholarship.)

Syncretism has been a key concept in religious studies, though there is little consensus regarding it. It has almost always been used with negative connotations, referring to some “attempted union or reconciliation of diverse or opposite tenets or practices,” with the implication that such unions could only result in mongrelization. 29 Syncretism resulted, in the view of scholars such as Gerardus van der Leeuw, from a mixing of two or more religions, so that while each was originally a “pure” tradition, mixing produced an impure blend. This understanding has been criticized for its assumption that religions originally exist in a “pure” state; whereas in fact, they are always changing. As they change over time, they evolve into something different, and when they come into contact with other religions, mutual influence will inevitably occur. 30

Assimilation of divinities, interpenetration of ritual systems, and combinatory institutions are the norm in Japan, not the exception. That being the case, using syncretism to describe the situation would not seem to enhance our understanding and could create mistaken assumptions. At minimum, we must keep uppermost in our minds that Buddhism and Shinto were not equally developed in the Heian period, and that Buddhism was much better equipped to exert a controlling influence. Whereas a system for coordinating Kami rites developed only in the late seventh century, Buddhism by that time had over a millennium of history and had spread from India to Sri Lanka, Tibet, China, the Three Korean Kingdoms, and Japan. Its doctrines were elaborate, complex, and highly developed. Its philosophy had been honed and advanced through its interactions with Confucian and Daoist thought. It had a sense of its own history and a vibrant, living tradition, with continual production of new schools of thought, texts, research, rituals, and proselytizing. Monks and nuns in Japan were ordained and educated in professionalized monastic settings that had no Shinto parallel.

By contrast, the jingi concept had not yet produced an awareness of Shinto as something that linked all the shrines apart from their connections to particular temples. Jingiryō was not formally abolished, but the respect that had originally been accorded it had faded, and the Jingikan was not producing scholarship to invigorate the idea of Shinto as guardian of the indigenous tradition. It is abundantly clear that the religious interests of the court and the aristocracy had shifted toward Buddhism and a new slate of official rites, imperial progresses, and miscellaneous practices, or changed uses of the original Jingiryō rites. Neither the Jingikan nor the court any longer coordinated the whole. The court had joined the ranks of worshipers, in place of the earlier portrayal of the emperor as a Kami or as the highest authority in Kami affairs. Thus Shinto remained philosophically underdeveloped in comparison with Buddhism, rarely able to assert autonomy intellectually or institutionally.

Yet the question of syncretism with respect to Shinto and Buddhism cannot be resolved in the abstract. We do not find that the Kami disappear in formulations dominated by Buddhist intellectual paradigms and divinities. Instead, the associations of particular Kami and Buddhas in specific sites defined the parameters of religious life there. When we examine religious life in terms of specific sites, we find a spectrum of relations, ranging from competition between sites to struggles for dominance within a single site to ceremonial and festivals that project an image of unity or harmony.

Basically, at a high level, Buddhism won over the nobility because it had complex structures, was systematized, and had a philosophical underpinnings and so forth. However, the religion didn't just disappear underneath all of that Buddhism. If it did, it wouldn't have existed at all in the 19th century.

Japanese religious history is extremely complex. I admit my specialty is more towards Japanese theater and religion so when I look at the complexity of that, I am certain it is just as bad everywhere else.

Yamamaba play (yama uba mountain hag) is a play about a woman who goes on pilgrimage from Kyoto to Zenkoji (a Buddhist Temple) on the way she runs into a Yokai called Yama uba while trying to follow a path that supossedly Amida Budda walked along. This play was written by Zeami (1363 – 1443) who also wrote a treatise on Japanese drama and in that talks about Prince Shitoku (Buddhism), the nature of gods, and dengaku (music of the rice fields). Dengaku is a type of nativist practice that is performed as the ritual that calls goes to live in the fields for fertility.


Here is the big problem though, when you look at how peasants behaved. Buddhism doesn't exist. A lot of the religious problems are at the cult-centers not on the farms. Every ritual practice I could find in use focused on tutelary gods providing for harvest and protection against starvation or disasters. Spring Festivals (bring the gods to make land fertile, and fall festivals, wish the gods well as they leave the lands. (In Japanese belief structure technically winter comes from the gods leaving the fields to go into the mountains and if they do not hold a spring festival spring/summer wont come.)

 

[itoma_aikon]

Observations on Location Boundaries​

I have observed the boundaries of Locations and summarized any discrepancies. Many of them are minor details.
If necessary, I can provide images, so please let me know if you need them.
Note that the "Province" here does not refer to the "Province" in the game, but rather the "Province" in the Japanese ritsuryo system.
This post does not consider Hokkaido and Okinawa.

Concerning Province:​

• Kawachi Province (Osaka) does not face the sea and should be adjacent to Kii Province. (Accordingly, its notation should be changed to "Kahachi.")
• The eastern border between Shima Province and Kii Province should be slightly further north (according to Wikipedia).
• Kuraki District of Musasi Province is currently included in "Kamakura," but it should belong to "Tachibana."
• The northern border of Hitachi Province follows the current prefectural border.
• Among the two pointed sections on the border between Mino Province and Hida Province, the eastern one should be even sharper. Additionally, the northernmost point of Mino Province should be further west (Edited on 3/3) .
• "Sirakawa" should be included in Iwaki Province. (As a result, the shape of "Sirakawa" should also be adjusted.)
• "Kazuno" belongs to Rikuchu Province, but since it is an enclave, is it fine to leave it as is?
• Regarding Wakasa Province, there are already other cases where two Locations make up one province, so it should be fine to establish another.
• The pointed section on the border between Tajima Province and Harima Province should be smoother.
• The eastern pointed section of "Aita" in Mimasaka Province extends too far south.
• The pointed section directly east of "Abu" in Nagato should be sharper.
• The northern border between Chikugo Province and Hizen Province should run parallel from north to south.
• The border between Osumi and Satsuma is misaligned from north to south.
• Iki Province should exist as a Location.

