Chapter 33: The Vienna Conference (Part 2)
"MacArthur’s journey through Africa and the Azores en route to the Vienna Conference served as a prelude to the later Washington Conference. It was a personal tour of recognition, from Salazar to Tubman, allowing MacArthur to meet America’s allies face-to-face and reaffirm their shared commitment to the idea of the Free World, first outlined by Wallace and later adopted by MacArthur."
-David Rynman, The First Vienna Conference, 1978
President MacArthur boarded a military plane in Norfolk (which was still recovering from the siege undertaken by the forces of the 1st Army during the Civil War) on January 15th. He still had ten days to reach Vienna and was determined to make the most of the journey. From America, MacArthur flew to the Azores (for now, like other parts of Portugal, under American military control) to meet with Antonio Oliveira Salazar. This former ambassador to Washington D.C. had been the main cause behind the capture of Lisbon and the occupation of that strip of European territory that had been such a headache for the Internationale and for some Americans (among them Vice President Robert Taft). During their meeting, Salazar attempted to convince MacArthur to end the occupation and establish a military/authoritarian-style government in Lisbon aligned with the United States, along with the possible return of Angola and Mozambique.
Unfortunately for Salazar, the 24 hours with MacArthur did not serve to convince him. On the contrary, it only reaffirmed the need to finally decolonize the Portuguese enclaves. In his opinion, the rise of syndicalism in the colonies was precisely due to the fact that they were colonies (Although there were other factors, MacArthur was mainly influenced by this thesis from his Secretary of the Treasury. And it would prove true, since granting political representation to the natives caused many syndicalist associations to lose strength or disappear altogether. However, other theses from Baruch, such as the idea that segregation empowered syndicalism in the US, were strongly countered by others, like Chieff of Staff Johnson, who cited how the South had risen up with Long, while it was the northern white workers who had joined Jack Reed).
Because of these opinions, MacArthur assured Salazar that within two months he would form a Portuguese government of democratic nature. Although this was not what the former finance minister wanted, MacArthur gave Salazar time to prepare and found his own party, the Aliança Cristã Nacional (National Christian Alliance). This advantage allowed Salazar to win the post of President of the Republic in the March elections, even though the post of Prime Minister went to the National Republican Union.
"Poster of Portuguese electoral propaganda for the Partido Cristã Nacional. As can be seen by the sole presence of Salazar on the poster, the newly formed party was little more than a personalist vehicle centered around him. Only later would the party evolve into a true political organization."
However, Salazar faced a failure with regard to the colonies. MacArthur announced that he believed in the self-determination of both regions, to avoid national uprisings that neither MacArthur nor Portugal could defend against. In addition, MacArthur reminded Salazar that the syndicalist government of South Africa was doing everything it could to stir unrest in the areas and drive the Portuguese out. “Is all that effort really worth it?” MacArthur asked him, to which Salazar replied, “Was it worth it to recover Hawaii?”
At this exchange, MacArthur, who had no time to argue, began to lose patience and withdrew from the meeting, leaving Secretary of State MacNider and General Eisenhower to deal with Salazar. After several hours of meetings, Salazar announced that he would legally begin decolonization once the elections had passed (both territories were under the control of American soldiers, so MacArthur and the delegation were merely being polite. Had they wanted to, they could have liberated the zones without Lisbon’s permission). In return, the Americans committed to investing in Portuguese infrastructure and industry, which had lost industrial hubs such as Oporto. This investment satisfied much of the population, which was also weary of war. Except for several thousand nationalists, very few cared about colonies while the rest of their country remained occupied.
After leaving the Azores, MacArthur traveled to Monrovia, where he met with President William Tubman to strengthen relations between the two countries. Very open to American investment, Tubman announced that he would add another 20,000 soldiers to the American forces in Africa, in exchange for them being under Liberian control. MacArthur had no problem with that. In addition, Tubman was the first, in an informal conversation with MacArthur, to offer the idea of creating “A network of alliances among us, the members of the free world. Russia has one. The syndicalists have another. Even Japan has its sphere. We, from Canadians to Algerians, must have ours, led by the United States.” This idea would become the founding idea of the Washington Conference.
Once there, MacArthur also took advantage of two days to rest, visit the American troops, review them, and reward the men who deserved recognition. First, MacArthur personally delivered a presidential pardon to General Patton. Although MacArthur was resentful, he was capable of recognizing that the old General had been helpful. He even offered him a position in the American Army. However, Patton preferred, for the time being, to remain as General of Liberia. He would not return to America until 1942. On another note, MacArthur awarded Major Mark Clark with a medal, as well as a promotion to commander. He would become second-in-command under Marshall in the American forces in Africa.