Concerning Districts:​

• The Haibara District of Totomi Province is divided; can the shape of this Location be adjusted?
• The Niihari District of Hitachi Province is divided; can the shape of this Location be adjusted?
• Due to the aforementioned reasons, the northern part of Hitachi Province has become disorganized.
• The east-west boundary of "Turuga" in Wakasa Province should be moved westward, and its notation should be changed to "Mikata" accordingly.
• The border between "Nei" and "Niikawa" in Etchu Province should be moved westward.
• The current border between "Naka" and "Kaifu" in Awa Province follows modern lines, but the historical western boundary should be further north.
• The western border between "Uwa" and "Kita" in Iyo Province should be further south.
• The southern border between "Amabe" and "Ono" in Bungo Province should be moved westward.
• It seems that "Aira" and "Hishikari" in Osumi are splitting Kuwabara District (though I am unsure how to resolve this issue given the previous points).

---

References
Takeuchi, Rizo.1975. 荘園分布図　上／下巻. Tokyo: 吉川弘文館

 

[sons of Bordoms]

Since the triangle between osaka shiga and kyoto was considert the bredbasket of the nation, and the fact that osaka became the center for trading in rice,, should there not be more farmland in that area? Lake biwa secured rice production even with years with unstable weathercondition.

 

[GastonEstBonne]

Okay so I did some reading about Ryukyu and I've some important notes

Key Points are Bolded

Aji: Rulers of the gusuku (fortresses) in the archipelago, first independent kings, later then were made the noble class
Yukatchu: merchants

Population
“Assuming that there were approximately one hundred fortresses on Okinawa by the fifteenth century, and using some reasonable assumptions to extrapolate the population backward in time from seventeenth-century records, there would have been an average of three hundred to five hundred people per fortress. Moreover, fortresses were overwhelmingly concentrated in the southern part of Okinawa.” (Gregory Smits, pg 36) So from 30,000 to 50,000 people in Okinawa, disproportionately in the south.
“The total population of the Ryukyu kingdom was about 155,637 in 1800. Yaeyama’s population in 1803 was 15,858, which is very close to its population in 1798 (15,957) and 1810 (15,533). Therefore, as of approximately 1800, Yaeyama comprised 10 percent of Ryukyu’s population” (Gregory Smits, pg 238)
“The population of Nanking alone probably exceeded that of the entire Chuzan kingdom in [1372].” (Kerr 69)

Possible Provinces and Tags
Before I said that Yaeyama, Mikyako and Yonaguni lived off of subsistence fishing until the Ryukyu kingdom, but I’ve since learned that isn’t true. After reading Gregory Smits’ 2019 book apparently they grew rice, millet, barley and wheat like the rest of the islands. Thus they should be regular tags (named after their respective islands).

Regarding Amami Smits states…
“The appropriate starting place for early Ryukyuan history is the northernmost Ryukyu islands of Kikai, Amami-Ōshima, and Tokunoshima. These islands formed an economic unit and possibly, at times, a political unit.” (Gregory Smits, pg 18)
“Until approximately the thirteenth century, however, there was a disproportionate concentration of wealth and advanced technology in the Northern Tier [the Amami islands], with Kikai [island] as its administrative center.” (Gregory Smits, pg 20)
“the fourteenth century was when Okinawa surpassed the Northern Tier as the main center of gravity in the Ryukyu islands.” (Gregory Smits, pg 31)
“According to the official histories, Shō Toku devoted considerable blood and treasure to pacifying Kikai, which resisted stubbornly. Other Ryukyuan rulers waged war in the Northern Tier.” (Gregory Smits, pg 24)
I think Kikai and Amami should be a polity called Kikai.

If you want to add a lot of potential fun you should also give Okinoerabu to a wokou pirate tag, “Okinoerabu served as a pasture for wakō horses, and it was the domain of the wakō leader Guraru Magohachi [~1400]” (Smits, 45)
“[Okinoerabu] was the residence of wakō chieftain Guraru (Goran) Magohachi, who flourished during the first half of the fifteenth century. Magohachi had close ties with Okinawa.” (Smits, 71)

Kumejima should also be a tag
“one plunderer is the powerful lord of Kumejima [ ] Kumejima…was the abode of powerful wakō groups…the position of the island itself, provide a commanding view of local sea-lanes…was perfectly situated to profit from, impose tolls on, or raid, commerce…Mount Ōtake and other peaks in Kumejima also provided ideal terrain for fortifications…A natural fortress, Kumejima was a strong power center, and it remained independent of Shuri’s control until Shō Shin’s reign…Kumejima had close ties with Miyako and Yaeyama.” (Gregory Smits, pg 100-101)

It’s important to keep in mind that except for Kikai, in 1337 all of the Ryukyuan islands were likely at similar levels of development and organization (From 1200 to 1400 they were gradually going from independent aji chiefdoms to increasingly centralized confederacies of ajis). All of them were aji confederations often ruled or influenced by Wokou. At best the islands and kingdoms were in reality loose confederations (suspiciously similar to Himiko’s Japan). So either they should all be tags or none of them. It is far more accurate for them to all be tags since they did everything tags do (diplomacy, war, taxes, estates, buildings, etc) and should be able to do those things as they certainly did historically. Also, they all developed external diplomatic relations in the first 100-200 years from 1337 at the very least and operated as political units despite common infighting and leadership disputes. Okinawa simply won out in the power struggle so gets more attention and has better documentation.

Here's the likely 1337, the likely 1400 map and my proposed 1337 map.
View attachment 1254093View attachment 1254094View attachment 1254096
Red = many different aji polities
Green = confederacies of varied centralization (and Kikai, we have no idea how they were truly governed but I think it's reasonable to assume they were a kingdom of some sort)
Orange = Wokou pirate polities
Dashed = Kikai had waxing and waining control over the area
* = With all likelihood they weren't kingdoms at all by this point but they're conventionally called kingdoms despite this

Earlier I said that Okinawa should have Buddhist minorities and while that is true, I want to specify that it should be specifically Japanese Buddhist, so Shinto. Also, these Buddhists should mostly be not Hemin, they should be Yukatchu or Ajis.

Given what I’ve read I propose three new locations: Kumejima (and the surrounding islands), Kikai and Yonaguni.
Size does not equal historical importance. I’d argue that removing Amami off the map is better than removing Kikai based on historical importance.

Yonaguni
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yonaguni_language
Yonaguni fought wars with its neighbors and exported rice
“in 1522, Nakasone Toyomiya invaded Yonaguni and destroyed its lord, Onitora.” (Smits, 170)
“[The leader of Miyako] crossed over to Yonaguni Island beyond. There he overwhelmed the chieftain Untura and seized Untura' s daughter as a prize.“
https://ja.wikipedia.org/wiki/サンアイイソバ

Kikai
“In 999 Dazaifu reported that indeed Kikai had suppressed the raiders. Although we cannot verify these details, one point to note is the considerable power located in the Northern Tier. Archaeological evidence suggests that Kikai was both under Dazaifu jurisdiction during the tenth century and that the culture of its inhabitants differed from that of nearby AmamiŌshima. The political geography may have been even more complex, with Kikai and a small portion of Kasari peninsula on Amami-Ōshima forming a single political unit.” (Smits, 19)
“In some medieval Japanese literary texts, the name “Kikai” transformed into boundary zones or lands far across the sea. It sometimes occurred attached to that of other countries, such as “Kikaikōrai” (Kikai + Korea), or as the first term in a list of distant places, as in “Kikai, Kōrai (Korea), Tenjiku (India), Shintan (China).” (Smits, 20)
“...in Kikai…one hundred and fifty raised buildings, many burial pits, fifty hearths, and thirty ironworking hearths. Goods originating outside of Kikai account for about 70 percent of the total…The [iron] sand provided iron for metalworking. Iron products from Kikai eventually found their way to Okinawa.” (Smits, 20)
“Kikai was outside of Japanese political control, and economic activity there diversified. Turbo-shell trade and trade in exotic products such as large conch shells and sea-turtle shells remained important, but Kikai also became the distribution center for local and regional manufactured items.” (Smits, 21)
“Until approximately the thirteenth century, however, there was a disproportionate concentration of wealth and advanced technology in the Northern Tier, with Kikai as its administrative center.” (Smits, 20)
“Kikai served as the chief distribution center for kamuiyaki. More generally, Kikai served as a major “exchange terminal” within the East China Sea network for a variety of products and people.” (Smits, 22)
“After demand outstripped local turbo-shell production capabilities during the eleventh century, the Northern Tier began to export kamuiyaki to Okinawa and the southern Ryukyu islands in return for turbo shells. This process encouraged the development of powerful centers to the south, such as Katsuren in Okinawa and the island of Kumejima near Okinawa, which also traded extensively with China” (Smits, 22)
“[Ryukyu] devoted considerable blood and treasure to pacifying Kikai” (Smits, 24)
“After an invasion force he dispatched to conquer Kikai failed, Shō Toku personally led an army of two thousand to complete the task.” (Smits, 118)
“Two household records from Kikai describe warfare and contact with Shuri prior to 1466, roughly sometime in the 1450s.” (Gregory Smits, pg 119)
He even has a whole section in the conclusion called ‘Ryukyu starts with Kikai’. (Smits, 246-7)

Kumejima
“...Kumejima. Despite their small size, these three islands become significant points of analysis…” (Smits, 8)
“the island of Kumejima near Okinawa, which also traded extensively with China” (Smits, 22)
“This [shell trade] set the stage for development of power centers in Okinawa and nearby islands, especially Kumejima.” (Smits, 22)
“only two physical objects (as opposed to people or deities) are modified by the term kikoe (resounding). They are a royal sword, Tsukushi-chara, and turbo shells (kurokariya) produced at Kumejima” (Smits, 22)
“The next major development is the rise of large-scale gusuku at various locations in Okinawa, Kumejima…” (Smits, 88)
“one plunderer is the powerful lord of Kumejima [ ] Kumejima…was the abode of powerful wakō groups…the position of the island itself, provide a commanding view of local sea-lanes…was perfectly situated to profit from, impose tolls on, or raid, commerce…Mount Ōtake and other peaks in Kumejima also provided ideal terrain for fortifications…A natural fortress, Kumejima was a strong power center, and it remained independent of Shuri’s control until Shō Shin’s reign…Kumejima had close ties with Miyako and Yaeyama. For example, Kōntofushi-kawara, a deity worshipped in Taketomi, came from Kumejima. Moreover, a brother and sister deity from Kumejima came to be worshipped as the deity of Mount Omoto in Yaeyama..During the era of Shō Shin’s reign, the island’s thirteen furnaces specialized in different types of iron products, and they lit up the night sky with a red glow. Noting that Kumejima was known as “metal island” because of its abundant iron sand and ironworks, Iha Fuyū suggested that one reason Shō Shin invaded in 1506 was to gain control of its iron industry” (Gregory Smits, pg 100-101)
“Kimihae in Kumejima was one of these elite territorial priestesses, the only one not a royal household relative. The term kimi referred to a high-ranking priestess.” (Smits, 165)
“the Kimihae priestess of Kumejima led the force invading Yaeyama.” (Smits, 167)
“Kumejima was a key point along the sea-lanes connecting the coast of China to the Ryukyu islands and points north. Kumejima was also home to a thriving iron industry. For all of these pragmatic reasons, Shō Shin would have wanted control over the island.” (Gregory Smits, pg 168)
“Clearly the military campaign or campaigns in Kumejima had a large impact not only on that island but on the formation of Ryukyu’s empire, its officials, and its capital. In addition to economic and political reasons for invading Kumejima, Shō Shin also sought to conquer and appropriate the spiritual and symbolic power of the island.” (Smits, 177)
“[The ruler] planted mulberry trees on Kumejima to establish silk production there.” (Smits, 208)

Here I sketched out my proposed province map based on historical important and/or uniqueness rather than raw size.
View attachment 1254091

Finally here are some more historical names for locations in the archipelago from the Omoro, “
Okishima [Ukishima] of Kikai
Moishima of Kikai From Okishima
To Biru [Beru village] in Kasari [northern Amami-Ōshima]
To the Nakasetouchi straits [southern Amami-Ōshima]
To Kanenoshima [metal island, i.e., Tokunoshima]
To Seriyosa [old name of Okinoerabu island]
To Kaifuta [Yoron island]
To Asumori [sacred site at the northern edge of Okinawa]
To Akamaru [Tōbaru in northern Okinawa]
To Sakigyamori [sacred site on Kouri island off northern Okinawa near Nakijin]
To Kanahiyabu [sacred site at Nakijin, northern Okinawa]
To Sakiyoda [Cape Zanpa near Yomitan, central Okinawa]
To Oyadomari [Naha harbor] To Shurimori [sacred grove inside Shuri castle].” (Smits, pg 24-25)

Cultures
Gregory Smits gives some alternative cultural divisions that don’t follow linguistics. I understand it’s the standard you’ve set, but frankly, I prefer cultural boundaries that take more into account so I’m including them.