Thus, on January 24, 1941, Douglas MacArthur became the first sitting President of the United States to visit a European state. His arrival in Vienna was marked by a grand and highly ceremonial military parade, organized by the Russian delegation, who were hosting the conference. Rows of Russian soldiers marched in precise formation down the Hauptallee, tanks rumbled past the gathered diplomats, and banners bearing the double-headed eagle of the Russian State flew alongside American flags as a gesture of goodwill. Despite the impressive display, MacArthur’s reception felt anticlimactic. Rather than being greeted by the Vozhd himself, Boris Savinkov, the American delegation was met by Mikhail Georgievsky, the Russian Foreign Minister.
"Photograph of Mikhail Georgievsky in 1924. After serving in the White government during the Civil War, he worked at Moscow University between 1923 and 1927 as a Professor of Political Science. In 1926, he joined Savinkov’s party. Over time, he became one of the leading figures of the national-solidarist faction (the moderate conservatives)."
Georgievsky, ever the skilled diplomat, greeted MacArthur warmly but quickly offered an apology: Savinkov had taken ill and been transferred to Moscow for rest and treatment. MacArthur, though disappointed, did not show it outwardly. he representatives of the Internationale (France and Britain) were not expected to arrive until the following day. This gave Georgievsky and MacArthur an opportunity for a private, preliminary discussion in one of the palace’s side salons, away from the crowds and reporters. During this quieter moment, the Russian minister outlined his government’s position ahead of the conference. Russia, he explained, would support the American position on several key disputes: the creation of a French Goverment in Exile, the "full independence" of Portugal under democratic control, and the continued American presence in Malta. In return, Georgievsky requested that the United States adopt a more flexible stance on two crucial matters for Russia.
First, he asked that the Americans quietly sabotage any attempts by the Internationale to push through a binding arms limitation treaty, one that Russia saw as favoring the syndicalist powers disproportionately. Second, and more sensitive, Georgievsky sought MacArthur’s tacit support, or at least neutrality, regarding Russian interests in the ongoing Middle Eastern conflict. Russia hoped to increase its influence in the region, particularly in Persia and the Caucasus, and feared that any strong American condemnation would embolden syndicalist-backed factions in the area.
MacArthur listened carefully, weighing the offer. While not fully aligned with Russian ambitions, he saw the strategic value in their proposal. The promise of Russian backing in Western Europe, especially on the question of Corsica, a hotly contested point between France and the US Navy, could prove invaluable. Moreover, weakening the Internationale’s push for disarmament would allow the United States to maintain its rearmament programs under the guise of global security. After a brief discussion with his Secretary of State, Hanford MacNider, MacArthur accepted the terms. It was a pragmatic decision. With this preliminary accord in place, the stage was set. MacArthur returned to his residence in Vienna to prepare for the full assembly the next day, when the representatives of the Internationale would arrive. As night fell over the Austrian capital, the President looked out over the Danube and reflected on the days ahead. Peace might be possible, but only on terms defined by the victors.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
The night was cold, and the road ahead remained long. Although the Conference wouldn't begin until 1 p.m., after Valois’s arrival, MacArthur was determined to gain the upper hand beforehand. It wasn’t just a matter of personal hatred for syndicalism—it was also a matter of electoral popularity. Since October 1940, he had drafted several bills he wanted to present to Congress. They were… unorthodox. Because of that, he needed to be immensely popular if he wanted to push them through. He knew Taft and Dewey would oppose him. The more popular the Administration, the better.
The door to the room opened, and a young man stepped inside, one who bore a strong resemblance to MacArthur. The President rose from his bed and embraced him.
- Douglas!
- Uncle,- said the U.S. ambassador to Russia and the President’s nephew. - I’ve come from Moscow. Thought you might need my help.
- Sit, please. Can I get you anything?
They both sat, the uncle in his armchair, the nephew at the edge of a desk.
- I’m pleased to see you took some of my cabinet suggestions, Uncle.
- Yes. It’s undeniable that Johnson’s been of great help, as has Patrick Hurley.
- Hurley will be essential against the Red threat, Uncle. With him, we won’t have to worry about that scum ever again.
MacArthur only nodded silently.
- But Uncle, I’m concerned about some people in your cabinet.
- Oh? Why is that?
- Some of them have… dangerous ideas.
MacArthur looked at him with interest.
- What do you mean, nephew?
MacArthur II stood up and began ranting about several names on the list, just as he had rehearsed.
- Baruch? Have you heard his ideas about nationalizing vital industries? For God’s sake, Uncle, he supported Long!
- As did your friend Ridgway.- The President countered.