I would combine Tokara and “Northern Tier” cultures. I would call them Amami (I could not for the life of me find a denonym for what Amami islanders call themselves, either Amami is also the denonym or it’s some hidden secret, I did find Amamibito (Amami people) but that’s Japanese) or Kikai as Kikai is the source of the culture not Hokuzan.
George Kerr even referenced the distinction
“Even today the people of central Okinawa, who consider themselves more sophisticated, apply the term yawbara to the people of northern Okinawa, a name which has some of the belittling connotation of the term "hillbilly" in American slang. They continue to be marked off by strong local dialect variations and by a significant number of curious everyday customs, habits, and traditions, enough to suggest the possibility of a strong differentiation” (Kerr, 61)
“Tokara mariners resided in Naha to help manage commerce and navigation” (Gregory Smits, pg 174)
“Naha was a mixed port city in which people from various parts of Japan, the Tokara islands, and China lived” (Gregory Smits, pg 220)
There should be a few of them in southern Okinawa

Yakushima and Tangashima were possibly, but unlikely the location of a Ryukyuanish culture or at least a significantly divergent Japanese culture from around the end of Old Japanese. I can’t find much of anything between about 800-1500 (although there’s some de jure administrative reshuffling around 1200-1400, not sure if that means anything) so you could justify having this culture there in 1300 but it’s a black void from what I can find. It seems the islands were barely controlled by Japan, few to no taxes were collected and few to no soldiers were raised. If there is a culture it could be called Yaku as they were called in the 700s.
A point in favor of distinctness “[the Tokara cultural zone] may also include the islands of Yakushima and Tanegashima.” (Gregory Smits, pg 27)

One of the Smits’ big themes is how interconnected Ryukyu really was, there was a continuous trickle of Korean and especially Japanese people coming to the islands. This should be reflected by small minorities across entire archipelago, moreso the further north [in raw numbers not necessarily percentage] and especially in Naha. This should increase during Japan and Korea’s internal strife.

Here's my proposed culture map excluding foreign minorities
View attachment 1254092

Harbors
Naha, “...three freshwater rivers emptied into Naha harbor. This inflow suppressed the growth of coral reefs and helped Naha became a prosperous international port.” (Gregory Smits, pg 23)

Government Types
Considering a lot of the previous information I brought up about the early polities of the Ryukyuan archipelago being confederacies of various ajis it might be better for them to be the tribal government type rather than a kingdom as they certainly weren’t kingdoms in the sense most people understand it. Also when you unite the archipelago you can form Ryukyu and become a kingdom. Also all polities should be able to form Ryukyu not just the ones on Okinawa.

Resources (tl;dr at bottom)
“[Amami-]Ōshima (twenty ships): newly made tools, liquor, vegetables, and tax rice;
Miyako (eighteen ships): superior cloth, lesser cloth, coarse hemp, and rope for ships;
Yaeyama (ten ships): white rice, barley;
Kumejima (nine ships): cotton cloth, millet (awa), and millet (kibi);
Kikai (five ships): polished rice, millet (hie), and buckwheat.” (Gregory Smits, pg 188)
Taxes received in Shuri in 1606

Amami Islands:
Iron: “Iron sand has been discovered at the Maehata and Ōufu sites within the group. The sand provided iron for metalworking. Iron products from Kikai eventually found their way to Okinawa.” (pg 20)
Yet Amami seems to still be a net importer, “People in the northern Ryukyu islands acquired iron and iron goods mainly via the shell trade.” (Gregory Smits, pg 22)
Shells: “Turbo-shell trade and trade in exotic products such as large conch shells and sea-turtle shells remained important” (Gregory Smits, pg 21), “Matsunoto in the Kasari peninsula of Amami-Ōshima was a major turbo shell processing site.” (Gregory Smits, pg 22)
Clay: “Especially significant was kamuiyaki stoneware, produced mainly in Tokunoshima and shipped throughout the Ryukyu islands and as far north as Kyushu;” “Kilns have been found elsewhere in the region, but Tokunoshima was the main manufacturing site, and Kikai served as the chief distribution center for kamuiyaki.” (Gregory Smits, pg 21-22) Even has its own wikipedia page (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kamuiyaki_ware)

Ryukyu often traded lumber for goods so there should be a lumber province on Okinawa (also the island is literally a tropical forest) [To Embrace and Protect: Managing Wind, Water, and Trees in the Ryukyu Kingdom by Byyun Chen, “Ryukyu, which lacked minerals but was rich in timber, had been able to sustain itself by importing metal from Satsuma in exchange for wood”)

The only legumes I could find were ‘possibly’ beans. Clearly, even if they were grown, they were not significant. The vast majority of their diet was rice, local foods (fish), and grains like wheat and millet. I think the legumes should be removed and replaced with more significant goods.

From what I’ve read tea trees were not present in Ryukyu until the 1600s, Tea should then be an import. Also even if there was tea it wasn’t a significant part of their domestic production and export economy, I still think it should be excluded.

Stone (specifically Ryukyu Limestone) is a possible resource, it was used a lot and mined in central/southern Okinawa. Unlike all the other goods (besides subsistence goods like rice) I can’t find much evidence of stone export.

Salt is a possible resource, Ryukyu was known for its high quality salt, especially that from Yaeyama.

“More broadly, we know of roughly one hundred and fifty ironworking sites in villages unconnected with large gusuku. These sites produced “Weapons, armor, agricultural tools, fishing tools, building tools, knives, and iron cauldrons.” In 1376, Chinese Ministry of Justice Vice Minister Jì Hào returned from Ryukyu after purchasing forty horses and 5,000 jīn of sulfur. He reported a low demand there for luxury items such as silk, figured cloth, or gossamer fabric. Instead, Ryukyuans valued porcelain and metal axes. It makes sense, of course, that most Ryukyuans of the time would have prized items of practical utility” (Gregory Smits, pg 94) “Swords from Okinawa became popular export items during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries.”(Gregory Smits, pg 99) If reasonable the Ryukyuan archipelago should be importing iron and producing various iron items for export.

Okinoerabushima’s wokou exported horses to China, “If an early Ming emperor needed several hundred head of military horses and was willing to pay a high price for them, wakō groups in…Okinoerabu island had the livestock and know-how to convey them to China.” (Smits, 40-1)
“The main horse pasture in the Ryukyu islands was Okinoerabu, whose topography is mostly flatland atop a raised coral reef.” (Smits, pg 71)
“The tribute goods delivered to China included Okinawan textiles, sulphur (from Tori-jima), and horses, which the Chinese appear to have valued highly.” (Kerr 66)

“...turbo shells (kurokariya) produced at Kumejima.” (Smits 22)

Finally want to bump the sulfur guy (link:https://forum.paradoxplaza.com/foru...s-44-1st-of-january-2025.1724420/page-5#posts)

So my recommendations based off what I’ve read
Kikai: Iron or Fish
Amami: Shells or Rice
Tokunoshima: Clay
Okinerabushima: Horses
North Okinawa: Rice
Central Okinawa: Lumber
Southern Okinawa: Sturdy Grains
Kumejima: Shells or Iron
Miyako: Fish or stone
Yaeyama East: Pearls
Yaeyama West: Salt
Yonaguni (if there): Rice or Fish

Thank you for reading, may Amamikyu bless glorious Ryukyu

Sources:
Okinawa History of an Island People by George Kerr
Maritime Ryukyu 1050-1650 by Gregory Smits

Hello, I've got some extra notes and revisions based on my notes on Smits' second book (Early Ryukyuan History: A New Model)...

Before I begin I just want to mention that Smits makes some claims that are outside the typical model of Ryukyuan history but in my recommendations I avoid anything too far outside of the standard model for Ryukyuan history in my suggestions. Smits makes it clear when he's making an argument for a new paradigm and when he's stating well established knowledge.

So first off, some horse beating...

“The thirteenth century was a time of transition. The emergence of large fortresses (gusuku) in Okinawa at the start of the fourteenth century marked a shift in relative prominence. Places such as Nakijin, Katsuren, and Urasoe in Okinawa began to outpace harbors in northern islands in the accumulation of wealth and power.” (Smits, 47)
“Kikaijima was the location of advanced technology, vast wealth, and potential power.” (Smits 91)
“Tokunoshima, Amami-Ōshima, and Kikaijima constituted a region of intense economic activity. [Kikai] was a thriving international trade hub. It received manufactured products and raw materials from all over the East China Sea region, and it was also a manufacturing site itself. Items shipped out of Kikaijima. (Smits 94)"
“The scale of illegal trade with China in [Miyako and Yaeyama] during the fifteenth century was vast.” (Smits 243)
“Kumejima was a powerful and prosperous place, closely connected with China, Japan, and the rest of the Ryukyu Islands…[Sacred Songs fron the 1400s-1500s collected into the Omoro] indicate that in addition to being valuable territory in its own right, Kumejima was a nexus. It possessed a commanding view of the sea lanes.” (Smits 249)
“[Kumejima] was of great importance to the origins of the Second Shō dynasty. There were close connections between key institutions of the Second Shō dynasty and Kumejima. The hiki system, which organized personnel who functioned as soldiers, sailors, and general-purpose laborers, emerged in connection with Shuri’s conquest of Kumejima. Moreover, Shuri’s high priestess (Kikoe-ōgimi), several Nakijin priestesses, and the (Oni-)Kimihae priestess of Kumejima were all closely connected with each other. Indeed, there is a rich web of interconnections between Kumejima and its deities, the religious hierarchy that Shō Shin created, the royal rituals created during the reign of Shō Sei…Makishi Yōko has explored these connections thoroughly in a recent book examining the origin and nature of royal rituals and institutions during the first half of the sixteenth century…[Kumejima] was a valuable source of iron. Furnaces there produced iron from iron sand, and the island itself was a natural fortress ideally located for control of sea lanes between the Ryukyu Islands and China (Smits 247)”
“[Kikai] resembled a medieval Japanese city like Hakata or Kamakura, albeit on a smaller scale.” (Smits 92)
“During the early fourteenth century and possibly slightly earlier, people from…Miyako…began sailing to island Southeast Asia to acquire valuable tropical products for trade…some Mìyágǔ 密牙古 (Miyako) people…were caught in a storm, blown to China…in 1317. [ ] Some of the excavated pottery [from 1300s Miyako] includes items from Korea, Vietnam, and other Southeast Asian locations…Notice that someone who understood the language of the islanders was found in China and that a ship sailed from China in the direction of Miyako. Most likely some direct trade between Chinese merchants and Miyako and/or Yaeyama was taking place…it is likely that several communities in Miyako were cooperating in the trade. [ ] In 1390, for the first time, pepper and sappanwood were listed as items that Chūzan presented to China as tribute. Contact with the southern Ryukyu Islands enabled Chūzan to ship those items, which came from tropical Asia and were much valued in China. Moreover, these two products were listed in the items Chūzan sent to Korea in 1389…Bora Miyakoans traded as far afield as Southeast Asia at the start of the fourteenth century, and possibly earlier…Chūzan obtaining pepper and sappanwood via trade with Miyako sailors, who obtained the items in Southeast Asia” (Smits 61-63)
“Given the details of that incident, it is entirely possible that traders from Miyako had been sailing to Southeast Asia and China even before the fourteenth century.” (Smits 171)
“In 715 a total of seventy-seven people from Shigaki (Ishigaki), Kumi (either Kumejima or Kome on Iriomote), Amami, Yaku, and Tokan (Tokunoshima)...were present at court, all of whom presented tribute…Interestingly, no Okinawans are mentioned…In the eyes of the Yamato court, Okinawa was not a major participant in southern island exchanges.” (Smits, 82)
“As was the case with Okinawa, during the fourteenth century [Miyako and Yaeyama] became more populous and active…The number of settlement sites increased rapidly during the fourteenth century, totaling more than thirty around Miyako and in nearby islands. Clearly, the population increased…From the late fourteenth century onward, Chinese goods poured into the southern Ryukyu Islands in relatively larger quantities than was the case in Okinawa or the Japanese mainland.” (Smits 171-2)
“Southern islands products resulted in the establishment of a new trade network during the eleventh and twelfth centuries, which extended all the way to the Yaeyama Islands. (Smits, 100)”
As I said before, around 1337, Okinawa would be on par if a little ahead of the weakening Kikai with Sakishima (Miyako, Yaeyama) gradually growing identically as organized political forces in their own right where they would fight wars (sometimes successfully) with their neighbors and Okinawa itself in the 1400s. I’d like to reiterate there’s little difference between the development of any of the Ryukyuan Islands so they should all be tags or all not be tags. Except possibly Yonaguni but I will discuss that later.