- Ridgway’s been nothing but loyal, Uncle.- said MacArthur II defensively. - And you know that.
- I don’t deny it. But we can’t keep two-thirds of Americans from participating in our democracy.
His nephew laughed.
- You call what we have at home a democracy? With military districts that have no vote or voice? With black-site prisons where we torture Reds day and night? With the FBI and the Army having more influence than ever in national affairs?
- I didn’t take you for a liberal, Douglas.
- I’m not a liberal, Uncle. But at least I don’t lie to myself. We are a Statocracy, let’s stop pretending otherwise.
- And you think that’s wrong?
- No. But let’s be honest about it. Let’s end the farce. Dissolve Congress and the Senate. Get rid of those crypto-syndicalist scum calling themselves Progressive Democrats. Disband the Supreme Court, throw that Red Frankfurter out of power, and replace him with someone loyal—a true patriot!
MacArthur looked sternly at his nephew.
- What you’re talking about is treason, nephew.
- Treason to what? To this Republican charade?
MacArthur stood up from his seat.
- My duty as President is to turn that charade back into a nation.
- How, Uncle?
MacArthur said nothing. MacArthur II seemed to understand.
- Your inaugural speech… now I get it. You’re planning to give the vote back to the Reds, aren’t you?
- There are thousands of innocent Americans who can’t vote...
- They should’ve voted better in ‘36! Look at Russia, Uncle! They had a democracy too after their brutal civil war. And where did that lead? Economic ruin, chaos! We need to learn from them and centralize the state!
MacArthur looked at him, grave.
- I see you’ve learned much from your Russian friends, Douglas.
The young man met his gaze and realized he had crossed a line. He sighed and sat back down.
- Even if we disagree, I’m still glad we’re forming a united front with Moscow against the Reds. That’s the only way we can win this war.
- There is no war, Douglas.
- With all due respect, Uncle, since Jack Reed won the election, we’ve been at war. Whether we like it or not.
After that, the ambassador to Russia and the President’s nephew left the room without another word. MacArthur sighed. His nephew’s views were… radical. He wondered whether it would’ve been wiser to assign him elsewhere, or if it wasn’t too late to bring him back to America. The influence of national populism was beginning to show. An aide handed him a note. MacArthur saw it was a telegram sent by William D. Leahy, his Secretary of the Navy. A man loyal to the country, not to MacArthur himself. And that was valuable. Very valuable. That’s why, knowing he wasn’t partisan like others, MacArthur had entrusted him with the most important scientific-military operation in history. Or so it was said.
He opened the message.
FERMI-CAPTURED-BY-HOOVER-STOP
INITIAL-INVESTIGATION-BEGUN-STOP
OPPENHEIMER-IN-LAB-WITH-TEAM-STOP
MANHATTAN-PROJECT-INITIATED
MacArthur smiled. Maybe his nephew was right. Maybe they were at war.
But MacArthur was no longer afraid. If the Reds dared attack, he would strike back with everything the United States had. Everything.
Even the kind of weapons once thought to belong to God alone.
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
As he's a military man, I don't think MacArthur will agree to any "possible arms limitation". The others he might agree to (but releasing socialist prisoners will probably be with the asterisk that they immediately leave for Internationale countries).
Honestly, I don’t believe it either. NO ONE would agree to disarmament, especially with the Russians in Transamur in open revolt. And I doubt MacArthur will let the prisoners go...
This has been a riveting story so far and I can’t help but wonder what the MacArthur presidency will look like.
Without the 22nd amendment, there is a clear path for our dear president to bring peace, justice, freedom, and security to his new republic
It’s curious how this story began as the tale of how Herbert Hoover’s "establishment" tried to survive the rise of radicalism. Now, it’s become the story of how that same establishment , with Hoover retired and pushed out of power, is trying to survive against MacArthur, an authoritarian figure.
It remains to be seen whether this Conference of Vienna will be as successful as the the one at the end of the Napoleonic Wars. There are many topics to get through and any one of them could blow the whole thing up.
Also, so many high ranking figures in one place could lead to an assassination.
Yes, the Conference is in Vienna as a reference to the one in 1815

. We’ll see how it all unfolds.
Back up to date again. Poised for an interesting period: one gets the impression that the main participants at the Vienna Conference will soon be at each other’s throats, fighting over bits they didn’t get and thought they should have. And then there’s Japan and the rest of Asia …
Without a doubt, the Conference is a rather... strange idea. In the next part, I’ll explain it in more detail , whose idea it was, etc. It’s also worth noting that, with all the states exhausted, I doubt anyone will try to start a war… for now. And as for Japan, we’ll be talking about it very soon.