“Hokama then examines the distribution of Okinawa’s population in 1611 (including other Ryukyu Islands), in 1872 (Okinawa only), and in 2011 (Okinawa Prefecture). He notes that the basic population distribution has not changed for four hundred years. (Smits, 142)”

“By 2008, over one hundred kilns had been discovered in Tokunoshima, and kamuiyaki had been excavated from sites in western Kyushu and throughout all the Ryukyu Islands. The production of kamuiyaki dates from the eleventh century, a time when [Kikai] was a thriving international trade center. (Smits 42)” Due to the clear trading relationship between Tokunoshima and Kikai I further making Amami and Tokunoshima as parts of a Kikai polity.

“Products made from Ryukyu Islands cone snail shells…from the Lèlàng area….the quantity of cone snail products in Korea increased significantly [around year 400] A similar situation occurred regarding products made from Ryukyu Island turbo shells. Turbo shell spoons/ladles have been excavated from Silla and Gaya [in Korea]. Ryukyu Island turbo shells made their way to Korea and helped fuel trade from approximately the late fifth century onward. They are found as funerary goods in the Goryeong Jisandong Tumuli and at four places as funerary goods in the royal tombs of Silla and Gaya…At all these tombs, shell ornaments, whose raw material came from the Ryukyu Islands, have been found…This situation indicates exchange and trade networks linking the Ryukyu Arc and the Korean Peninsula.” (Smits 54-55)
“the “road of shells” (kai no michi). Trade in seashells and their products linked the ancient Ryukyu Islands to…the island of Tsushima…southwest Honshu and…Hokkaidō…The early phase began around the start of the Yayoi era, circa 1000 BCE, and it continued through the seventh century CE. The latter phase began in the ninth century and continued until the fifteenth…In Kyushu, craftspeople then made the shells into bracelets and other products. In return for the shells, Ryukyu islanders received pottery, cloth, and other trade goods.” (Smits 57-58)
“Seashells were the most common economic product of the islands of the Ryukyu Arc. In addition to the cone, conch, and turbo shells discussed previously, giant trumpet shells (gohoragai) were a prized commodity.” (Smits 80)
“First, the [Ryukyus] were the only location in [East Asia] where turbo shells were present. Many other valuable shells and southern island products were found most abundantly in the Ryukyu Islands. (Smits 264)”
Further evidence of the importance of the shell (pearls) trade for the islands, the region and its long history. Further Ancient Ryukyu: An Archaeological Study of Island Communities by Richard Pearson devotes the whole of chapter 6 to the shell trade (When I have time I'll go through my notes of that book and post here if I find anything juicy, final post I promise lol).

“[Okinawa] has good timber and water resources in the North, as well as large tracts of land in the south that can support a relatively large population.” (Smits 98)

“[Tokunoshima] constituted one of four large pottery regions in the Japanese Islands, and kamuiyaki production was on a par with the other great kiln sites in Japan. (Smits 115)”


Now for some new information...

“Control of the northern Ryukyu Islands by the Chikama at this time was surely one reason why those islands interacted much less often with Okinawa and the southern Ryukyu Islands. The 1333 fall of the Hōjō greatly weakened the Chikama, as did the rise of the Shimazu family.” (Smits 170) Keep in mind this ‘control’ was likely entirely nominal and the Japanese exercise no control over these areas. Yet I think it warrants giving Japan a claim to the Ryukyu Islands north of Okinawa.

“The deepwater harbor of Naha could accommodate large Chinese ships.” (Smits 98)

“an [jomon derrived] indigenous population, coexisted for a relatively long time: the late twelfth century until the late thirteenth or early fourteenth…The indigenous population disappeared entirely in the fourteenth century. (Smits 96)” It would seem that a group of Jomon people existed along the archipelago in parallel. The culture could be called Nanban. Maybe Kumaso or Hayato could be used but those are names for groups long gone in Kyushu. Otherwise, I can’t think of a name.

“Kikaijima lacks significant forests. Therefore, the lumber for the Gusuku buildings had to be imported…from nearby Amami-Ōshima. Eighty-five percent of Amami-Ōshima is forest. Its natural resources include manganese, copper, gold, silver, and coal. Indeed, mining continued on the island into the early twentieth century, and the ruins of old gold and silver mines remain.” (Smits 92)

One of the big themes of the book is migration like the last one. As I mentioned before the Ryukyus should have Japanese, Korean and a few Chinese minorities but given what I’ve read in this book these Korean minorities should probably be extended to ports across Kyushu and neighboring islands with most as Korean burghers. It might be too granular since they would be a much smaller proportion of the population than in Ryukyu but this book makes a good argument that they had a large cultural and genetic impact, so they probably came in significant enough numbers consistently over the years. No quotes because this point is essentially the entire book.

When it comes to Yonaguni, there’s little information pre 1400. It's likely it was a weaker polity, although the absence of evidence is not evidence of absence. Although the lack of large Gusuku on the island is notable. Even if it wasn’t in 1337, it would be quickly after the start date by 1400, so I stand by my recommendation that it be its own location and tag. However given its weaker status and less integral nature to the history of the Ryukyus, it's probably the least objectionable exclusion.

“for 1260 notes that the Korean island of Jeju attracted many foreigners. Chinese merchants and “island wajin,” meaning people from Iki and Tsushima, visited Jeju constantly…an entry in Joseon Veritable Royal Records for 1482 notes that Jeju Island is a gathering place for people from other regions who take to the sea. In short, from the thirteenth century through the fifteenth, wajin and wakō, many of whom were Korean, connected coastal Korea, Jeju Island, Tsushima, Iki, and ultimately the entire core cultural zone [Korean Coast through Kyushu to the Ryukyus]. (Smits, 57)” Some diversity in Jeju and other islands at the time period largely due to Wokou and preexisting connections that could be represented with diverse pops.

“The twelfth- and thirteenth-century population of Miyako was relatively small, but during the fourteenth century, it grew rapidly. (Smits 113)” Miyako was a rising power in 1337 likely due to the trade with Southeast Asia.

“However, one intriguing passage from History of Song (Sòngshǐ) suggests the Yaeyama Islands served as bases for marauders…the southern Ryukyu Islands must have possessed significant military power. (Smits 114)” Yaeyama should probably also be a Wokou tag like Kume and Okinerabushima.

Miyako location and/or polity could be called Bora after the important trading town there, “In Chronicle of Wēnzhōu…mentions of people from “Bora” can be found into the fifteenth century. Shipwrecked Koreans who came to Miyako in 1477 recorded the place as “Bora Miyako.” As late as 1477, therefore, “Bora” stood for Miyako. (Smits 62)”

“At the other end of the Ryukyu Arc, local powers in Miyako depended heavily on lumber from Iriomote in the Yaeyama Islands. (Smits, 65)” Maybe Yaeyama could be lumber

“During both the Song and Yuan eras, Persian, Arab, Jewish, and Armenian merchants resided in the Jiāngnán trading cities and formed foreign enclaves along the coast.” (Smits 175) Some diversity that could be added in Chinese ports as well.

“In 681, court envoys sent to Tanegashima returned with a map and noted that the island was rich in marine products and grew rice, with one planting yielding two harvests per year (Smits, 81)” Tanegashima could be fish or rice

“Although turbo shells are found in Okinawa as well, Amami-Ōshima, especially the Kasari Peninsula, was the most important location for turbo shell collection…” (Smits 93-94)

Notes on geography that might be helpful
From pages 64-66
High Islands: Yakushima, Amami-Ōshima, Kakeroma, Tokunoshima, Iheya, Kumejima, Tonaki, Kerama, northern Ishigaki, Iriomote, Yonaguni and the northern part of Okinawa (north of modern Ishikawa).
Fruit trees grow well
Large scale agriculture difficult
Lower population

Low Islands: Tanegashima, Kikaijima, Okinoerabu, Yoron, central and southern Okinawa (south of modern Ishikawa), Miyako, Irabu, Tarama, southern Ishigaki, Taketomishima, and Hateruma
Formed of limestone which is good for building materials
Less lumber
Higher population
Grasses (especially sugarcane), root vegetables (think taro or later potatoes), and other vegetables grow well

ReRecommendations for Goods:
Kikai: Iron
Amami: Pearls (as stand in for Shells)
Tokunoshima: Clay
Okinerabushima: Horses
North Okinawa: Lumber
Central Okinawa: Taro (in the book he demonstrates that Taro and not Rice as usually claimed (by a mile really) was the most common agricultural crop in the Ryukyus (roughly 75% of their cultivated land compared with rice’s 10%), before getting replaced by the potato, the Ryukyus have soils better suited to Taro as well)
Southern Okinawa: Fish (besides its importance southern Okinawa was quite resource poor)
Kume: Iron
Miyako: Stone
Yaeyama East: Pearls
Yaeyama West: Lumber
Yonaguni (if there): Fish

Stay tuned because I'm preparing a post on some Ryukyu flavor. I don't know if it's Japanese enough for me to post it in the eventual (I assume) Japan flavor talk, so it'll be posted as a discussion post when I get around to it.

 

[FTPlayz]

I think "Shinbutsu" would be a much better name for the Japanese religion, after so much debate about the Mahayana label in China it seems a bit ironic to have the opposite extreme in Japan. It might be a more unknown name, but it is only one google search away.

Also, some options for the Ainu religion could be "Iyomante" or "Kamuy-ism", but this change might not be important. "Iyomante" is the name of a very important festival, while "Kamuy" is the name for Ainu deities and spirits.

adding on top of the religious debate, it makes it a bit weird that the melding of Shinto and Buddhist practices that intermeshed with the teachings of Confucian and Taoist principles due to the sect origin in China, which makes the representation of Shinto all the more weirder.

 

[itoma_aikon]

Observations on Location Boundaries​

I have observed the boundaries of Locations and summarized any discrepancies. Many of them are minor details.
If necessary, I can provide images, so please let me know if you need them.
Note that the "Province" here does not refer to the "Province" in the game, but rather the "Province" in the Japanese ritsuryo system.

Concerning Province:​

• Kawachi Province (Osaka) does not face the sea and should be adjacent to Kii Province. (Accordingly, its notation should be changed to "Kahachi.")
• The eastern border between Shima Province and Kii Province should be slightly further north (according to Wikipedia).
• Kuraki District of Musasi Province is currently included in "Kamakura," but it should belong to "Tachibana."
• The northern border of Hitachi Province follows the current prefectural border.
• Among the two pointed sections on the border between Mino Province and Hida Province, the eastern one should be even sharper. Additionally, the northernmost point of Mino Province should be further west (Edited on 3/3) .
• "Sirakawa" should be included in Iwaki Province. (As a result, the shape of "Sirakawa" should also be adjusted.)
• "Kazuno" belongs to Rikuchu Province, but since it is an enclave, is it fine to leave it as is?
• Regarding Wakasa Province, there are already other cases where two Locations make up one province, so it should be fine to establish another.
• The pointed section on the border between Tajima Province and Harima Province should be smoother.
• The eastern pointed section of "Aita" in Mimasaka Province extends too far south.
• The pointed section directly east of "Abu" in Nagato should be sharper.
• The northern border between Chikugo Province and Hizen Province should run parallel from north to south.
• The border between Osumi and Satsuma is misaligned from north to south.
• Iki Province should exist as a Location.

Concerning Districts:​

• The Haibara District of Totomi Province is divided; can the shape of this Location be adjusted?
• The Niihari District of Hitachi Province is divided; can the shape of this Location be adjusted?
• Due to the aforementioned reasons, the northern part of Hitachi Province has become disorganized.
• The east-west boundary of "Turuga" in Wakasa Province should be moved westward, and its notation should be changed to "Mikata" accordingly.
• The border between "Nei" and "Niikawa" in Etchu Province should be moved westward.
• The current border between "Naka" and "Kaifu" in Awa Province follows modern lines, but the historical western boundary should be further north.
• The western border between "Uwa" and "Kita" in Iyo Province should be further south.
• The southern border between "Amabe" and "Ono" in Bungo Province should be moved westward.
• It seems that "Aira" and "Hishikari" in Osumi are splitting Kuwabara District (though I am unsure how to resolve this issue given the previous points).

---

References
Takeuchi, Rizo.1975. 荘園分布図　上／下巻. Tokyo: 吉川弘文館

I have marked it on the map. However, it is not accurate, so please check a precise old map before making any edits.

Additionally, I have made some corrections to the original post and rearranged some parts.

 

[viola]

Kind of a very late reply, but at the time of release of this Tinto Map I guess I was more concerned about the religious discussion. Looking back at the map it got me wondering: isn't there somewhat of a lack of impassable areas and mountains in Japan? Shouldn't the region be extremely hard to navigate for armies?

 

[itoma_aikon]

Observations on Location Boundaries​

I have observed the boundaries of Locations and summarized any discrepancies. Many of them are minor details.
If necessary, I can provide images, so please let me know if you need them.
Note that the "Province" here does not refer to the "Province" in the game, but rather the "Province" in the Japanese ritsuryo system.
This post does not consider Hokkaido and Okinawa.

Concerning Province:​

• Kawachi Province (Osaka) does not face the sea and should be adjacent to Kii Province. (Accordingly, its notation should be changed to "Kahachi.")
• The eastern border between Shima Province and Kii Province should be slightly further north (according to Wikipedia).
• Kuraki District of Musasi Province is currently included in "Kamakura," but it should belong to "Tachibana."
• The northern border of Hitachi Province follows the current prefectural border.
• Among the two pointed sections on the border between Mino Province and Hida Province, the eastern one should be even sharper. Additionally, the northernmost point of Mino Province should be further west (Edited on 3/3) .
• "Sirakawa" should be included in Iwaki Province. (As a result, the shape of "Sirakawa" should also be adjusted.)
• "Kazuno" belongs to Rikuchu Province, but since it is an enclave, is it fine to leave it as is?
• Regarding Wakasa Province, there are already other cases where two Locations make up one province, so it should be fine to establish another.
• The pointed section on the border between Tajima Province and Harima Province should be smoother.
• The eastern pointed section of "Aita" in Mimasaka Province extends too far south.
• The pointed section directly east of "Abu" in Nagato should be sharper.
• The northern border between Chikugo Province and Hizen Province should run parallel from north to south.
• The border between Osumi and Satsuma is misaligned from north to south.
• Iki Province should exist as a Location.

Concerning Districts:​

• The Haibara District of Totomi Province is divided; can the shape of this Location be adjusted?
• The Niihari District of Hitachi Province is divided; can the shape of this Location be adjusted?
• Due to the aforementioned reasons, the northern part of Hitachi Province has become disorganized.
• The east-west boundary of "Turuga" in Wakasa Province should be moved westward, and its notation should be changed to "Mikata" accordingly.
• The border between "Nei" and "Niikawa" in Etchu Province should be moved westward.
• The current border between "Naka" and "Kaifu" in Awa Province follows modern lines, but the historical western boundary should be further north.
• The western border between "Uwa" and "Kita" in Iyo Province should be further south.
• The southern border between "Amabe" and "Ono" in Bungo Province should be moved westward.
• It seems that "Aira" and "Hishikari" in Osumi are splitting Kuwabara District (though I am unsure how to resolve this issue given the previous points).

---

References
Takeuchi, Rizo.1975. 荘園分布図　上／下巻. Tokyo: 吉川弘文館

If you don't mind having the same name, "Kawachi" is better than "Kahachi".
Similarly, Sunto in Suruga Province should be Suruga.

 

[suin_choi]

I advise setting the population of Goryeo at between 3 million and 3.5 million, instead of 2.5 million, around 1340. First of all, the estimated population of the Goryeo Dynasty is as follows. According to Wars, epidemics and reduction of population during Goryeo Dynasty, it was estimated around 2.9 million and 3 million, around 1230. There was also damage from the war, but it seems more reasonable to estimate it at over 3 million, considering the subsequent recovery.

Wars, epidemics and reduction of population during Goryeo Dynasty

Another study in 1996 estimated the population of Goryeo in the middle of the 12th century to be around 2.5-3 million.

Finally, considering that the population of the Korean Peninsula was about one-third that of Japan in the 1925 survey, I think the gap disclosed in the forum was even greater than then. Therefore, I recommend revising the population of Goryeo to around 3 million to 3.5 million around 1340. I think this is more fitting for actual history than 2.5 million.
Of course, I think the figure of more than 4 million at the time is too much. I hope Paradox will consider my suggestion positively.